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ANNALS 


OF  THE 


GREAT    STRIKES 


UN"    TZHIIE   TJiTITED  STATES. 


A  Reliable  History  and  Graphic  Description  of  the   Causes 

and   Thrilling    Events  of  the   Labor  Strikes 

and   Riots  of  1877. 


I  ILLUSTRATED 


BY 

Hon.  J.  A.  DACUS,  Ph.D. 
Late    of  the    Editorial    Staff    St.    Louis    Republican. 


Chicago  : 
L.  T.  PALMER    &    CO. 

Philadelphia,  W.    R.  Thomas: 
St.  Louis,    Scammell  &.  Co.:  Cincinnati,   \V.  S.  Fokshek  &  Co. 

18  7  7. 


COPYRIGHTED. 

L.  T;  PALMER  &  CO. 

A.  D.   1877. 


Geo.  J.  Titus  &  Co.,  Kingsbury  &  Wilsok, 

Printers.  Binders. 


•^1 

H  U  3  a. 


PREFACE. 

To  collect  and  arrange  the  facts  and  incidents  con- 
nected with  the  history  of  the  great  labor  strikes  in  this 
country,  is  an  undertaking  of  so  much  importance  that 
it  must  commend  itself  to  the  favorable  consideration  of 
the  American  people.     The  interest  in   events  of. the 
nature  and  character  of  those  treated  of  in  the  following 
pages  cannot  prove  to  be  ephemeral.     An  epoch  in  the 
history  of  the  nation  is  here  marked,  and  from  it  will  be 
dated  the  beginning  of  political  discussions,  and  social 
movements  which  are  destined  to  enlist  the  profound 
attention  of  thinking  minds  throughout    the   civilized 
world.     These  events  are  phenomenal.     The  world  is 
witness  to  a  spectacle,  the  like  of  which  has  never  before 
been  presented.     A  Republic  still  regarded  in  the  light, 
of  an  experiment,  having  lately  terminated  a  long  and 
fierce  sectional  conflict  by  engaging  in  one  of  the  great- 
est wars  of  modern  times;  having  achieved  order,  recon- 
ciliation and  peace  between  all  sections,  having  demon- 
strated the  greatness  and  magnanimity  of  the  people; 
having  extorted  from  the  enemies  of  liberal  institutions 
acknowledgements  that  self-government  was  a  possibility, 
having  accomplished  all  these  things—this  Republic  sud- 
denly startles  the  world;  drowns  the  noise  of  strife  on 
the  Bulgarian  plains,  and  among  the  Balkans,  and  draws 
exclusive  attention  to  a  social  emeute  on  this  side  the 
Atlantic,  unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  time.     Astonish-' 

372560 


IV.  PREFACE. 

ing  as  was  the  suddenness  of  the  movement,  3'et  no  less 
surprising  was  the  facility  and  rapidity  with  which  law, 
order,  and  profound  peace  were  restored. 

In  this  uprising  of  the  laborers  against  their  employers, 
aggravated  as  it  was  by  the  early  appearance  on  the 
scene,  of  a  vast  number  of  theorists,  and  dangerous 
characters,  who  sought  their  opportunity,  durino-  the 
reign  of  general  tumult  to  subvert  the  very  fundamen- 
tal principles  of  social  order,  we  have  gained  a  deeper 
knowledge  of  the  character  of  the  American  people. 
Sudden  as  a  thunder-burst  from  a  clear  sky,  the  crisis 
came  upon  Ihe  country.  Hundreds  and  thousands  of 
men  belonging  to  the  laboring  classes,  alleging  that  they 
were  wronged  and  oppressed,  ceased  to  work,  seized 
railroads,  closed,  factories,  founderies,  shops  and  mills, 
laid  a  complete  embargo  on  all  internal  commerce,, 
interrupted  travel,  and  bid  defiance  to  the  ordinary 
instruments  of  legal  authority.  Commencing  at  Camden 
Station,  Baltimore,  and  at  Martinsburg,  West  Virginia, 
in  three  days  the  movement  had  extended  to  Pittsburgh, 
Newark,  Ohio,  Hornellsville,  Fort  "Wayne  and  a  hund- 
red other  points.  State  militia  forces  were  encountered 
and  repelled.  The  whole  country  seemed  stricken  by  a 
profound  dread  of  impending  ruin.  In  the  large  cities 
the  cause  of  the  strikers  was  espoused  by  a  nondescript, 
class  of  the  idle,  the  vicious,  the  visionary  and  the  whole 
rabble  of  the  Pariahs  of  society.  No  standing  army  was 
available,  and  these  classes  absolutely  controlled  the 
country. 
•     During  these  few  days  of  the  reign  of  the  strikes,  it 


PREFACE.  V. 

seemed  as  if  the  whole  social  and  political  structure  was 
on  the  very  brink  of  ruin.  From  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific  the  laws  were  momentarily  subverted ;  officers, 
civil  and  military  were  for  the  time  being  powerless  to 
•compel  or  restrain,  yet  the  outrages  committed,  such  as 
might  have  been  expected  in  a  time  of  high  excitement 
and  the  reign  of  passion,  were  confined  to  a  few  great 
cities,  in  which  a  large  element  of  vicious  and  idle  per- 
sons were  to  be  found. 

These  are  features  of  the  Great  Strikes  which  awaken 
-our  profound  attention,  and  demand  that  the  record  be 
made  up  while  the  events  are  still  fresh  in  the  minds  of 
the  people.  No  better  testimonial  to  the  sterling  worth 
of  the  American  character,  no  better  evidence  of  their 
fitness  for  self-government,  can  be  produced  than  is  fur- 
nished by  their  conduct  in  rising  in  majesty  in  favor  of 
law  and  order,  during  the  Nation's  trials.  The  Ameri- 
can people  are  emphatically  upholders  of  the  principles 
-of  social  order  and  the  reign  of  law.  For  these  reasons 
the  author  has  undertaken  the  onerous  task  of  gathering 
up  the  scattered  facts  which  go  to  jjaake  up  the  complete 
history  of  the  Great  Strikes. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  work,  the  author  has 
-experienced  no  little  difficulty,  not  from  the  paucity,  but 
from  the  plethora  of  materials  at  hand.  Care  has  been 
exercised  to  separate  fiction  from  fact,  and  every  possible 
endeavor  has  been  made  to  secure  accuracy  in  statements 
and  details.  In  all  cases,  where  it  has  been  possible  to  do 
so,  a  careful  investigation  as  to  the  correctness  of  alleged 
facts  has  been  gone  into  by  the  author.     It  is  believed, 


VI.  PKEFACE. 

that  in  all  essential  respects,  the  volume  herewith  pre- 
sented for  the  approval  of  the  American  public,  is  accu- 
rate and  reliable.  The  brief  time  which  has  elapsed  since 
the  events  treated  of  occurred,  has  of  course  rendered  it 
impossible  to  make  a  thorough  investigation  of  minor 
incidents.  The  author  does  not  claim  for  his  work  a 
high  standard  of  literary  excellence,  but  the  claim  is 
prefered,  that  it  possesses  real  historical  value,  inasmuch 
as  all  the  principal  events  of  the  critical  period  through 
which  the  country  has  passecl  are  here  concisely  and 
truthfully  recorded.  For  these  reasons  the  work  is  com- 
mended to  the  consideration  of  an  appreciative  public. 

J.  A.  DACUS. 

St.  Louis,  Mo.,  Sept.,  1877. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    I. 
Relations  Be: wen  Capital  and  Labor. 

Condition  of  the  Country — The  Duty  of  Patriotic  Citizens — The  Mis- 
takes of  Capitalists — The  Faults  of  the  Workingmen — The  Poor 
Man's  Hopes  the  Rich  Man's  Protection — The  Conditions  of 
Social  Order.        -  -  -  -  -  -  15 

CHAPTER    II. 
Strike  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad. 

A.  Circular  to  Employes  —  Ten  per  cent.  Reduction  in  Wages  An- 
nounced— How  the  News  was  Received — A  Delegation  of  Em- 
ployes—  The  Officers  of  the  Road  will 'not  Reconsider — Com- 
mencement of  the  Strike  —  Trains  Stopped  at  Martinsburg — 
Trouble  at  Baltimore.      -----  27 

,       CHAPTER    III. 
A  Day  of  Dread. 

The  Strike  Continues — The  Governor  of  West  Virginia  Confesses  his 
Inability  to  Suppress  Disorders — An  Appeal  to  President  Hayes — 
Proclamation  of  the  Chief. Magistrate — Military  Companies  Dis- 
armed by  Strikers — The  Third  Day  of  the  Strike,  and  the  Alarms 
it  brought — Wide  Extent  of  the  Disorders — Portentous  Mutter- 
ings.  .......  36 

CHAPTER    IV. 
Culmination  of  the  Crisis. 

Soldiers  and  Strikers — Fears  Realized — From  Baltimore  to  Chicago — 
Pittsburgh  Affected — The  Pennsylvania  Railway  Embargoed — 
Intense  Excitement  Throughout  the  Country — Successful  Emis- 
saries— Immense  Extent  of  the  Labor  Movement.         -  46 


5  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    V. 
Riot  and  Ruin. 

Progress  of  the  Great  Strikes — Social  Disorders — "The  Dangerous 
Classes" — The  Commune  Comes  Upon  the  Scene — Intense  Excite- 
ment Throughout  the  Country — Dealings  with  Death  in  Baltimore 
— Alarm   Throughout    the   Country — Proclamations   and    Orders. 

CHAPTER    VI. 
The   Tocsin  Sounds  in  Baltimore. 

The  Gathering  Mob — Thronged  Streets  and  Angry  Men — Terrible 
Exhibition  of  Passion  and  Temerity — Soldiers  Stoned  by  Rioters — 
Sharp  Volleys  and  Sudden  Deaths — A  Night  of  Terror — Alarm 
Bells— The  Torches'  Red  Glare.  ...  67 

CHAPTER    VII. 
The  Internationalists. 


\ 


The  Baltimore  Mob  Not  Railroad  Strikers — The  Communistic  Tend- 
ancy  in  American  Cities — Destructive  Theories — Danger  to  the 
Country  Threatened — An  Element  to  be  Feared — Some  Account 
of  the  Origin  of  the  Association.  ...  76 

CHAPTER    VIII. 
The  Reign  of  Anarchy. 

The   Commune  in    Baltimore — A    Paralyzed    State    Government — An 

Appeal   to   the  President — A   Perilous   Situation — Apprehensions 

felt    by   the   Administration — Another  Riot — Clubs  and  Skulls — 

\     A   Mob  of  Twelve  Thousand   People — From  the  Atlantic  to   the 

\     Mississippi — The  Country  in  an  Uproar — Precautions — Unparal- 

l)    leled  Demonstrations.     -----  88 

CHAPTER    IX. 
The   Trouble  in  Pennsyliania. 

Beginning  of  the  Strikes  —  The  Cause  Assigned — The  System  of 
"  Double  Headers  " —  Formidable   Character  of  the   Movement — 


CONTENTS.  Vt 

Freight  Transportation  Suspended — No  Concessions — Measures  of 
Repression  Taken — Dangerous  Indications  in  Pittsburgh.  ioo 

CHAPTER     X. 
A  Night  of  Terror  at  Pittsburgh. 

The  Culmination — A  Sea  of  Fire — Death-Dealing  Volleys — The  Spirit 
of  Desolation  Lighting  the  Torch  of  Destruction — A  Horrible 
Spectacle — A  Reign  of  Terror — The  Commune  Gains  a  Brief  but 
Fearful  Ascendancy — The  City  Sacked  by  a  Howling  Mob — An 
End  of  all  Lawful  Authority — The  Ghouls  of  Pillage  Abroad  in 
the  Glare  of  the  Devouring  Fires — Millions  of  Property  Resolved 
into  Smoke  and  Ashes.  -  -  -  -  112 

CHAPTER   XL 
Given  Over  to  Pillage. 

The  Great  Conflagration — Demoniac  Satisfaction — The   Reign  of  the 
Commune — Besieged  Soldiers — Abandoned  Artillery — The  Miser- 
able   Retreat — Pittsburgh    Given    Over    to    the   Mob — Scenes   of 
Pillage — Citizens  at  last   Aroused — A  Vigilance  Committee — Re- 
storing Order.      -  -  -  -  -  -  129 

CHAPTER    XII. 
General  Movements  in  Pennsylvania. 

Difficulty  at  Erie — Rioters  near  Bethlehem — Sunbury  Strikers — A 
Rabble  at  Altoona — Meadville  Militia — MauchChaunk  Characters 
—  Lebanon  Valley  Villianies — Marietta  Marauders — Wilkesbarre 
Disturbances — Shenandoah  Colliers — Hazards  at  Harrisburg — 
Scranton  Miners — Hazelton  Isolated — The  Johnstown  Mur- 
ders. -------  143 

CHAPTER    XIII. 
The   Tumult  at  Buffalo. 

The  Beginning  of  the  Trouble — A  Militia  Company  Arrives — Exasper- 
ated Strikers — Business  Suspended — The  Railways  all  Cease  to 
Transport  Freight — Threatening  Outlook — Governor  Robinson's 
Proclamation — Military  Movements-The  Strike  Collapses.  154 


10  /  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    XIV. 

The  Federal  Administration. 

Precautionary  Measures — The  Rioters  Declared  to  be  in  a  State  of 
Insurrection — Indications  of  Trouble  in  other  Regions — General 
Schofield  ordered  to  Washington — Determination  to  send  General 
Hancock  to  Pittsburgh — The  Rule  of  the  Mob  to  be  Overthrown 
by  the  Friends  of  Law  and  Order.  ...  164 


CHAPTER    XV. 
Affairs  in  Philadelphia. 

The  Call  for  Troops — Gathering  the  Militia — Anxious  Days — Governor 
Hartranft  and  Mayor  Stokely  —  A  Street  Riot  —  Dispersing  a 
Meeting — Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott  and  the  Locomotive  Engi- 
neers— Philadelphia  a  Nicer  Place  than  Pittsburgh.      -  182 

CHAPTER    XVI. 
The  Strike  on  the  Erie  Railroad. 

The  Strike  at  HornelHville— The  Road  Completely  Blockaded  at  that 
Point — The  Demand  of  the  Strikers — Action  of  the  Officers  of  the 
Road — The  Situation  at  the  Home  Office,  New  York — Apprehen- 
sions of  Further  Complications.  ...  iQ2 


CHAPTER    XVII. 
Reckless  Slaughter  at  Reading. 

The  Fourth  Pennsylvania  Millita  at  Reading— General  Frank  Reeder 
Undertakes  to  Restore  Order — Bold  Rioters  Tantalize  the  Citizen 
Soldiery — Without  Orders  They  Fire  into  a  Crowd  of  Peaceable 
Citizens — Thirteen  Killed  and  Thirty-seven  Wounded — Not  a 
Rioter  Hurt — A  Boy  Horribly  Mangled — Five  Police  Officers  Vic- 
tims of  the  Bullets — A  Lady  Shot,  while  Engaged  at  her  Sewing 
Machine — Terrible  Anger  of  the  Citizens  and  Rioters — Threats  of 
the  Mob — General   Reeder's  Sworn  Statement.  -  205 


CONTENTS.  11 

CHAPTER    XVIII. 
Jersey   Trainmen. 

Threatened  Riot  at  Phillipsburgh — The  Trainmen's  Strike — Intense 
Excitement  at  Trenton — Governor  Bedle  Takes  Decisive  Action — 
Disagreeable  Demonstrations  at  Jersey  City — Militia  at  Hoboken 
— Governor  Bedle  goes  to  Newark  and  Jersey  City — Guarding  a 
Bridge  at  Brunswick — Soldiers  Sympathizing  with  Strikers — The 
Jersey  Central  Railway — Relieved  Soldiers  Rejoicing.  223 

CHAPTER    XIX. 
New    York  Agitated. 

The  Excitement  in  the  Great  City — "The  Dangerous  ("lasses"  Care- 
fully Watched — Getting  Ready  for  Contingencies — Numerous  Regi- 
ments of  Militia  Ordered  Out — No  Strikes  but  Serious  Apprehen- 
sions Felt — The  Internationals  Active — A  Great  Commuuistic 
Meeting  in  Tompkins  Square — What  They  Demanded  of  Society 
— Gay  Times  at  the  Armories — Ready  Warriors  without  Foes  to* 
Face — Escaped  the  Danger.         -  234 

CHAPTER    XX. 
Away  from  the  Metropolis. 

Rochester's  Wave  of  Trouble — A  Slight  Shock  at  Albany — Syracuse 
Seriously  Threatened — Other  Places  Experience  Some  Uneasiness 
The  Conclusion  of  the  Blockake  at  Hornellsville — The  Empire 
State  Comes  out  of  the  Great  Strikes  Almost  Unscathed.  258 

CHAPTER    XXI. 
Onward  Through  Ohio. 

Events  in  the  Buckeys  State — An  Ugly  Mob  at  Columbus — Marching 
Around  and  "Shutting  Manufactories  Down" — Festive  Firemen 
at  Collingswood — Marching  Through  Zanesville — The  Breeze  at 
Newark — Cincinnati's  Fortunate  Escape — A  Mayor  Harmless  but 
Wise— He  Talks  Kindly  to  the  Strikers— And  They  Hear  Him 
Gladly — Trouble  at  Toledo.         ....  272- 


12  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    XXII. 
Insolence  in  Indiana. 

The  Strike  Inaugurated  at  Fort  Wayne — Trackmen  and  Trainmen — 
Indianapolis  Taken  in — Terre  Haute  Yields  to  the  Popular  Up- 
rising— Miners  at  Brazil — Mayor  Cavin  of  Indianapolis  Indisposed 
to  Interfere — Governor  Williams  not  Certain  that  it  is  any  of  his 
Concern  Except  to  Keep  the  Peace — United  States  Judges  and 
Bankrupt  Railroad  Receivers — Freaks  of  the  Strikers — They  Cap- 
ture a  Railroad.    -  -  -  -  -  -  289 

CHAPTER     XXIII. 
Chances  for  Chicago. 

The  Tidal  Wave  Reaches  the  Illinois  Metropolis — The  Bad  Elements 
Restive — The  Tramps  Marching  in  by  Hundreds — Chances  for 
Plunder — The  Commune  Commences — Boastful  Manifestos — Ab- 
surd Demands — The  Social  Atmosphere  Grows  Misty — Precaution- 
ary Measures  by  Civil  and  Military  Authorities — Noisy  Demon- 
strations of  the  Internationalists — Citizens  Philip  Van  Patten  and 
George  Schilling.  .....  307 

CHAPTER    XXIV. 

Pistols  and  Clubs. 

It  Comes  at  Last — Riotous  Roughs — Socialists  Serving  Satan— A  Well 
Organized  Police  Force — The  Military  all  Ready — Hot  Heads  at 
Halstead  Street — Resisting  Arrest — The  Police  Persist,  are  Resist- 
ed and  resort  to  Pistols  and  Clubs — Intense  Excitement — A  Scene 
of  Bloodshed  and  Death — At  the  Viaduct — Triumphant  Law — 
Roughs  Retire — Dead  in  the  Streets — Then  Peace.        -  327 

CHAPTER    XXV, 

Anxious  Days  Elsewhere  in  Illinois. 

At  the  State  Capital — Peoria  Strikers — Miners  in  the  Southern  Section 
— The  Braidwood  Troubles — Troops  Sent  Down — Matters  at  Mat- 
toon — Effingham  Idlers — The  Trainmen  at  Many  Points — Shutting 
up  Shop  in  Various  Provincial  Towns — Peace  Restored.  343 


CONTENTS.  15 

CHAPTER    XXVI. 

Blockade  of  the  Great  Bridge. 
t 
Excitement  in  East  St.  Louis — Scenes  on  "  Bloody  Island  " — Council  of  j 

the  Trainmen — A  Night  at  Heims  Hall — Hite's  Thrilling  Oratori 

cal  Flight — "Oppressed  Labor" — "The  Exectutive  Committee  " — 

Bold    Jack    Benson — Organized   for   Business — Across   the   Great 

Bridge — Trains  Stopped — Slight  Dissension  Among  the  Strikers — 

Blue  Coats  in  the   Early  Morning — General  Jeff.  C.  Davis  Moves 

Over — Resigning  Potentates — Governor  Cullom— -General  Bates — 

Exemplary  Conduct  of  the  Strikers — The  Last  Scene.  -  352 

CHAPTER    XXVII. 

Demonstrations  in  St.  Louis. 

The  Strike  in  the  West — East  St.  Louis  sends  Emissaries  Across  the 
Great  Bridge — The  Workingmen  Aroused — The  Valley  Metropolis 
Shaken  by  a  Mighty  Wave  of  Excitement — Marching  Mobs — The 
Internationalists — Vox  et  Prceterea  Nihil — Black  Bummers — Dis- 
graceful Scenes — The  Mob — Demand  of  the  Pacific  Railroad  Em- 
ployes— Oliver  Garrison,  General  Manager — How  he  Broke  the 
Back-bone  of  the  Strike — Measures  for  Protection.       -  36s 

CHAPTER    XXVIII. 
"The  Storming  of  Schiller's  flail." 

"  To  Arms  !  " — Down  with  Lawlessness — The  Giant  of  Communism 
rather  Ghostly — Governor  Phelps — Mayor  Overstolz — General  A. 
J.  Smith — The  Mighty  Executive  Committee — More  Phantom  than 
Fact — An  Important  Undertaking — Seven  Hundred  Armed  Men 
— They  March  to  Storm  the  Hall  of  "  The  Workingmen's  Party  of 
the  United  States  " — Schuler's  Hall  Captured — The  Vanquished 
Commune — A  Grand  Parade — Prevention  better  than  Cure.  3S7 

CHAPTER    XXIX. 
Minor  Incidents  of  the  Missouri  Strikes. 

Interest  in  the  Strikes — Kansas  City — The  Sedalia  Trainmen — The 
Missouri,  Kansas  and  Texas  Railway — Hannibal  and  St.  Joe — 
"Strike  Smashers" — The  General  Tumult — Growing  Quiet — The 
Decline — The  End — Peace,         -  -  -  406 


14  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    XXX. 
San  Francisco 's  Problem. 

The  Workingmen's  Sympathies  for  Strikers — A  Mass  Meeting — The 
Hood  lums  on  the  Alert — Concocting  Mischief — Race  Riots — 
Incendiarism — Chinese  Wash  Houses — The  Hoodlum's  Aversion 
— Destructive  Conflagration — A  Vigilance  Committee — Chasing 
the  Roughs — A  Bloody  Scene — The  Aroused  Citizens  Crush  the 
Mob  Spirit — Peace  Restored.      -  -'  -  -  413 

CHAPTER    XXXI. 
The  South  and  the  Strikes. 

All  Serene  in  Dixie — A  Slight  Ripple  in  Texas — Speedy  Restoration  of 
Peaceful  Relations — "Old  Virginia  Never  Tires" — Southern  Men 
Offer  Services  to  Restore  Order  in  Northern  States — The  Era  of 
Sectional  Harmony — Law  and  Order.     ...  428 

CHAPTER   XXXII. 
Minor  Developments  of  the  Strikes. 

How  a  Strike  was  Averted  on  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad — Concessions 
to  the  Men— A  Settlement  at  Memphis  Tennessee — Declaration  of 
the  Supreme  Council  of  the  Labor  Union — Order  of  Melakhto — 
Rights  and  Privileges — Sympathizers  with  the  Strikers — The  En- 
gineers' Brotherhood  at  Pittsburgh — Views  and  Opinions.  466 


INTRODUCTION 


CHAPTER  I. 


Relations  Between  Capital  and  Labor. 


Condition  of  the  Country — The  Duty  of  Patriotic  Citizens — The  Mis- 
takes of  Capitalists — The  Faults  of  the  Workingmen — The  Poor 
Man's  Hopes  the  Rich  Man's  Protection — The  Conditions  of  Social 
Order.  

Republican  government  in  this  country,  has  just  been 
subjected  to  a  strain  greater  than  any  which  our  system 
lias  been  before  required  to  sustain.  It  is  true,  that 
great  armies  were  not  organized  to  meet  in  the  shock  of 
battle  ai  in  the  civil  war  between  the  North  and  South. 
Nor  were  powerful  sections  arrayed  against  each  other. 
But  the  phases  assumed  by  the  recent  conflicts  are  far 
more  threatening  to  social  organization  and  political 
stability,  than  was  the  terrible  contest  waged  between 
sections  from  1861  to  1865.  In  that  collision,  the  North 
represented  the  idea  of  the  organic  unity  of  the  several' 
States  of  the  Federal  Government,  the  South  the  idea  of 
State  Sovereignty,  but  both  represented  the  principles  of 
social  order,  and  contended  for  the  reign  of  law.  But 
we  have  witnessed  an  uprising  of  no  mean  magnitude, 
which  represented  nothing  in  common  with  the  funda- 
mental principles  of  Republican  institutions.  The 
history  of  the  Great  Strikes  of  1877,  affords  materials 
for  thought,  a  basis  for  the  most  profound  reflections. 


16  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

The  causes  which  produced  the  results,  so  startling  to 
the  friends  of  liberal  institutions,  have  not  ceased  to 
operate,  and  as  a  consequence  the  records  of  the  events 
connected  with  the  inception,  progress  and  culmination 
of  the  disorders,  must  prove  to  he  an  interesting  study  to 
all  thinking  minds.  The  very  foundations  of  American 
society  have  been  disturbed ;  the  whole  political  struc- 
ture has  been  made  to  sway  to  and  fro,  as  if  about  to  be 
overthrown. 

The  strength,  the  fearful  power,  which  stopped  the 
wheels  of    commerce,  closed    the  marts  of    trade,    and 
threatened    to   engulf    all    wealth,    institutions,    social 
organization, — everything  in  the  vortex  of  ruin,  was  not 
the  offspring  of    a  conspiracy,   was   not   generated   by 
elaborate   planning,    and    did   not   result   from    mature 
deliberation.      And  in  this  very  fact,  the  man  of  calm 
reflection  discovers,  not  far  ahead,  the  rocks  on  which 
the  ship  of  State  is  likely  to  be  driven— on  which  every 
hope  of  mankind  may  be  wrecked.      If  it  had  been  a 
deliberately  planned  and  concerted  movement;  if  those 
engaged  in  it  had  exhibited  evidence  of   organization, 
then  its  failure  would  have  given  a  better  promise  of 
enduring  peace  and  order.      But  the  spontaneity  of  the 
movement  shows  the  existence  of  a  wide  spread  discon- 
tent, a  disposition  to  subvert  the  existing  social  order,  to 
modify  or  overturn  the  political  institutions,  under  which 
such    unfavorable   conditions   were   developed.      Some- 
where,   there    must    be   something    radically  defective 
either  in  the  system,  or  in  the  manner  of  its  control. 
Such  spontaneous  demonstrations  by  large  masses  of  the 
people,  as  have  been  witnessed  in  the  United  States  in 
the  year  1877,  do  not  take  place   without  a  sufficient 


RELATIONS   BETWEEN    CAPITAL    AND    LABOR.  IT 

cause.  To  discover  that  cause  and  take  measures  for  its 
removal,  is  one  of  the  first  and  most  important  duties 
required  of  the  patriotic  citizen. 

Theories  in  abundance  have  been  advanced  ;  oracular 
assertions  that  this  or  that  measure  of  the  general  gov- 
ernment is  responsible  for  the  existing  unrest,  have  been 
made ;  the  convenient  talk  about  shrinkage  in  values  ; 
the  failure  of  the  government  to  furnish  the  people  with 
a  sufficient  supply  of  legal  tender  treasury  notes ;  the 
payment  of  the  interest  on  the  National  debt ;  the  pro- 
tective tariff ;  the  demonetizing  of  silver,  all  these  have 
been  assigned  as  the  cause  of  "  hard  times,"  and  to  the 
"  hard  times,"  as  the  immediate  cause,  the  scenes  described 
in  this  work  are  attributed.  But  are  these  sufficient  to 
furnish  an  explanation  satisfactory  to  the  student  of 
social  science  ?  Never  before  in  this  country — perhaps  in 
no  other  country  in  the  world — have  so  vast  a  number 
of  men  taken  part  in  riots  and  strikes  for  increased 
wages.  It  was  an  impulsive,  perhaps  an  imprudent  out- 
burst, and  certainly  it  was  characterized  by  violence  and 
lawlessness,  that  cannot  be  palliated  or  excused.  The 
supremacy  of  the  law  is  an  essential  condition  of  social 
order,  and  without  social  order,  the  right  to  private  prop- 
erty, the  right  to  personal  security  cannot  be  assured. 
Social  disorganization  means  political  death.  "With  the 
reign  of  anarchy  commence  the  miseries  of  the  people 
without  distinction  of  class.  In  the  throes  of  expiring 
society,  all  alike  become  victims. 

But  social  disorders  cannot  take  place  in  the  midst  of 
a  prosperous  community.  The  alarming  movements  of 
the  present  year  are  the  logical  results  of  the  condition 
of  society.     They  are  but  evidences  of  deep  sufferings 


18  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

among  a  large  class  of  the  people  of  this  country.  Some- 
where great  wrongs  have  been  committed,  and  society 
must  pay  the  penalty  for  crimes.  The  study  of  the  natu- 
ral causes  that  govern  the  rate  of  wages,  is  a  study  of 
the  causes  that  distribute  wealth  to  the  mass  of  mankind. 
Capitalists  cannot  afford  to  oppress  laborers,  because  such 
oppression  endangers  their  own  security.  It  is  a  fact 
that  in  those  countries  where  the  highest  wages  are  paid 
we  find  the  highest  typa  of  civilization,  and  a  more  equal 
distribution  of  wealth.  Where  a  large  majority  of  the 
people  are  poor,  the  few  who  are  rich  cannot  be  assured 
of  protection.  It  is  in  the  power  of  those  above  to  lift 
up  those  below ;  but  it  requires  time  for  the  opeiation 
of  moral  and  natural  causes,  while  it  is  but  the  work  of 
a  day  for  the  lowest  to  drag  down  the  highest.  The  first 
ripple  of  disturbance  to  the  industry  of  the  country  is 
felt  soonest  by  those  nearest  to  destitution,  and  the  prob- 
lem is  how  to  remove  that  small  number  from  want,  and 
thus  ensure  social  security.  This  cannot  be  done  except 
as  wealth  is  more  bountifully  distributed  to  them  through 
higher  wages.  The  part  of  wisdom,  it  seems,  should 
dictate  such  a  policy  by  the  owners  of  capital.  The 
American  people  are  not  yet  ripe  for  anarchy,  because 
perhaps  a  majority  of  the  adult  population  either  have 
homes,  or  cherish  the  hope  that  they  will  have  homes, 
and  because  of  this  interest  in  the  government,  they  are 
the  staunch  friends  of  order,  and  the  upholders  of  law. 
But  neither  government  nor  social  order  can  be  maintained 
when  the  majority  of  the  people  are  homeless  and  hope- 
less. The  poor  man's  hopes  are  the  rich  man's  protection. 
The  condition  of  Mexico  may  be  cited  as  an  illustration 
of  the  position  here  taken.    A  country  containing  a  pop- 


RELATIONS    BETWEEN    CAPITAL    AND    LABOR.  19 

illation  of  upwards  of  nine  millions  of  souls  is  owned  by 
less  than  a  hundred  thousand  proprietors."  What  has 
been  the  result  of  this  ill-distribution  of  wealth  ?  The 
answer  is,  fifty  years  of  anarchy.  The  poverty  of  the 
masses  is  fatal  to  the  security  of  the  wealthy  proprietors. 
In  Mexico  wages  are  at  least  fifty  per  cent,  less  than  the 
average  in  the  United  States.  That  country  has  sunk 
beneath,  even  the  contempt  of  the  most  enlightened 
nations. 

But  the  evil  results  of  low-paid  labor  should  be  antici- 
pated in  good  season,  before  it  inundates  and  overwhelms 
the  nation,  and  destroys  every  hope  of  a  successful 
republic- 
It  is  cheap  labor,  more  than  any  other  fact,  that  most 
endangers  our  institutions — cheap  labor  serving  corporate 
wealth,  intent  upon  nothing  but  more  wealth.  Here  is 
where  capitalists  make  the  gravest  mistake,  and  the  great 
strikes  of  the  present  year  should  be  taken  as  a  whole- 
some warning.  Capitalists  consider  their  direct  interest 
in  the  cheap  labor  they  hire,  and  not  their  indirect  inter- 
est in  the  dearer  labor  that  buys  what  wealth  wishes  to 
sell. 

The  number  of  laborers  who  can  buy,  must  be  laro-e 
or  many  of  those  who  produce  to  sell  will  have  little  or 
nothing  to  do.  Buyers  are  as  important,  in  order  to  have 
prosperity,  as  sellers ;  and  those  who  buy  are  those  who 
have  something  with  which  to  pay.  Poverty  demoral- 
izes, destroys  self  respect,  and  in  time  will  make  the 
honest  laborer  a  dangerous  member  of  society,  by  lower- 
ing his  opinions.  And  this  lowering  of  the  opinions  of 
the  laboring  class  with  respect  to  the  mode  in  which  they 
should  live,  is  perhaps  the  most  serious  of  all  evils  that 


20  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

can  befall  them.  Let  them  once  accept  the  alternative 
presented  by  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  and  undertake  to 
exist  upon  "  bread  and  water,"  and  become  contented 
with  such  a  condition,  and  they  may  bid  a  long  adieu  to 
anything  better.  It  does  not  require  a  very  profound 
observer  to  arrive  at  the  conclusion  that  the  best  inter- 
ests of  society,  the  interest  of  the  capitalists  themselves,, 
require  that  the  rate  of  wages  should  be  elevated  as  high, 
as  possible, — that  a  taste  for  comforts  and  enjoyments,, 
should  be  widely  diffused,  and  if  possible,  interwoven 
with  national  habits  and  prejudices. 

But  justice  compels  to  the  declaration  that  such  has- 
not  been  the  policy  of  the  managers  of  the  great  corpor- 
ations in  this  country.  They  have  persistently  sought  to 
reduce  wages  of  the  laborers,  while  at  the  same  time 
there  has  been  a  gradual  increase  in  salaries  paid  to  the 
managers  and  their  assistants.  Thomas  A.  Scott  while 
receiving  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  thousand  dollars 
in  salaries  per  annum,  for  managing  property  interests- 
which  in  part  belongs  to  himself,  cannot  very  consist- 
ently insist  upon  a  sum  less  than  four  hundred  dollars 
per  annum,  as  the  proper  compensation  for  the  services 
of  a  man  whose  peculiar  employment  requires  that  he 
must  be  vigilant,  prompt,  and  constantly  exposed  to  dan- 
ger. Then  again,  the  system  of  watering  stocks  of  rail- 
roads and  other  corporations,  debars  the  managers  from 
the  privilege  of  pleading  a  failure  to  earn  interest  as  an 
excuse  for  cutting  down  the  wages  of  labor.  Perhaps- 
Wm.  H.  Vanderbilt  is  not  able  to  secure  ten  per  cent, 
interest  on  the  stocks  of  the  New  York  Central  Railroad. 
But  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  par  value  of  the 
stocks    of    the   New   York   Central    Railroad,    exceeds 


RELATIONS    BETWEEN    CAPITAL    AND    LABOR.  21 

«eighty- two  thousand  dollars  per  mile,  or  upwards  of 
fifty- live  thousand  dollars  per  mile  more  than  the  cost  of 
'the  road — more  than  the  actual  cash  investment.  It  is 
<mite  possible  that  Mr.  Vanderbilt  would  have  no  diffi- 
culty in  earning  a  dividend  of  fifteen  per  cent,  on  the 
actual  amount  of  money  invested,  and  have  enough  earn- 
ings left  to  make  a  handsome  dividend  to  every  employe 
of  the  road. 

And  here  we  find  the  immediate,  potent  cause  of  the 
Great  Strikes.     Depression  in  business,  but  more  impor- 
tant still,  depression  in  transportation  rates  brought  about 
by  the  jealousies  and  hostility  to  each  other  of  Thomas 
A.  Scott,  John  W.  Garrett,  and  William  H.  Vanderbilt, 
rendering  it  necessary  to  reduce  operating  expenses  in 
-order  to  "make  something," — that  is  ten  per  cent,  on 
their  largely  increased   amount  of   stock.      The  lower 
•order  of  laborers  were  first  to  feel  the  weight  of  this 
curtailment  of  income.     Meanwhile  the  higher  grades  of 
employes  were  still  receiving  salaries  not  much  less  than 
were  obtained  ten  years  ago,  when  the  whole  country 
was  enjoying  unparalleled  prosperity.     The  higher  offi- 
cers of  companies  received  higher  salaries  in  1876  than 
they  obtained   in    1886,  notwithstanding  the    immense 
change  in  values  which  had  taken  place. 

The  reduction  of  ten  per  cent,  in  the  wages  of  labor- 
ers, which  was  made  by  a  majority  of  the  railway  com- 
panies throughout  the  country  during  the  first  half  of 
the  year  1877,  was  sufficient  to  evoke  the  earnest  protests 
of  the  men  affected  by  the  curtailment  of  their  income. 
Had  the  reduction  on  all  the  roads  which  have  cut  the 
wages  of  their  employes,  taken  effect  at  the  same  time, 
it  is  probable  that  a  general  strike  would  have  taken 


22 


THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 


p]ace  earlier  in  the  season.  But  the  date  of  reduction 
was  not  the  same  on  any  considerable  number  of  the 
roads.  Petitions  and  remonstrances  from  employes  of" 
railroad  companies  were  received  by  their  employers, 
but  were  wholly  disregarded.  A  feeling  of  discontent 
was  engendered,  while  the  burden  of  "hard  times" 
weighed  more  heavily  upon  workingmen. 

The  mine  was  already  prepared,  a  spark  only  was 
necessary  to  cause  an  explosion.  That  was  supplied  by 
the  action  of  the  managers  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad.  The  pressure  put  upon  their  employes  elicited 
the  spark,  and  the  explosion  followed.  Commencing  at 
Martinsburg,  West  Virginia,  in  less  than  three  hours  the 
strike  was  fully  inaugurated,  and  had  already  reached 
Baltimore.  The  line  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Rail- 
way was  completely  invested  by  the  strikers  in  less  than 
twenty  hours.  From  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railway 
the  strikes  extended  first  to  the  Connellsville  branch, 
then  to  the  Pennsylvania  system,  Pittsburgh  and  Fort 
Wayne,  and  other  railways.  In  an  incredibly  short 
space  of  time,  strikes  had  taken  place  in  Maryland, 
Pennsylvania,  West  Virginia,  Ohio,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Indiana,  Michigan,  Illinois,  Kentucky,  and 
Missouri.  Fifteen  thousand  men  were  en^ag-ed  in  the- 
strikes. 

The  whole  country  was  profoundly  agitated.  The  up- 
rising had  assumed  a  dangerous  aspect.  A  feeling  of 
alarm  and  dread  quickly  succeeded  the  first  impulsive 
feeling  of  sympathy  entertained  by  the  masses  for  the 
strikers.  The  vast  numbers  engaged  in  the  strikes 
against  the  railroads,  their  apparent  determination,  the 
general  belief  that  they  were  well  organized  and  pre- 


RELATIONS   BETWEEN    CAPITAL    AND    LABOR.  23 

pared,  produced  a  dangerous  effect  upon  the  idle  and 
vicious  classes  in  all  the  large  cities.  Labor  unions 
were  suddenly  aroused  into  unwonted  activity,  and  dis- 
played alarming  vigor.  "  The  Workingmen's  Party  of 
the  United  State-,"  which  is  but  another  name  for  the 
"  International  Association  of  Workingmen,"  which  has 
caused  so  much  anxiety  to  the  governments  of  Europe, 
came  forth  from  its  shadowy  coverts,  and  what  had  been 
regarded  as  a  phantom  party,  assumed  a  realistic  atti- 
tude that  caused  a  thrill  of  astonishment  and  terror  to 
fall  upon  the  urban  populations  of  the  country.  Noth- 
ing to  compare  with  the  demonstrations  of  the  Inter- 
nationalists in  all  the  larger  cities,  by  day  and  by  night, 
had,  at  any  time,  been  witnessed  in  this  country. 

In  less  than  four  days  after  the  commencement  of  the 
strike  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Kailroad,  no  incon- 
siderable portion  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  strikers ;  transportation  was 
embargoed  ;  shops  closed,  factories  deserted,  and  the 
great  marts  which  but  a  few  days  before  had  been  so 
noisy,  had  became  silent  as  "  banquet  halls  deserted." 
Men  remembered  France,  and  the  scenes  of  1789-93, 
and  trembled  as  they  heard  the  tumult  increase,  and  saw 
the  mighty  masses  of  strange,  grimey  men,  excited  by 
passions,  dark  and  fearful,  surging  along  the  streets. 

Then  was  flashed  abroad  over  the  land  news  of  the 
fusilade  at  Martinsburg,  and  the  conflict  in  the  streets 
of  Baltimore.  Blood  had  been  shed !  Men  wondered 
what  would  be  the  final  outcome.  The  prevalent  alarm 
was  intensified.  In  many  cases  State  and  municipal 
authorities  seemed  to  have  been  stricken  by  a  paralysis 
of    dread.       Meanwhile,    the   strikes   were   increasing. 


24  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

Pittsburgh,  Cincinnati,  Cleveland,  Buffalo,  Indianapolis, 
St.  Louis,  Chicago,  and  numerous  other  places  began  to 
feel  the  effects  of  the  mighty  wave  of  human  passion 
which  threatened  to  engulf  all   in  a   common  ruin. 

Pittsburgh  was  doomed  to  feel  the  most  terrible  blow 
from  the  mob  or  the  Internationals.  The  news  of  the 
conflict  between  the  militia  and  the  rabble ;  the  tempo- 
rary success  of  the  latter,  and  the  immense  destruction  of 
property  which  followed,  was  received  by  the  whole 
country  with  amazement  and  grief.  The  sympathies  of 
the  masses  of  the  people,  which  had  unquestionably  been 
with  the  railroad  strikers,  was  now  withdrawn  in  a  meas- 
ure. Even  the  strikers  themselves  felt  constrained  to 
disown  the  elements  who  had  made  an  opportunity  of 
their  necessity,  to  create  a  reign  of  terror  throughout 
the  land.  The  reaction  against  the  strikers,  and  those 
who  claimed  to  be  their  allies,  was  positive  and  practical. 
Men  sprung  to  arms  with  a  feeling  that  it  was  necessary 
to  protect  the  sanctity  of  their  own  homes.  The  spirit 
of  turbulence  evoked  by  the  strikers  must  be  crushed. 

Such  were  the  sentiments  which  actuated  the  men, 
who  hastily  banded  themselves  together  in  companies, 
battalions  and  regiments,  in  ISew  York,  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Maryland,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  Illi- 
nois, Michigan  and  Missouri.  Within  less  than  six  days, 
an  army  of  citizen  soldiers  had  been  created  in  the  states 
named,  which  in  the  aggregate  numbered  more  than 
sixty  thousand  men,  armed  and  equipped,  ready  for 
service. 

Meanwhile  the  Internationalists  were  not  idle.  The 
railroad  men's  strikes  was  made  their  opportunity.  The 
atmosphere  of  social  disorder  favored  their  designs.     M. 


RELATIONS    BETWEEN    CAPITAL    AND   LABOR.  25 

K.  Goldsmith,  Secretary  of  the  National  Board  of  Super- 
visors of  the  American  branch  of  the  order,  from  his 
headquarters  in  Hartford,  placed  himself  in  immediate 
communication  with  the  local  Sections,  all  over  the 
country  for  the  purpose  of  advising  and  encouraging 
them.  Citizens  P.  Yan  Patten  and  Geo.  Schilling,  of 
Chicago,  who  are  prominent  members  of  the  organiza- 
tion, were  also  warmly  enlisted  in  the  cause  of  the 
*'  Party ;"  while  in  St.  Louis,  Curlin,  Curtis,  Card  ell, 
Ratz,  Porter,  Cope  and  Sykora,  held  daily  and  nightly 
meetings,  to  induce  the  proper  degree  of  enthusiasm 
among  the  masses  of  workingmen.  In  New  York,  Jus- 
tus Schwab,  John  Swinton,  Michael  Doyle,  Paul  Kaiser, 
Frank  Coufal  and  Frank  Bartosek,  organized  a  great 
mass  meeting  in  Tompkins  Square,  where  the  principles 
of  the  Internationalists  were  elaborately  discussed. 

Indeed,  the  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  sections  of 
American,  German,  French,  Bohemian  and  Scandinavian 
Internationalists,  located  in  twelve  states  of  the  Union, 
were  all  active. 

The  appearance  of  this  organization  as  allies  of  the 
strikers,  had  much  to  do  in  alienating  public  sympathy 
from  that  class  of  the  workingmen,  who  it  was  believed, 
had  a  just  cause  to  strike.  It  is  also  certain  that  the 
bold  utterances,  and  audacious  demands  of  the  Interna- 
tionalists, stimulated  the  organization  of  military  forces 
adequate  to  the  work  of  suppressing  all  disorders. 

The  history  of  the  movements  alluded  to  in  these  in- 
troductory pages  must  prove  deeply  interesting  to  the 
student  of  American  social  institutions.  It  is  well  to 
preserve  it.  Perhaps  there  may  be  other  and  even 
greater  strikes,  but  it  is  improbable   that  this  country 


26  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

will  ever  be  visited  again  by  a  movement  so  spontaneous,, 
jet  so  vigorous  and  threatening.  A  great  danger  has 
apparently  passed.  As  a  nation,  we  should  profit  by 
the  warning  it  affords. 


CHAPTER  II. 


Strike  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ouio  Railkoad. 


A  Circular  to  Employes — Ten  per  cent.  Reduction  in  Wages  An- 
nounced— How  the  News  was  Received — A  Delegation  of  Em- 
ployes— The  Officers  of  the  Road  wiirnot  Reconsider — Commence- 
ment of  the  Strike— Trains  Stopped  at  Martinsburg — Trouble  at 
Baltimore. 

In  the  beginning  of  July,  1S77,  a  circular  emanating 
from  the  offices  of  the  superintendents  of  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  Railway,  was  sent  to  all  the  employes  of  the 
Company,  announcing  a  reduction  of  10  per  cent,  from 
the  wages  which  the  Company  was  then  paying.  This 
curtailment  of  the  income  of  the  employes  on  the  road* 
was  to  take  effect  on  Monday,  July  16th,  1877.  This 
schedule  of  wages,  according  to  the  circular,  reduced  the 
pay  of  firemen  from  $1.75  and  $1.50  per  day,  to  $1.58 
and  $1.35  per  day,  according  to  the  efficiency  of  the 
men.  The  pay  of  brakemen  was  fixed  at  a  little  less. 
One  hundred  miles  was  made  to  constitute  a  days'  run. 
No  allowance  of  time  was  permitted  for  delays  at  way 
stations. 

The  reception  of  this  circular  created  no  little  ill-feel- 
ing among  the  railroad  men.  Groups  of  them  met,  and 
discussed  their  situation.  The  men  asserted  that  they 
could  not  sustain  themselves  on  the  amount  of  wages  the 
company  proposed  to  pay  them  for  their  services.  Meet- 
ings of  employes  were  held  at  various  points  along  the  line 
of  the  road,  and  finally  a  plan  of  action  was  agreed  upon. 


28  THE   GREAT   STRIKES. 

A  committee  was  appointed  and  instructed  to  confer  with 
the  officers  of  the  company.  Mr.  Yice  President  King 
was  appealed  to,  but  declined  to  hear  the  complaints  of 
the  employes.  Various  efforts  were  made  to  procure  the 
rescission  of  the  order  of  reduction.  These  proved 
abortive.  Meanwhile  as  the  time  fixed  for  the  order  of 
the  Company  to  go  into  effect  approached,  the  discontent 
of  the  men  increased.  At  many  localities  along  the 
road,  small  bodies  of  men  expressed  themselves  in  favor 
of  striking.  But  it  does  not  appear  that  up  to  the 
morning  of  the  16th,  any  concerted  movement  had  been 
agreed  upon  by  the  firemen  and  brakeman  of  the  Balti- 
more and  Ohio  Railway. 

The  morning  of  the  16th  of  July,  1877,  at  length 
dawned.  Along  the  line  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Rail- 
road, everything  presented  the  usual  appearance.  Trains 
were  moving  ;  foundery  men,  machinists,  engine  drivers, 
firemen,  brakemen,  trackmen,  switchmen  and  agents 
were  at  their  posts  of  duty.  The  commerce  of  a  large 
section  of  country  was  moving  over  the  iron  track- 
ways. The  officers  of  the  road,  too,  were  at  their  re- 
spective offices,  little  anticipating  that  within  the  space 
of  twelve  hours,  a  strike,  such  as  was  never  before  known 
in  the  history  of  America,  would  be  inaugurated  along 
the  line  of  that  great  highway.  Intimations  of  coming 
trouble  the  managers  of  the  road  had  had,  but  they 
trusted  that  the  "hard  times,"  would  deter  the  men  from 
carrying  into  execution  any  purpose  they  might  have 
formed  of  deserting  their  posts  of  duty  on  the  road. 

The  day  wore  on.  The  click  of  the  telegraphic  instru- 
ments in  the  office  of  the  suDerintendents  of  the 
respective  divisions,  announced  the  arrival  and  departure 


STRIKE   ON    THE    BALTIMORE    AND    OHIO    RAILROAD.       29 

of  trains  to  and  from  a  thousand  stations  situated  along- 
a  line  of  more  than  fourteen  hundred  miles  of  railway. 
There  was  no  trouble  as  yet ;  and  the  lengthening 
shadows  announced  the  day's  decline.  The  afternoon 
was  far  advanced,  and  the  officers  of  the  great  railway 
line  had  already  begun  to  congratulate  themselves, 
because  the  danger  of  a  general  strike  appeared  to  have 
passed  way. 

But  their  self-gratulations  were  doomed  to  a  sudden 
arrest.  It  was  after  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  when  the 
announcement  was  made  in  the  general  offices  of  the- 
Company  at  Baltimore,  that  a  strike  of  the  employes  on 
the  road  was  in  progress  at  Camden  Junction,  near  that 
city.  About  forty  firemen  at  that  point  quit  their 
engines,  and  persuaded  twenty  or  thirty  brakemen  to 
join  them  in  deserting  their  trains.  As  yet  no  intelli- 
gence had  reached  the  managers  of  the  road  of  disturb- 
ances elsewhere.  Another  force  of  firemen  and  brake- 
men  were  engaged  to  take  out  the  waiting  trains.  But 
the  trains  were  not  taken  out.  The  freight  business  of 
the  road  had  been  already  completely  embargoed.  The 
trouble  at  Camden  Junction  appeared  to  have  been 
easily  disposed  of,  and  for  a  time  the  officers  anticipated 
nothing  worse. 

But  it  soon  became  manifest  that  the  officers  had  mis- 
apprehended the  nature  and  character  of  the  movement 
among  their  employes.  Reports  came  in  rapid  suc- 
cession from  the  West,  announcing  that  the  railroad  men 
at  Cumberland,  Martinsburg  and  other  stations  along 
the  line  were  restless,  discontented  and  insubordinate, 
aud  that  the  canal-boatmen  had  quit  work  and  aban- 
doned   their   boats.      Under    these    circumstances,    all 


30  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

movements  of  freight  over  the  road  practically  ceased. 

Meanwhile,  the  situation  at  Baltimore  was  every  hour 
becoming  more  critical.  Before  six  o'clock  the  box- 
makers,  sawyers,  and  can-makers,  engaged  in  -the  shops 
and  factories  of  that  city,  had  struck  for  an  advance  of 
ten  per  cent,  on  their  wages,  had  abandoned  their  places 
and  swarmed  into  the  streets.  The  demonstrations  of 
these  workingmen  only  stimulated  the  railroad  men  to 
commit  bolder  acts.  It  became  evident  before  the  even- 
ing had  far  advanced  that  a  general  strike  of  railroad 
men  all  along  the  line  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  line 
was  inevitable. 

At  Martinsburg  the  exci  ement  became  very  great, 
and  the  situation  was  alarming.  Late  in  the  evening  a 
general  strike  was  set  on  foot.  All  freight  trains  were 
stopped,  and  brakemen  and  firemen  who  manifested  an 
intention  to  continue  at  their  posts,  were  forcibly  taken 
from  their  engines  and  trains  by  the  strikers,  and  com- 
pelled to  join  in  demonstrations  against  the  Company 
they  had  ceased  to  serve.  At  Cumberland  the  situation 
was  anything  but  reassuring.  A  considerable  number 
of  striking  trainmen  had  assembled  at  that  place  and 
prohibited  any  movement  whatever  of  trains,  other  than 
mail  and  passenger  coaches.  At  Keyser  and  Grafton, 
the  trainmen  had  obtained  complete  possession,  and  no 
freight  trains  were  permitted  to  move. 

Before  midnight  of  the  16th,  the  control  of  the  im- 
mense property  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railway 
Company,  had  passed  out  of  the  hands  of  the  officers, 
and  was  held  by  the  strikers.  The  disposition  mani- 
fested by  the  recalcitrants  at  Martinsburg,  had  become 
so  threatening,  that  Vice  President  King,  of  the  Balti- 


STRIKE    ON   THE    BALTIMORE   AND    OHIO    RAILROAD.       31 

more  and  Ohio  road,  sent  a  dispatch  to  Governor  Mat- 
thews of  West  Virginia,  calling  upon  him  to  furnish 
troops  to  protect  the  interests  of  the  Company. 

Late  the  same  evening,  Governor  Matthews,  sent  a 
•dispatch  from  Wheeling  to  Captain  Charles  James 
Faulkner,  Jr.,  in  command  of  certain  companies  of 
State  militia  at  Martinsburg,  to  afford  the  officers  of  the 
road  all  the  aid  and  protection  in  his  power.  No  col- 
lisions as  yet  had  occurred. 

The  first  act  of  the  strikers  involving  injury  to  persons, 
was  committed  at  South  Baltimore,  at  about  two  o'clock, 
the  morning  of  the  17th.  A  freight  train  from  the 
West,  bound  for  Locust  Point,  was  thrown  from  the 
track  while  passing  the  gas  house  switch  in  that  suburb, 
and  almost  demolished.  The  cab  of  the  engine  took 
fire  and  some  destruction  of  property  ensued  before  the 
flames  were  subdued.  The  engineer  and  fireman,  were 
both  severly  wounded.  No  other  incident  worth  re- 
cording occurred  during  this  the  first  night  of  the  reign 
of  the  strikers. 

But  it  was  already  evident  that  a  formidable  move- 
ment of  the  workingmen  throughout  the  country  was 
imminent.  Indeed,  the  greatest  labor  strikes  ever  known 
was  now  fairly  inaugurated.  Less  than  ten  hours  had 
passed  since  the  canal-boatmen,  the  box  makers,  the  saw- 
yers, the  can  makers,  and  the  trainmen  had  definitely 
resolved  on  quiting  their  employments,  and  already  more 
than' four  thousand  persons  had  joined  in  the  strike,  re- 
fusing to  labor  themselves,  and  determined  to  prevent 
others  from  taking  their  places.  But  even  with  the  evi- 
dences of  the  fitness  of  public  sentiment  to  foster  and 
encourage  a  strike,  no  one  at  the  close  of  the  first  day 


32  THE   GREAT   STRIKES. 

after  the  strike  began  could  have  anticipated  the  tre- 
mendous uprising  to  which  the  events  about  Baltimore 
and  Martinsburg  were  but  the  prelude. 

But,  if  the  developments  during  the  first  ten  hours  of 
the  strike,  while  the  movement  was  yet  in  its  incipient 
stage,  were  sufficient  to  engender  feelings  of  uneasiness 
in  the  public  mind,  the  events  of  the  following  day  justi- 
fied the  sensation  of  intense  alarm. 

Martinsburg,  a  city  of  no  great  extent,  occupying  as. 
romantic  site  in  a  valley  among  the  mountains  of  West 
Virginia,  was  destined  to  be  the  scene  of  the  first  real 
conflict  between  the  representative  forces  of  the  State 
and  the  strikers.  At  an  early  hour  on  the  morning  of 
the  17th,  Captain  Charles  James  Faulkner,  Jr.,  Aid-de- 
Camp  to  Governor  Matthews,  arrived  at  the  post  of  duty 
at  Martinsburg,  in  command  of  seventv-five  men  of  the 
Berkeley  Light  Guard  Infantry.  He  had  been  ordered 
to  protect  that  point  by  the  Governor,  who  had  been  ap- 
plied to  for  aid  by  Vice  President  King  of  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  Railroad  Company. 

Captain  Faulkner  at  once  proceded  to  the  railway  track 
and  deployed  his  men  as  a  guard  for  a  West  bound  freight 
train,  which  the  Railway  Company  determined  to  dis- 
patch in  spite  of  the  orders  of  the  strikers.  The  train 
started,  and  had  proceeded  nearly  to  the  switch  at  the 
Company's  yards,  when  suddenly  one  of  the  strikers^ 
named  Win.  Vandergriff,  ran  forward  and  seized  the 
switch-ball  for  the  purpose  of  opening  it  to  "  side-track  " 
the  train.  At  this  time  the  train  was  moving  slowly. 
A  guard  of  militia  was  on  the  engine.  The  movement 
of  Vandergriff  was  observed  by  John  Poisal,  a  member 
of  Captain  Faulkner's  command,  who  immediately  sprang 


O 

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« 

CO 

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E-l 


STRIKE   ON    THE    BALTIMORE    AND    OHIO    RAILROAD.       33" 

from  the  pilot  of  the  engine  where  he  had  been  stationed, 
and  attempted  to  replace  the  switch  in  order  to  allow 
the  train  to  proceed.  Yandergriff  resented  this  action, 
drew  a  pistol  and  fired  two  shots  at  the  militia-man ,, 
one  of  which  took  effect  in  the  side  of  his  head, 
Poisal  returned  the  fire,  shooting  Yandergriff  through 
the  hip.  This  firing  led  to  a  regular  fusilade.  A  num- 
ber of  shots  were  fired  at  Yandergriff  and  he  was 
shot  in  the  head  and  arm.  The  report  of  firearms, 
speedily  attracted  to  the  spot  a  great  multitude  of  rail- 
road men  and  citizens.  The  excitement  was  intense. 
The  engineer  and  fireman  who  had  engaged  with  the 
Company  to  run  the  train,  fled  when  the  firing  com- 
menced. Captain  Faulkner  ordered  the  mass  of  strikers 
to  keep  back,  and  commanded  them  to  disperse. 
This  order  was  received  by  them  with  jeers  and  threats. 
Finding  that  the  engineer  and  fireman  had  deserted  the 
train,  Captain  Faulkner  declared  that  he  had  fully  dis- 
charged his  duty,  marched  his  command  to  their  armory, 
where  they  were  disbanded,  leaving  the  strikers  in  full 
possession  of  the  field.  The  road  was  now  completely 
blocked  up  with  standing  trains.  The  cars  .were  all 
uncoupled,  and  the  links  and  pins  were  either  hidden  or 
broken. 

During  the  day  the  force  of  strikers  at  Martins. 
burg,  was  greatly  augmented.  The  citizens  of  the  townr 
the  disbanded  militia,  and  the  rural  population  of  the 
surrounding  country  fraternized  with  them,  and  encour- 
aged them  in  the  determination  to  persist  in  their 
demands. 

Railroad  men  from  the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Railway 
also  arrived  in    considerable   numbers   at   Martinsburg 

3 


34  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

during  the  day.  At  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  it 
was  estimated  that  the  strikers  and  their  allies  at  Mar- 
tinsburg  numbered  not  less  than  one  thousand  men. 
The  State  authorities  were  powerless.  Telegraphic 
messages  passed  between  the  Governor  and  the  officers 
of  the  road.  The  Governor  himself,  with  the  Matthews 
Guards,  left  Wheeling  for  Martinsburg,  and  proceeded 
.as  far  as  Cumberland.  But  he  hastily  returned  from 
that  point  to  the  Capital  on  receiving  intelligence  that 
the  strike  had  reached  that  city,  and  that  all  freight 
trains  were  being  stopped.  The  police  and  con- 
stabulary force  of  the  municipality  could  afford  no  pro- 
tection to  trainmen  who  were  willing  to  continue  in 
the  service  of  the  Company.  The  two  military  com- 
panies at  Martinsburg,  openly  affiliated  with  the 
strikers.  Another  company  of  volunteer  militia  was 
thirty-  eight  miles  from  any  railroad.  The  Matthews 
'Guards  at  Wheeling,  numbered  but  forty-eight  men,  and 
^ven  the  loyality  of  these  was  not  to  be  depended  on  ia 
this  emergency. 

At  night  the  situation  at  Martinsburg,  Cumberland, 
Grafton,  Keyser,  Wheeling,  and  indeed  all  along  the  line 
of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  was  critical  in  the 
extreme.  The  canal-boatmen  were  with  the  railroad 
men  at  Martinsburg,  and  the  citizens  all  along  the  line 
were  apparently  sympathizers.  Meanwhile,  rumors  of 
an  alarming  character  concerning  movements  among 
railroad,  and  other  classes  of  workingmen  all  over  the 
country,  were  circulated  in  all  directions.  In  the  portion 
of  country  most  affected,  a  sort  of  dread  of  impending 
disasters  had  taken  possession  of  the  friends  of  law  and 
order.      Lawlessness  reigned  supreme  from  the  Patap- 


STRIKE    ON    THE   BALTIMORE    AND    OHIO    RAILROAD.       35 

=sco  to  the  Kanawha.  The  second  day  of  the  great 
strikes  closed.  The  movement  had  become  formidable. 
Men  experienced  a  feeling  of  intense  alarm  at  the  pros- 
pects before  them. 


CHAPTER  III. 


A  Day  of  Dread. 


The  Strike  Continues — The  Governor  of  West  Virginia  Confesses  his- 
Inability  to  Suppress  Disorders — An  Appeal  to  President  Hayes — 
Proclamation  of  the  Chief  Magistrate — Military  Companies  Dis- 
armed by  Strikers — The  Third  Day  of  the  Strike,  and  the  Alarms 
it  brought — Wide  Extent  of  the  Disorders — Portentous  Mutterings. 


The  events  of  the  17th  were  of  an  unusual  character 
in  this  country.      The  strikers  had  gone  further  than 
persons   engaged    in    such  movements  had  been   accus- 
tomed to  go.     In  countries  where  the  struggle  for  life 
is  keener  than  in  America,  such  incidents  to  a  strike  as- 
an  attempt  to  murder,  and  the  theft  of  tools  and  imple- 
ments necessary  to  conducting  a  business,  are  common. 
But  the  attempt  of  Yandergriff  to  kill  the  militiaman 
Poisal,  because  he  undertook  to  adjust  a  switch  to  per- 
mit  a  train  to  pass,  taken  in  connection  with  the  de- 
struction or  concealment  of  the  links  and  pins,  neces- 
sary in  the  movement  of  trains,  showed  the  authorities 
the    desperate  nature  of   the  enterprise  in  which  the 
strikers  were  engaged.     It  revealed  the  existence  of  a 
determination  on  their  part  to  enforce  their  demands  at 
every  hazard.     The  situation  the  morning  of  the  18th 
was  alarming.     The  strikers  had  been  reinforced  during 
the  night  at  all  points  by   accessions  of  workingmen 
en£fao-ed  in  other  avocations  than  railroading.     Thev  had 
grown  bold  because  they  knew  they  had  the  sympathies 


A   DAT    OF   DREAD.  37 

■*>f  the  people  with  them,  especially  in  that  portion  of 
West  Virginia  where  the  strike  had  assumed  the  most 
threatening  aspect. 

The  Governor  of  the  State  of  West  Virginia,  ap- 
prised of  the  extent  of  the  lawless  combination,  found 
himself  in  the  humiliating  position  of  complete  inability 
to  deal  with  the  issue.  Powerless  to  suppress  the  dis- 
orders, appealed  to  by  the  managers  of  the  railroad  for 
that  protection  which  he  was  unable  to  afford ;  harrassed 
by  the  knowledge  that  a  large  portion  of  the  people 
whom  he  governed  were  in  sympathy  with  the  turbulent 
strikers,  and  tormented  by  the  evidence  that  the  few 
militia  at  his  command  were  unfaithful  to  their  duty, 
the  position  of  Governor  Matthews  was  sufficiently  dis- 
agreeable. 

The  movement  had  now  become  so  formidable  that 
State  authority  could  no  longer  assert  supremacy. 
Under  these  circumstances,  the  Chief  Executive  of  the 
commonwealth  of  West  Virginia,  was  constrained,  to 
appeal  to  the  Federal  Government  for  protection  and 
assistance  in  quelling  the  riots  which  had  taken  place. 

During  the  afternoon  of  the  18th,  Governor  Matthews 
perceiving  his  inability  to  deal  with  the  emergency, 
with  no  littie  reluctance,  forwarded  to  the  President  of 
the  United  States  the  following  formal  appeal  for  the 
intervention  of  the  federal  power  in  suppressing  the  dis- 
orders in  his  State : 

Wheeling,  W.  Va.,  July  18. 

To   His    Excellency   R.  B.  Hayes,  President   of   the 

United  States : 

Owing  to  unlawful  combinations  and  domestic  vio- 
lence   now   existing   at   Martinsburg   and  other  points 


38  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

along  the  line  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Kailroad,  it  m 
impossible  with  any  force  at  my  command  to  execute  the 
laws  of  the  State.  I  therefore  call  upon  Your  Excel- 
leocy  for  the  assistance  of  the  United  States  military  to 
protect  the  law-abiding  people  of  the  State  against 
domestic  violence,  and  to  maintain  the  supremacy  of  the- 
law.  The  Legislature  is  not  now  in  session,  and  could 
not  be  assembled  in  time  to  take  any  action  in  the- 
emergency.  A  force  of  from  two  to  three  hundred 
should  be  sent  without  delay  to  Marti nsburg,  where  my 
aid,  Colonel  Delaplaine,  will  meet  and  confer  with  the 
officers  in  command. 

Henry  M.  Matthews, 

Governor  of  West  Virginia. 

Upon  receipt  of  this  call  at  Washington,  President 
Hayes  at  once  dispatched  a  messenger  for  the  Secretary 
of  War,  who  immediately  answered  the  summons  by- 
repairing  to  the  Executive  Mansion.  A  brief  consulta- 
tion between  them  followed.  The  result  was  the  con- 
clusion that  the  information  contained  in  the  call  was- 
not  sufficiently  definite  to  warrant  the  President  in 
employing  the  military  forces  of  the  United  States  for 
such  purposes. 

It  was  agreed,  however,  that  the  Governor  of  West 
Virginia  be  called  upon  to  furnish  more  definite  informa- 
tion, and  accordingly  the  Secretary  of  War  was  instruct- 
ed to  send  a  dispatch  to  Governor  Matthews,  requesting 
complete  information.  The  Governor's  reply  showed 
that  there  were  but  four  militia  companies  in  West 
Virginia,  two  of  which  had  already  fraternized  with  the 
Strikers   at   Martinsburg,    a   third   was   in  an  interior 


A    DAY    OF   DREAD.  39 

county,  thirty  miles  from  any  railway  line,  and  the 
fourth  consisted  of  only  forty-eight  men,  while  the 
Governor  estimated  the  force  of  strikers  massed  at 
Martinsburg,  at  not  less  than  eight  hundred  men. 

Notwithstanding  his  reluctance  to  interfere  in  the 
matter,  the  President  esteemed  the  emergency  one  of 
sufficient  gravity  to  justify  him  in  taking  decisive  action. 
Accordingly  he  issued  the  following  proclamation,  the 
same  evening : 

A  PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas,  The  Governor  of  the  State  of  West  Virginia 
has  represented  that  domestic  violence  exists  in  said 
State,  at  Martinsburg,  and  at  various  other  points  along 
the  line  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  in  said 
State,  which  the  authorities  of  said  State  are  unable  to- 
suppress ;  and 

Whereas,  It  is  provided  in  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  that  the  United  States  shall  protect  every 
State  in  this  Union  on  application  of  the  Legislature,  or 
of  the  Executive  when  the  Legislature  cannot  be  con- 
vened, against  violence ;  and 

Whereas,  By  laws  in  pursuance  of  the  above  it  is 
provided  (in  the  laws  of  the  United  States)  that  in  all 
cases  of  insurrection  in  any  State,  or  of  obstruction  to 
the  laws  thereof,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  on  application  of  the  Legislature  of 
such  State,  or  of  the  Executive  when  the  Legislature 
cannot  be  convened,  to  call  forth  the  militia  of  any 
other  State  or  States,  or  to  employ  such  part  of  the  land 
and  naval  forces  as  shall  be  judged  necessary  for  the 


40  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

purpose  of  suppressing  such  insurrection  or  causing  the 
laws  to  be  duly  executed  ;  and 

Whereas,  The  Legislature  of  said  State  is  not  now  in 
session  and  cannot  be  convened  in  time  to  meet  the 
present  emergency,  and  the  Executive  of  said  State,  under 
section  IV.  of  article  4  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  and  the  laws  passed  in  pursuance  thereof,  has  made 
due  application  to  me  in  the  premises  for  such  part  of  the 
military  force  of  the  United  States  as  may  be  necessary 
and  adequate  to  protect  said  State  and  the  citizens  there- 
of against  domestic  violence,  and  to  enforce  the  due 
execution  of  the  laws ;  and 

Whereas,  It  is  required  that  whenever  it  may  be 
necessary  in  the  judgment  of  the  President  to  use  the 
military  force  for  the  purpose  aforesaid,  he  shall  forth- 
with, by  proclamation,  command  such  insurgents  to 
disperse  and  retire  peaceably  to  their  respective  homes 
within  a  limited  time ;  now,  therefore, 

I,  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  President  of  the  United  States, 
do  hereby  make  proclamation  and  command  all  persons 
engaged  in  said  unlawful  and  insurrectionary  proceed- 
ings to  disperse  and  retire  peaceably  to  their  respective 
abodes  on  or  before  twelve  o'clock,  noon,  the  nineteenth 
day  of  July  instant,  and  hereafter  abandon  said  combina- 
tions and  submit  themselves  to  the  laws  and  constituted 
authorities  of  said  State,  and  I  invoke  the  aid  and  co- 
operation of  all  good  citizens  thereof  to  uphold  the  laws 
and  preserve  the  public  peace. 

In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and 
caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington  this  eighteenth  day 


A   DAY    OF    DREAD.  41 

of  July,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord,  1877,  and  of  the 
independence  of  the  United  States  the  one  hundred  and 
second. 

(Signed,)  R  B.  Hayes. 

By  the  President. 

F.  A.  Seward,  Actings  Secretary  of  State. 

Orders  were  issued  from  the  War  Department,  to 
General  French,  commanding  at  the  Washington  arsenal, 
requiring  him  to  take  all  the  available  troops  from  that 
station  and  proceed  at  once  to  Martinsburg.  At  the 
same  time  like  orders  were  forwarded  to  General  Barry, 
in  command  at  Fort  McHenry,  to  detach  all  available 
forces  from  that  post  to  join  the  forces  under  command 
of  General  French  at  the  threatened  points.  A  force 
of  seventy-five  men  was  got  ready,  chiefly  members  of 
batteries  acting  as  infantry,  officered  by  Captain  J.  I. 
Rogers  of  Battery  L.,  commanding,  Captain  James  E.  Wil- 
son of  Battery  H.,  and  Lieutenants  Crawford  and  Hoyle, 
Taylor  and  Curtis  ;  the  detachment  of  Light  Battery  A., 
was  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Niles.  The  force  from  the 
Washington  Arsenal  was  organized  under  the  following 
named  officers  ;  Battery  D.,  Captain  Litchfield  ;  Battery 
C,  Captain  Graves ;  Battery  F.,  Lieutenant  Simpson ; 
Battery  E.,  Lieutenant  Gifford ;  Battery  I.,  Lieutenant 
Howard,  and  Battery  G.,  Lieutenant  Smith.  These 
troops  were  armed  as  infantry,  the  full  strength  of  the 
battalion  was  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  men.  General 
French  commanded,  Lieutenant  Wolfe  Acting  Adjutant 
and  Lieutenant  Maurice  Acting  Quarter-master.  The 
whole  force  was  in  readiness  to  proceed  on  their  way  to 
Martinsburg  at  an  early  hour  in  the  evening. 


42  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

The  marching  of  troops  through  the  streets  of* the 
National  Capital  created  a  profound  sensation  among  the 
citizens.  It  was  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the 
country  that  a  labor  strike  had  become  so  formidable  as 
to  require  the  intervention  of  the  general  Government 
to  preserve  order.  It  was  nine  o'clock  at  night  when  the 
armed  battalion  of  regulars  filed  through  the  streets  of 
Washington  on  the  way  to  the  station  of  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  Railway  to  embark  on  the  train  to  proceed  to 
Martinsburg.  A  vast  concourse  of  people  had  assembled 
to  witness  their  departure.  The  scene  was  not  unlike 
some  of  those  which  characterized  the  early  days  of  the 
year  1861.  The  train  moved  away  from  the  station  at 
ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  bound  for  the  scene  of  the 
disturbance. 

Meanwhile  bands  of  strikers  had  taken  possession  of 
the  rail  way  "stations  at  Cumberland,  Grafton,  Keyser,  and 
other  points,  and  refused  to  allow  any  freight  trains  to 
pass.  Emissaries  were  dispatched  from  the  headquarters 
of  the  strikers  at  Martinsburg  and  Wheeling,  to  induce 
the  firemen  and  brakemen ;  along  the  Connellsville 
Branch,  the  Pennsylvania  road,  the  Pittsburgh  and 
Chicago,  and  other  railroads  in  that  section  of  the  coun- 
try to  join  in  the  strike.  During  the  day  the  strikers  at 
Wheeling  made  a  demonstration  of  a  rather  threatening 
character.  The  single  company  of  militia  at  that  place 
paraded  for  action.  But  it  was  evident  that  it  was  not 
strong  enough  to  effect  anything,  and  so  the  citizen- 
soldiers  allowed  themselves  to  be  quietly  disarmed  by 
the  striking  workingmen. 

The  strikers  at  Martinsburg  received  the  President's 
proclamation   with    indifference    or  positive  disrespect* 


A    DAY    OF    DBEAD.  43 

No  attention  whatever  was  paid  to  the  injunction  to 
disperse.  On  the  contrary,  with  constant  accessions  to 
their  numbers,  they  became  more  demonstrative  and 
threatening  in  their  bearing. 

During  the  day,  a  committee  of  strikers  at  Baltimore 
prepared  and  caused  to  be  printed  and  circulated  a  state- 
ment of  the  causes  which  impelled  them  to  puruse  the 
course  which  they  had  adopted.  They  declared  that 
they  had  submitted  to  three  reductions  of  wages  in  three 
>  years ;  that  they  would  have  acquiesced  in  a  moderate 
reduction  ;  that  they  were  frequently  sent  out  on  a  trip 
to  Martinsburg,  and  there  detained  four  days  at  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  company,  for  which  detention  they  were 
allowed  pay  for  but  two  day's  time ;  that  they  were 
compelled  to  pay  their  board  during  the  time  they  were 
detained,  which  was  more  than  the  wages  they  received  ; 
that  they  had  nothing  left  with  which  to  support  their 
families ;  that  it  was  a  question  of  bread  with  them ;  that 
when  times  were  dull  on  the  road  they  could  not  get 
more  than  fifteen  day's  work  in  a  month ;  that  many 
sober,  steady,  economical  men  became  involved  in  debt 
last  winter ;  that  honest  men  had  their  wages  attached 
because  they  could  not  meet  their  expenses ;  that  by  a 
rule  of  the  company  any  man  who  had  his  wages  attached 
should  be  discharged  ;  that  this  was  a  tyranny  to  which 
no  rational  being  should  submit,  and  that  it  was  utterly 
impossible  for  a  man  with  a  family  to  support  himself 
and  family  at  the  reduced  rate  of  wages. 

These  statements  of  the  striking  employes  were  not 
without  effect  in  awakening  sympathy  for  them  among 
the  great  mass  of  the  people. 

Anticipating  the  approach  of  the  regular  troops  under 


44  THE   GREAT   STRIKES. 

General  French,  the  Martin  sburg  strikers  proceeded  to 
the  Sand  House,  an  advantageous  position  a  short  dis- 
tance west  of  the  town,  and  proceeded  to  erect  barricades, 
and  to  take  other  measures  for  defense.  At  this  point 
their  forces  numbered  about  four  hundred  and  fifty  men. 

It  was  now  evident  that  the  strike  was  destined  to 
spread  to  other  roads  than  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio.  Mys- 
terious journeys  were  undertaken  by  non-communicative 
laboring  men  ;  workingmen's  unions  all  over  the  land 
held  meetings  nightly ;  small  bands  of  operatives  were 
constantly  meeting  and  discussing  the  situation,  and 
•everywhere  was  manifested  a  feeling  of  unrest  among 
the  working  classes.  Nor  was  evidence  wanting  of  a 
deep  under-current  of  popular  sympathy  with  the  object 
aimed  at  by  the  West  Virginia  strikers. 

The  close  of  the  third  day  after  the  commencement 
of  the  strike  witnessed  the  following  condition  of 
affairs  :  The  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railway  was  still 
held  by  the  strikers.  The  State  militia  of  West 
Virginia  had  "either  disbanded  and  had  been  absorbed 
by  the  strikers,  or  had  been  disarmed  by  them ;  the 
Governor  of  West  Virginia,  confessing  his  powerless- 
ness,  had  appealed  to  the  President  of  the  United  States 
for  assistance  in  suppressing  the  disorders  in  his  State  ; 
the  discontent  of  railway  operatives  was  manifested  in 
an  alarming  degree  ;  workingmen  engaged  in  other  avo- 
cations had  given  unmistakable  evidence  of  sympathy 
with  the  cause  of  the  railroad  men,  and  gave  ominous 
hints  of  a  purpose  to  join  them,  and  to  still  further 
complicate  matters,  railroad  managers  were  demanding 
the  intervention  of  the  Federal  Government  in  their  be- 
lialf  to  protect  them  while  operating  their  roads. 


A    DAT    OF    DREAD.  45- 

Meanwhile  General  French  with  a  force  of  regular 
soldiers  of  the  United  States  was  preparing  to  move 
from  "Washington  on  Martinsburg  for  the  purpose  of 
suppressing  the  strikers. 

The  movement  had  already  become  too  great  for  con- 
trol by  the  State  government.  The  national  adminstra- 
tion  had  been  appealed  to,  and  the  great  strike  was  fully 
inauguarated.  Mutterings,  deep,  and  significant,  from 
a  thousand  different  points,  portended  the  storm  which 
was  ready  to  sweep  the  country  with  unexampled  fury. 
The  day  had  been  one  of  dread,  not  because  of  what 
had  occurred,  as  on  account  of  forebodings  of  what  the- 
future  would  bring  to  pass. 


CHAPTER  IT. 


Culmination  of  the  Crisis. 


Soldiers  and  Strikers — Fears  Realized — From  Baltimore  to  Chicago — 
Pittsburgh  Affected — The  Pennsylvania  Railway  Embargoed — In- 
tense Excitement  Throughout  the  Country — Successful  Emissaries 
— Immense  Extent  of  the  Labor  Movement. 


The  apprehensions  entertained  by  those  who  had  care- 
fully watched  the  progress  of  the  uprising  among  the 
working  classes,  were  verified  by  the  developments  of 
N  the  19th  of  July.  Martinsburg,  West  Virginia,  was 
•still  the  center  of  interest  on  the  morning  of  that  day, 
but  before  the  close  of  the  day  so  many  events  had 
occurred ;  so  many  movements  had  been  commenced ;  so 
wide-spread  had  become  the  disaffection  among  the 
workingmen  in  every  department  of  industrial  enter- 
prise, that  it  was  impossible  to  foretell  with  any  degree 
of  certainty  in  what  direction  to  look  for  the  next 
startling  denouement. 

General  French  had  arrived  at  Martinsburg  in  com- 
mand of  a  considerable  body  of  regular  troops  at  six 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  had  established  his  head- 
quarters in  a  Pullman  palace  car  on  the  track  in  front  of 
the  Berkeley  House.  About  fifty  men  of  the  Matthews 
Guard  had  come  up  the  road  from  Cumberland,  and 
were  quartered  in  one  of  the  machine  shops  of  the  Pail- 
road  Company,  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  regulars  from 
Washington.     The  night  trip  of  the  special  train,  bear- 


CULMINATION    OF   THE    CRISIS.  47 

ing  General  French  and  his  command,  was  accomplished 
without  any  attempt  to  interfere  with  its  progress. 
Great  caution,  however,  was  observed,  and  the  time 
required  to  complete  the  journey  was  greatly  extended. 
The  mass  of  strikers  and  their  friends  at  that  place 
received  the  regulars  without  demonstrations  of  any 
kind.  The  soldiers  were  drawn  up  in  line.  The  order 
was  given  to  open  cartridge  boxes.  This  movement 
created  something  of  a  sensation  among  the  sullen, 
ragged  assemblage  of  negroes  and  strikers,  and  the  mass 
•shrank  back  at  the  revelation  of  leaden  balls  contained 
in  those  boxes.  The  battallion  was  then  inarched  to  one 
of  the  railway  machine  shops,  which  they  occupied  as 
barracks.  Seventy-three  locomotives  with  their  trains 
were  at  this  time  held  at  Marti nsburg.  The  strikers 
manifested  no  disposition  to  resist  the  military  forces  of 
the  United  States.  The  Hailroad  Company  undertook  to 
send  out  a  number  of  the  embargoed  trains  after  the 
arrival  of  the  military,  but  experienced  great  difficulty 
in  finding  men  to  run  them,  notwithstanding  the  pro- 
tecting presence  of  the  soldiery.  As  many  as  five  men 
were  engaged  to  fire  on  one  train,  and  each  in  succession 
deserted  before  the  train  had  proceeded  to  'the  outer 
limits  of  the  town.  The  Railway  Company  found  itself 
in  a  position  which  justified  offering  any  terms  which 
might  be  demanded,  to  men  willing  to  run  their  trains. 
But  no  men  were  to  be  obtained. 

About  ten  o'clock  an  attempt  was  made  to  start  a 
freight  train  from  Martinsburg  toward  Baltimore.  A 
locomotive  was  fired  up,  while  guarded  by  the  military; 
a  large  company  of  strikers  had  assembled ;  the  Sheriff 
was  present  with  a  posse ;  an  engineer  named  Bedford 


48  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

was  found  willing  to  go,  and  he  mounted  to  the  cab- 
But  he  did  not  run  the  train  out.  The  strikers  did  not 
menace  or  threaten,  and  yet  he  failed  to  remain  at  the 
post  of  duty  he  had  assumed.  Just  as  the  train  was 
about  to  move  away  Bedford's  wife  rushed  from  the 
crowd,  mounted  the  engine,  and  with  agonizing  cries 
besought  him  to  leave  the  position.  The  engineer 
heeded  the  entreaties,  and  departed  from  the  engine, 
followed  by  the  fireman,  which  conduct  elicited  prolonged 
cheers  from  the  strikers  and  their  sympathizers.  Another 
engineer  was  found,  but  he  too  was  entreated  to  give  up 
the  undertaking  and  yielded.  William  M.  Clements,. 
General  Agent  of  the.  Company  at  Locust  Point,  then 
boarded  the  engine  and  proceeded  on  the  road  to  Balti- 
more without  interruption,  probably  due  to  the  fact  that 
twenty  regulars  were  on  board.  During  the  day  two 
other  trains,  one  bound  East,  and  the  other  "West,  were 
despatched,  after  much  difficulty  experienced  in  finding 
men  willing  to  serve  as  engineers  and  firemen.  But  the 
blockade  was  not  raised.  The  Kailway  Company  had  all 
the  military  protection  that  could  be  desired,  but  men 
could  not  be  procured  to  operate  the  trains,  for  any  con- 
sideration. Money  was  powerless  to  accomplish  the 
wishes  of  the  managers,  at  least  for  the  present.  It  was 
easy  to  guard  property ;  easy  to  prevent  violence  by  a 
show  of  force ;  easy  to  assure  protection  to  willing 
hands,  but  there  was  no  law  to  compel  men  to  work  if 
they  did  not  chose  to  do  so.  Here  military  force  was  a 
failure. 

Early  in  the  day  General  French  caused  to  be  printed 
a  large  number  of  copies  of  the  President's  proclamation 
for   distribution    among  the  people.      The  police   and. 


CULMINATION   OF   THE    CRISIS.  49 

constabulary  were  entrusted  with  the  duty  of  distributing 
them.  But  this  work  seems  to  have  been  unproductive 
of  results. 

At  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  orders  were  given  to 
clear  the  tracks  of  the  railway  at  Martinsburg,  and  a 
squad  of  about  twenty  regulars  under  Lieutenant  Lewis, 
proceeded  to  execute  the  order.  No  resistance  was 
offered.  The  strikers  quietly  retired  to  the  high  grounds 
overlooking  the  yards  and  tracks,  and  good  naturedly 
watched  the  movements  of  the  soldiers.  During  the 
day  a  meeting  of  the  strikers  was  held,  at  which  it  was 
decided  to  demand  two  dollars  per  day  for  firemen  and 
brakemen,  and  no  reduction  of  the  salaries  of  engineers 
and  conductors.  A  committee  was  appointed  consisting 
of  a  fireman,  brakeman,  engineer  and  conductor,  to 
confer  with  similar  committees  of  all  other  sections. 

An  attempt  was  made  during  the  day  to  arrest  ten  of 
the  ringleaders  of  the  strikers,  on  a  charge  of  inciting  to 
riot.  Warrants  for  their  apprehension  were  issued  and 
placed  in  the  hands  of  Sheriff"  Naderbusch  for  service. 
That  officer  summoned  a  posse  and  procured  the  services 
of  a  person  named  Engelrecht  to  act  as  a  guide,  and 
point  out  the  persons  accused.  Going  into  the  throng 
of  strikers,  they  were  quickly  surrounded  and  Engel- 
recht, being  menaced,  refused  to  designate  the  men,  and 
the  attempt  failed.  No  personal  violence  was  offered  the 
Sheriff  or  his  men. 

Later  in  the  day,  the  arrest  of  Richard  Zepp,  supposed 
to  be  the  master  spirit  among  the  strikers,  was  effected 
by  the  Sheriff.  Zepp  was  committed  to  jail  and  a  strong 
guard  placed  about  it.  He  is  a  native  of  Martinsburg, 
is  about  twenty-five  years  old,  is  regarded  as  a  man  of 

4 


50  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

undoubted  courage  and  determination,  and  has  served  as 
a  brakeman  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  for  the 
last  five  years.  In  person,  he  is  rather  below  the 
medium  height ;  is  decidedly  prepossessing  in  appear- 
ance, and  is  a  man  of  more  than  average  intelligence. 
He  is  not  addicted  to  strong  drink  ;  is  fond  of  amuse- 
ment; generally  quiet  in  demeanor,  and  is  exceedingly 
popular  among  his  acquaintances.  He  has  a  wife  and 
one  child,  who  reside  at  Martinsburg.  Before  night 
Zepp  was  released  from  confinement  by  giving  bail.  He 
is  said  to  be  a  man  of  no  small  executive  ability,  and  is 
reputed  to  have  furnished  the  intelligence  for  the 
Martinsburg  strikers. 

An  important  meeting  of  unemployed  workingmen, 
was  held  at  Cumberland,  at  which  more  than  five  hund- 
red persons  were  present.  The  proceedings  were  quiet 
and  orderly,  notwithstanding  efforts  made  by  some  of 
the  speakers  to  arouse  the  men  by  inflammatory  appeals. 

The  most  note- worthy  of  these  addresses  was  made  by 
John  D.  Jones,  who  declared  that  the  masses  of  the 
people  had  been  plundered  and  robbed  by  the  knaves 
and  scoundrels  who  had  grown  rich  bv  stealing  from 
the  poor  men  the  produce  of  their  labor.  He  thought 
it  was  time  the  down-trodden  masses  should  rise  in  their 
majesty  and  execute  vengeance.  The  ill-timed  speech  was 
not  received  with  favor.  Another  speech  not  much  less 
inflammatory  was  delivered  by  Bernard  O'Donnell.  It 
was  announced  that  about  twenty  families  of  persons  out 
of  employment  through  no  fault  of  their  own,  were 
actually  in  a  condition  verging  on  starvation.  Informa- 
tion to  the  effect  that  citizens  of  Cumberland  had  con- 
tributed in  money  and  provisions  about  one  hundred  and 


CULMINATION    OF   THE    CRISIS.  51 

ten  dollars  for  the  relief  of  the  destitute  was  laid  before 
the  meeting. 

The  animus  of  the  speeches  at  this  meeting  is  the 
feature  which  renders  a  notice  of  it  important  in  this 
place.  It  was  a  wide  spread  belief  among  a  large  class 
of  people  in  the  lower  ranks  of  society,  who  were  reduced 
almost  to  stravation,  that  they  had  been  wronged  and 
•oppressed  beyond  all  endurance,  that  made  the  scenes 
witnessed  in  so  many  of  the  great  cities  of  the  country 
possible.  It  was  an  out-cropping  of  the  dreadful  doc- 
trines « of  the  Commune  which  subsequently  played  so 
important  a  part  in  the  great  popular  commotion  accom- 
panying the  labor  strikes. 

At  Parkersburg  the  feeling  among  the  employes  had 
become  very  bitter  against  the  Railway  Company.  They 
•claimed  that  the  Company  was  in  arrears  with  the  men, 
and  it  was  unpardonable  to  cut  their  wages  under  such 
circumstances.  The  shops  of  the  Company  were  closed 
at  that  point,  and  more  than  two  hundred  men  con- 
nected with  the  road  were  thrown  out  of  employment. 

During  the  day  about  two  hundred  canal-boatmen,  the 
most  turbulent  strikers  who  had  yet  appeared,  proceeded 
from  Cumberland  to  Martinsburg,  and  afterward  pro- 
ceeded to  Sir  John's  Run,  twelve  miles  east  of  the  last 
named  point,  and  there  established  themselves,  and  pro- 
claimed their  purpose  to  either  stop  or  wreck  all  trains 
that  attempted  to  pass. 

At  Grafton  the  number  of  the  strikers  was  constantly 
increasing.  No  freight  trains  were  allowed  to  pass  East 
•or  "West.  The  strikers  established  headquarters  in  Brink- 
man's  Hall,  where  an  important  council  was  held  between 
committees  representing  all  the  sections  of  the  road. 


52  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

The  firemen  and  brakemen  employed  on  the  Baltimore1 
and  Ohio  Railroad,  at  Newark,  Ohio,  numbering  one 
hundred  and  fifty,  struck  on  account  of  the  10  per  cent, 
reduction,  and  proceeded  to  lay  an  embargo  on  all  freight 
transportation.  Officers  of  the  road  immediately  applied, 
to  Governor  Young  for  protection  and  assistance.  The 
strikers  at  this  point  assumed  an  equally  determined 
attitude  with  their  brethren  of  West  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land. M.  L.  Dougherty,  master  of  traffic  on  the  Ohio 
division,  had  a  conference  with  the  Newark  strikers,  and 
offered  to  pay  the  old  rates  to  such  of  the  men  as  would 
volunteer  to  go  out  with  trains.    The  offer  was  declined.. 

Governor  Matthews  having  called  for  volunteers  to  sup- 
press the  rioters,  twelve  men  who  had  responded  to  the 
call,  were  sent  to  Martinsburg  with  a  militia  company. 
Arrived  there  they  refused  to  serve  against  the  strikers, 
and  in  disgust  returned  to  their  homes. 

President  John  W.  Garrett,  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railway  Company,  forwarded  to  President  Hayes  a 
rather  singular  document.  In  this  he  has  "  the  honor  to 
urge  "  the  President  to  comply  with  the  formal  request 
of  the  Governor  of  West  Virginia.  The  document  is 
sufficiently  remarkable  to  justify  the  transfer  of  a  copious- 
extract  from  it  to  these  pages.  The  Railway  King  wrote 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States : 

"lam  informed  that  Governor  Matthews,  of  West 
Virginia,  has  telegraphed  your  excellency  that,  owing  to 
unlawful  combinations  and  domestic  violence  now  exist- 
ing at  Martinsburg  and  at  other  points  along  the  line  of 
the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Eailroad,  it  is  impossible  for  any 
force  at  his  command  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  State, 
and  has  therefore  called  upon   the  government  for  the 


CULMINATION    OF   THE   CRISIS.  53 

assistance  of  the  United  States  military  in  tins  great  and 
serious  emergency.  I  have  the  honor  to  urge  that  the 
application  of  Governor  Matthews  be  immediately 
granted.  It  is  impossible  for  the  Company' to  move  any 
freight  train  because  of  the  open  intimidation  of  the 
strikers,  and  the  attacks  that  they  have  made  upon  the 
men  in  the  service  of  the  Company  who  arc  willing  to 
work.  Unless  this  difficulty  is  immediately  stopped  I 
apprehend  the  gravest  consequences,  not  only  upon  our 
line,  but  upon  all  lines  in  the  country,  which,  like  our- 
selves, have  been  obliged  to  introduce  measures  of  econ- 
omy in  these  trying  times,  for  the  preservation  of  the 
effectiveness  of  railway  property.  May  I  ask  your  ex- 
cellency, if  the  application  of  Governor  Matthews  be 
granted,  to  have  me  immediately  advised,  through  the 
Secretary  of  War,  of  the  points  from  which  troops  will 
"be  sent,  in  order  that  no  delay  may  occur  in  their  trans- 
portation. If  I  may  be  permitted  to  suggest,  Fort  Mc- 
Henry  and  Washington  are  the  points  nearest  to  the 
scenes  of  disturbance,  and  from  which  a  movement  can 
be  made  with  the  greatest  promptness  and  rapidity.  It 
is  proper  to  add  that  from  full  information  on  the  subject, 
I  am  aware  that  the  Governor  of  West  Virginia  has  ex- 
erted all  means  at  his  command  to  suppress  this  insurrec- 
tion, and  that  this  great  national  highway  can  only  be 
restored  for  public  use  by  the  interposition  of  United 
States  forces.  From  an  imperative  sense  of  duty  I  am 
impelled  to  join  in  asking  immediate  action  in  order  to 
prevent  the  rapid  increase  of  difficulties  in  the  use  of  the 
lines  between  Washington  city  and  Baltimore  and  the 
Ohio  river." 

A  meeting  of  miners  in   the   Piedmont  district  was 


54  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

held  on  the  19th,  at  which  strong  resolutions  of  sympathy 
with  the  railroad  strikers  were  adopted.  The  miners 
promised  support  and  substantial  assistance  to  the  rail- 
road men. 

At  Baltimore,  no  important  demonstration  took  place. 
The  strikers  were  comparatively  quiet,  apparently  await- 
ing the  turn  of  events  in  other  parts  of  the  country. 

July  19th,  1877,  will  long  be  remembered  by  the 
students  of  American  history  as  being  the  day  in  which 
the  opening  events  in  a  tragic  episode  of  destruction  and. 
death  took  place  at  Pittsburgh.  During  the  day  not  a 
train  of  freight  cars  was  moved  on  the  line  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania Central  Railway.  The  strike  had  extended  to 
the  employes  of  that  great  thoroughfare.  But  the  story 
of  events  connected  with  it  must  be  reserved  for  a  future 
chapter  of  these  annals. 

The  Great  Strike  at  the  close  of  the  fourth  day  of  its 
existence  extended  from  Baltimore  to  Chicago,  and  the 
general  alarm  was  becoming  more  intense  with  the  flight 
of  every  hour. 

The  situation  was  becoming  extremely  critical.  It 
was  now  evident  that  other  elements  than  railroad: 
employes  were  destined  to  take  part  in  the  conflict. 
Mechanics,  artisans  and  laborers  in  every  department  of 
human  industry  began  to  show  symptoms  of  restlessness 
and  discontent  that  boded  no  good  to  the  country.  All 
day,  the  19th,  committees  and  representatives  of  work- 
ingmen's  associations  and  unions,  and  societies,  were 
holding  meetings  for  conference  at  Baltimore,  at  Pitts- 
burgh, Philadelphia,  Reading,  Scranton,  Grafton,  Wheel- 
ing, Columbus,  Cincinnati,  Chicago,  St.  Louis,  in  fact  in> 
every  center  of  population  and  seat  of  commerce  from-. 


CULMINATION    OF    THE   CRISIS.  55 

the  Atlantic  shores  to  the  base  of  the  Rock  Mountains. 
What  did  these  semi -mysterious  conferences  mean? 
There  is  not  in  existence  a  particle  of  evidence  that 
there  was  concert  of  action  between  the  different 
branches  of  the  wage-receiving  classes,  previous  to  the 
strike  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railway.  It  appears 
then,  that  the  careful  preparations  going  on  to  engage  in 
general  strikes  was  a  spontaneous  movement,  generated 
of  wide  spread  and  deep  seated  discontent  among  the 
entire  laboring  classes  of  the  United  States. 

To  complicate  matters  still  further,  the  speeches  and 
addresses  made  at  meetings  and  conferences  held  during 
this  day,  fore-shadowed  ,the  appearance  on  the  scene  of 
an  element  of  all  others,  the  most  to  be  dreaded — the 
Internationalists,  and  Communistic  Societies.  It  was 
evident  before  the  close  of  the  fourth  day  of  the  strike, 
that  the  mobs  in  every  large  city  in  the  land  were  pre- 
paring for  action ;  that  they  were  desperate,  and  that 
they  would  not  hesitate  to  inaugurate  a  reign  of  terror 
more  dreadful  than  that  which  appalled  the  civilized 
world  in  France.  There  had  been  no  conflict  of  arms 
during  the  day,  but  the  smouldering  volcano  gave  token 
of  an  eruption.  It  was  the  quiet  that  precedes  the 
devastation  of  the  tornado.  Before  another  day  closed 
the  storm  had  burst  in  all  its  fury,  and  the  American 
people  entered  upon  their  eight  days  experience  of  a 
reign  of  terror. 


CHAPTER    V. 


Riot  and  Ruin. 


Progress  of  the  Great  Strikes — Social  Disorders — "  The  Dang  erous 
Classes" — The  Commune  Comes  Upon  the  Scene — Intense  Excite- 
ment Throughout  the  Country — Dealings  with  Death  in  Baltimore 
— Alarm  Throughout  the  Country — Proclamations  and  Orders. 


Those  Avho  had  cherished  the  hope  that  the  conse- 
quences of  the  railroad  strike  along  the  line  of  the  Bal- 
timore and  Ohio  Railway  would  be  local  and  limited, 
were  doomed  to  be  disappointed.  The  strikes  were 
extending  in  all  directions.  It  was  no  longer  the  rail- 
road men,  as  a  class,  who  were  involved.  Other  classes 
of  laborers  had  become  enlisted.  The  situation  had 
become  extremely  critical.  The  very  foundations  of 
society  were  shaken  in  their  lowest  depths.  Like  the 
wild  tumult  and  commotion  of  a  midnight  storm,  sweep- 
ing across  both  land  and  sea,  with  vivid  flashes  of  light- 
ning illuminating  its  pathway  and  giving  new  awe  to  its 
ravages,  was  the  mighty  current  of  passion  and  hate 
which  threatened  the  destruction  of  both  the  social  and 
political  institutions  of  this  country  on  the  20th  day  of 
July,  1877.  From  the  very  first  the  cause  of  the 
strikers  had  been  gathering  strength.  In  West  Virginia 
the  masses  of  the  people  were  open  in  their  sympathy 
toward  them.  Everywhere  there  was  an  undercurrent 
of  sympathy  with  their  object.  Thus  far  the  railroad 
men  had  committed  few,  or  no  acts  which  the  general 


EIOT    AND   RUIN.  57 

public  regarded  as  lawless.  From  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  road,  on  which  the  first  trouble  occurred,  the  strike 
had  extended  totheConnellsville  Branch,  the  Pittsburgh 
and  Fort  Wayne,  the  Erie,  and  the  Great  Pennsylvania 
Railway  System.  To  the  bands  of  railroad  strikers  had 
come  a  nondescript  assemblage  of  canal-boatmen,  truck- 
men, unemployed  mechanics  and  artisans  belonging  to 
various  trades,  and  more  dreadful  than  all,  vast  swarms 
of  vicious  idlers,  vagrants  and  tramps.  The  whole  mass 
had  been  transformed  into  a  lawless  mob.  In  the  cities 
the  rabble  composed  of  vagabonds,  tramps  and  thieves, 
were  on  the  alert,  ready  to  plunder,  burn,  and  cut 
throats  on  the  slightest  provocation. 

To  complicate  matters,  in  all  the  principal  centers  of 
population  and  seats  of  trade,  the  Internationalists,  an 
association  with  which  the  American  people  had  hereto- 
fore had  small  acquaintance,  became  suddenly  extremely 
active,  and  dangerously  bold.  The  Commune,  even  worse 
than  the  Internationalists,  joined  in  the  tumult,  and 
boldly  demanded  concessions  which  would  have  proved 
subversive  of  all  government,  all  social  order.  Coal 
miners  came  from  their  black  pits  and  joined  their  voices 
to  swell  the  universal  tumult. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  most  populous 
and  wealthiest  regions  of  the  country  on  the  morning  of 
the  20th  of  July.  The  conferences,  and  mysterious 
assemblages  of  the  previous  day  had  not  been  unpro- 
ductive of  effects  disasterous  to  the  supremacy  of  law 
and  the  good  order  of  society.  It  was  a  time  of  dread 
even  to  the  coolest  and  most  daring. 

The  strikers  had  invoked  a  power  which  they  them- 
selves could  not  control.    "While  the  contest  was  between 


58  THE   GREAT   STRIKES. 

them  and  their  employers,  while  they  committed  no  other 
unlawful  acts  than  such  as  impeded  operations  of  rail- 
ways, while  they  confined  themselves  to  petty  acts  of 
annoyance  to  the  public  and  injury  to  railway  companies,, 
there  can  be  no  question  as  to  the  fact  that  a  vast  mul- 
titude of  people  sincerely  wished  them  to  be  successful- 
Right  or  wrong,  there  was  a  feeling  abroad  that  to  stop  a 
train,  not  only  by  quitting  work  themselves,  but  by  ac- 
tively interfering  to  prevent  others  from  working,  was  at 
most  but  a  venial  fault,  an  error  perhaps,  but  scarcely  a 
violation  of  law.  There  is  too  much  of  the  opinion 
entertained  by  the  masses  that  the  property  of  corpora- 
tions is  not  to  be  regarded  in  the  same  light  as  the  prop- 
erty of  individuals.  And  this  wide-spread  error  rendered 
it  possible  for  such  scenes  as  we  are  about  to  describe,  to 
be  enacted. 

While  centers  of  interest  had  multiplied  indefinitely 
during  the  ISth  and  19th,  yet  the  chief  interest  was  still 
concentrated  at  Baltimore  and  along  the  line  of  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  as  late  as  the  20th  and 
even  after  that  date.  %  , 

The  meeting  at  Cumberland,  Maryland,  held  on  the 
19th,  and  an  account  of  which  is  given  in  a  former  chap- 
ter, created  no  little  uneasiness  in  the  minds  of  those  in 
authority ;  not  so  much  because  of  what  was  done,  as  on 
account  of  what  was  threatened.  The  speeches  of  Jones, 
O'Donnell  and  others  on  that  occasion,  unquestionably 
had  a  bad  influence  on  the  more  recklessly  disposed 
members  of  the  mass  of  strikers  there  assembled.  So 
threatening  was  the  condition  of  affairs  at  that  point, 
that  the  officers  of  the  Railway  Company,  made  application 
to  Governor  Carrol),  of  Maryland,  for  a  military  force  to 


RIOT    AND    RUIN.  59 

protect  their  interests.  The  strikers  included  canal- 
boatmen,  and  some  mill-men  and  other  laborers,  together 
with  a  few  of  the  railroad  strikers,  who  had  retired 
from  Martinsbnrg  after  the  arrival  of  General  French 
with  the  regulars  at  that  point,  had  taken  up  a 
position  at  Sir  John's  Run,  a  dangerous  place  on 
the  road  some  twelve  miles  from  Martinsbnrg.  This 
band  now  numbered  some  four  hundred  persons,  and  had 
degenerated  into  a  turbulent,  lawless  mob.  The  presence 
of  the  military  at  Martinsbnrg  had  enabled  the  Railway 
Company  to  despatch  a  large  number  of  their  delayed 
trains  from  that  station.  But  the  strikers  at  Cumber- 
land, Sir  John's  Run,  and  other  places,  not  having  the 
fear  of  General  French  and  his  regulars  before  them, 
resolved  to  stop  all  trains  that  attempted  to  pass. 
Accordingly,  the  rioters  at  the  first  named  place,  pro- 
ceeded to  switch  off  every  train  that  arrived  from  the 
East  or  the  West,  and  drag  the  engineers  and  firemen 
off  the  locomotives,  in  many  cases  handling  them  very 
roughly,  and  threatening  them  with  severer  treatment  if 
they  attempted  to  operate  trains  on  the  road  during  the 
continuance  of  the  strike. 

At  Sir  John's  Run,  the  turbulent  mob  there  assembled, 
stopped  a  train  which  was  guarded  by  soldiers,  climbed 
upon  the  engine,  and  threw  the  engineer  and  fireman  to 
the  ground.  This  mob  had  procured  arms,  and  was  pre- 
pared to  resist  a  considerable  force.  Many  of  them  were 
supplied  with  Henry  and  Winchester  repeating  rifles,. 
and  from  this  circumstance  were  able  to  overawe  any 
train-guard  likely  to  be  sent  out. 

Meanwhile,  train  after  train  was  dispatched  from 
llartinsburg.     They  commenced  to  move  them  at  seven 


■60  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

o'clock  the  morning  of  the  20th,  and  moved  a  train 
both  East  and  West  every  thirty  minutes.  Few  of 
these,  however,  reached  their  destination  on  time. 
Early  in  the  day  General  French  issued  stringent  orders, 
forbidding  any  person  to  approach  the  yards  and  tracks 
of  the  Railway  Company,  under  any  pretence,  no  matter 
whether  friendly  or  hostile.  Strong  guards  were  posted, 
and  a  picket  line  thrown  out  to  enforce  this  order. 
Only  the  persons  connected  with  the  operation  of  the 
trains  were  permitted  to  enter  the  guarded  precincts. 

The  strikers  sullenly  retired  to  a  neighboring  height, 
whence  they  viewed  the  operations  below,  and  occasion- 
ally taunted  the  trainmen  while  engaged  at  their  work. 
The  assurance  of  protection,  with  offers  of  extra  wages, 
had  its  effect  on  engineers  and  firemen  who  were  idle, 
and  by  the  morning  of  the  20th  the  Company  had  no 
difficulty  in  securing  all  the  men  they  wanted.  The 
small  force  at  his  command  rendered  it  impossible  for 
the  commander  of  the  federal  forces  at  Martinsburg  to 
afford  sufficient  guards  for  all  the  trains. 

In  the  afternoon  General  French  issued  the  following 
order  of  warning  to  the  rioters : 

Headquarters  United  States  Troops,     ) 
Martinsburg.  W.  Va,,  July  20,  1877.  j 

Due  notification  having  been  given  by  the  proclama- 
tion of  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  those 
concerned,  the  undersigned  warns  all  persons  engaged 
in  the  interception  of  travel  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad  that  the  trains  must  not  be  impeded,  and  who- 
mever undertakes  it,  do  so  at  their  own  peril. 

(Signed)  William  H.  French, 

Brevet  Major-General  United  States  Army. 

Colonel  Fourth  Artillery  Commanding. 


RIOT   AND   RUIN.  61 

It  was  also  determined  to  break  up  the  encampment 
of  the  mob  at  Sir  John's  Run.  Accordingly,  a  train 
was  sent  out  and  with  it  went  Captain  Litchfield,  with 
two  companies  of  soldiers  to  the  point  of  disturbance. 
On  the  approach  of  the  troops,  the  canal-boatmen 
betook  themselves  to  the  Maryland  side  of  the  river,  or 
to  their  boats.  Two  trains  with  fires  out,  which  had 
been  stopped  by  them,  were  fired  up  and  sent  on  to  the 
West.  A  detachment  of  troops  were  left  at  this  post  to 
overawe  the  mob,  and  afford  protection  to  passing 
trains.  The  strikers  everywhere  expressed  a  determin- 
ation to  hold  out  until  their  demands  were  complied 
with.  A  mob  numbering  about  eight  hundred  men  took 
possession  of  a  portion  of  the  track  of  the  railway  near 
Baltimore,  and  compelled  all  trains  which  started  out  to 
be  backed  into  the  yard  again.  This  gang  was  not  com- 
posed of  railroad  men,  but  consisted  of  unemployed  and 
vicious  persons  of  the  city,  in  sympathy  with  the  strikers. 

Lieutenant  Curtis,  commanding  a  detachment  of 
regulars,  was  sent  by  General  French  to  afford  protec- 
tion to  the  trains.  The  result  of  the  expedition  is  thus 
related  by  that  officer,  in  a  despatch  to  General  French. 

"  The  train  was  stoned  at  Sir  John's  Hun,  but  no  one 
was  injured.  The  rain  doubtless  prevented  a  large 
gathering.  Reached  Cumberland  without  molestation 
at  12:45  a.  m.  Torpedoes  on  the  track  notified  the 
strikers  at  Keyser  of  our  coming.  The  regular  engineer 
and  fireman  were  taken  off  by  the  strikers  and  the  train 
run  on  a  siding.  About  one  hundred  strikers  are  at  the  de- 
pot now.  My  detachment  is  too  small  for  effective  opera- 
tions, and  there  are  poor  accommodations.  Shall  I  remain 
here,  retire  to  Cumberland  or  return  to  Martinsburg?" 


62  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

The  force  at  his  command  not  being  sufficiently  large 
to  warrant  any  further  reduction,  Lieutenant  Curtis  was 
ordered  back  to  Martinsburg.  Practically  the  attempt 
to  open  the  road  through  the  aid  of  the  military  forces 
of  the  United  States,  had  come  to  an  end,  as  the  strikers 
had  possession  at  Cumberland,  Keyser,  and  several  other 
important  stations. 

The  situation  at  Cumberland  had  become  alarming. 
There  the  strikers,  their  sympathizers,  and  whole  troops 
•of  tramps  who  had  come  in  and  joined  them,  numbered 
about  five  hundred  men.  The  men  in  the  large  iron  works 
in  the  place  were  discontented,  and  at  the  point  of  join- 
ing the  lawless  bands.  Towards  the  close  of  the  afternoon, 
the  crowds  of  idlers  had  increased  to  such  an  extent,  and 
become  so  threatening  in  their  demonstrations,  that  an 
urgent  appeal  was  telegraphed  to  Governor  Carroll  for 
assistance.  The  Governor  had  already  been  advised  of 
the  critical  condition  of  affairs  at  that  point,  and  had 
immediately  on  his  arrival  in  Baltimore  consulted  with 
the  railroad  officials  as  to  the  best  means  for  suppressing 
the  disorders,  and  had  arrived  at  a  determination  to  send 
General  Herbert,  with  the  Fifth  Regiment,  Maryland 
National  Guard.  In  pursuance  of  this  purpose,  the  fol- 
lowing order  was  issued  : 

Executive  Mansion, 
Baltimore,  July  20,  1877. 

Brigadier- General    James    R.    Herbert,    Commander 
First  Brigade,  Md.  JV.  G. 

Sir  : — You  will  proceed  at  once  with  the  Fifth  Regi- 
ment of  your  command  to  the  city  of  Cumberland  to  aid 
in  the  suppression  of  riot  and  lawlessness  along  the  line 


RIOT   AND    RUIN.  63 

of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  in  this  State,  and 
there  await  further  orders. 

(Signed)  John  Lee  Carroll, 

Governor  and  Commander-in-Chief. 

The  Governor  being  fnlly  informed  of  all  the  facts 
hearing  on  the  wild  disorders  in  a  portion  of  his  State, 
resolved  upon  issuing  the  following  proclamation,  which 
was  at  once  made  public. 

Governor  Carroll's  Proclamation. 


Whereas,  It  has  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Execu- 
tive that  combinations  of  men  have  been  formed  at 
various  points  along  the  line  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad  in  this  State,  and  that  a  conspiracy  exists,  the 
object  of  which  is  to  impede  the  traffic  and  interfere  with 
the  legitimate  business  of  the  said  Railroad  Company  ; 
and, 

Whereas,  Various  acts  of  lawlessness  and  intimidation 
to  effect  this  purpose  have  been  perpetrated  in  this  State 
by  bodies  of  men  with  whom  the  local  authorities  are, 
in  some  instances,  incompetent  to  deal ;  and, 

Whereas,  It  is  of  the  first  importance  that  good 
order  should  everywhere  prevail,  and  that  citizens  of 
every  class  should  be  protected ; 

Therefore,  I,  John  Lee  Carroll,  Governor  of  Mary- 
land, by  virtue  of  the  authority  vested  in  me,  do  hereby 
issue  thisj  my  proclamation,  calling  upon  all  citizens  of 
this  State  to  abstain  from  acts  of  lawlessness,  and  aid 
lawful  authorities  in  the  maintainance  of  peace  and 
order. 


64  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  the  great  seal  of  the  State 
of  Maryland,  at  the  city  of  Baltimore,  this  twentieth  day 
of  July,  1877. 

(Signed)  John   Lee  Carroll,  Governor. 

By  the  Governor, 

R.  C.  Holiday,  Secretary  of  State. 

In  obedience  to  the  orders  of  the  Governor,  General 
Herbert  summoned  the  officers  and  men  of  his  command 
to  repair  to  their  armory  on  North  Howard  street  at 
once,  and  there  await  further  orders.  This  order  was 
promulgated  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  The 
men  began  to  assemble,  but  without  alacrity.  At  five 
o'clock  not  more  than  one  hundred  men  were  found  to 
be  present.  A  train  to  carry  them  West  was  being  pre- 
pared, and  the  militia-men  then  assembled  in  the  armory 
on  North  Howard  street  fully  expected  to  be  transferred 
to  the  seat  of  war  out  in  the  mountain  regions  of  the 
West.  Such,  however,  was  not  to  be  the  case.  Balti- 
more was  even  then  on  the  eve  of  one  of  the  most  mo- 
mentous events  in  her  history.  The  Spirit  of  violence 
was  brooding  over  the  city — was  destined  to  have  her 
streets  reddened  with  blood  before  the  sun  rose  on  the 
morrow. 

All  the  afternoon  the  crowds  at  various  points  in  the 
city  had  been  augmenting  with  every  passing  hour. 
About  the  railway  depots,  especially,  there  were  dense 
masses  of  people  congregated.  There  was  an  unwonted 
air  of  excitement  visible  among  the  pedestrians,  who 
poured  through  the  streets.  The  Mayor,  through  infor- 
mation obtained  of  the  police,  was  convinced  that  the 
city  was  in  danger  of  riotous  demonstrations. 


KIOT    AND    RflN.  65 

In  the  neighborhood  of  the  armories  vast  masses  of 
people  had  collected,  and  these  hooted  and  jeered  the 
assembling  militia-men.  In  the  neighborhood  of  the 
armory  of  the  Fifth  Regiment,  in  North  Howard  street, 
the  thoroughfares  were  literally  packed  by  a  throng  of 
people  of  all  ages,  and  both  sexes.  "Women  taunted  the 
soldiers,  and  cheered  for  the  strikers.  Nor  were  the  feel- 
ings of  the  mob  vented  alone  in  tantalizing  language. 
A  crowd  of  roughs  stationed  themselves  on  the  side- 
walk, opposite  the  armory,  with  bricks  and  stones,  and 
in  some  instances  pistols,  and  began  to  throw  at  the 
soldiers  within,  through  the  windows.  The  appearance 
of  a  militia-man  at  a  window  was  greeted  by  a  perfect 
storm  of  missiles.  Several  shots  wTere  fired.  The 
gathering  soldiers  had  great  difficulty  in  forcing  their 
way  through  the  crowd,  and  ran  the  risk  of  being  torn 
in  pieces  when  they  attempted  to  effect  an  entrance  into 
the  building. 

Moment  by  moment  the  storm  of  passion  gathered  in 
volume  and  force.  It  was  evident  that  the  situation  of 
the  city  was  perilous  in  the  extreme.  The  police  force 
was  powerless  to  effect  a  dispersion  of  the  rioters.  Dis- 
aster and  death  threatened  to  walk  hand-in-hand  through 
the  streets  of  the  ill-fated  city. 

During  the  day,  the  German  section  of  the  Internation- 
alists, otherwise  known  as  "  The  Workingmen's  Party  of 
the  United  States,"  held  a  largely  attended  meeting  at 
their  hall  at  Nos.  43  and  45  East  Pratt  street,  and  dis- 
cussed the  situation.  Christopher  Hesse,  made  a  speech, 
in  which  he  declared  the  present  movement  was  a  revo- 
lution, and  offered  the  opportunity  to  the  International- 
ists to  carry  out  their  principles.     "  The  government," 

5 


■  66  THE    ^REAT    STRIKES. 

%e  'said,  "  should  own  all  the  railroads,  and  the  working- 
-men should  constitute  the  government."    He  called  upon 
-them  to  rise  and  assert  their  rights,  even  though  it  should 
be  necessary  to  deluge  the  streets  of  Baltimore  in  blood. 
Another  meeting  of  the  same  character  was  held,  in 
4he  afternoon  at  No.  20  Bond  street.     The  persons  who 
:  attended  this  place  were  principally  Bohemians  and  Poles. 
.An  ^individual  named  Frank  Wovrinna,  a  late  importa- 
tion from  Prague,  seemed  to  take  the  lead  in  this  demon- 
stration.    His  sentiments  and  purposes  were  on  a  level 
with  those  expressed  by  Hesse. 

At  No.  261  Battery  avenue,  still  another  convocation 
<of  the  Internationalists  assembled,  and  one  John  George 
Ricker,  seemed  to  breathe  the  spirit  of  his  own  fiery 
nature  into  the  small  band  of  tramps  who  had  assembled 
'there.  He,  too,  was  for  war,  swift,  terrible,  relentless, 
in  order  that  the  wrongs  of  workingmen  might  be  re- 
pressed. 

These  people  were  dealing  with  death  in  their  desper- 
ate venture.  It  was  such  counsel  as  they  could  give, 
-which  led  to  the  deadly  volley  that  caused  the  streets  of 
Baltimore  to  be  stained  with  blood  that  same  evening. 
To  the  scenes  and  incidents  of  the  night  of  the  20th  in 
the  city  of  Baltimore,  we  must  devote  more  space  than 
can  be  afforded  in  this  chapter. 


CHAPTER    VI. 


The  Tocsin  Sounds  in  Baltimore. 


The  Gathering  Mob — Thronged  Streets  and  Angry  Men — Terrible 
Exhibition  of  Passion  and  Temerity — Soldiers  Stoned  by  Rioters — 
Sharp  Volleys  and  Sudden  Deaths — A  Night  of  Terror — Alarm 
Bells— The  Torches'  Red  Glare. 


The  sun  was  still  high  above  the  horizon  when  the 
crowds  in  the  streets  of  Baltimore  had  increased  to  such 
an  extent,  and  manifested  so  turbulent  a  disposition,  that 
the  authorities  were  forced  to  realize  the  imminent  dan- 
ger which  impended  over  the  city.  Peaceable  citizens 
trembled  when  they  beheld  the  surging  masses  of  passion - 
blinded  workingmen  in  possession  of  the  thoroughfares. 
It  was  a  threatening  throng.  In  the  neighborhood  of 
the  armories,  gangs  of  men  and  boys,  and  even  women, 
had  collected  and  hooted  and  jeered  the  assembling 
militia-men.  Those  crowds  were  composed  of  a  few 
railroad  men,  workers  in  machine  shops,  factories,  mills, 
founderies,  and  vast  numbers  of  those  who  live  by  prey- 
ing upon  others — thieves,  professional  ruffians,  the  scum 
of  the  city,  jail-birds,  or  those  who  were  hurrying  with 
rapid  steps  to  enter  prison  doors,  drunken  loafers,  tramps 
just  returned  from  making  a  circuit  in  quest  of  food  and 
the  pickings  of  rogues,  with  a  considerable  intermixture 
of  peaceable  citizens  who  had  come  out  to  gratify  an  idle 
curiosity,  and  been  drawn  into  the  seething  mass  of 
grimy  workingmen  and   odorous   thieves.     The  excite- 


6S  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

merit  was  intense,  and  the  tide  of  passion  rose  with  every 
passing  moment. 

The  Mayor  and  the  Commissioners,  of  Police  foresaw 
the  coming  storm,  and  realized  how  powerless  they  were 
to  arrest  its  furv  if  the  militia  should  be  withdrawn  from 

*j 

the  city. 

Meanwhile  the  militia  regiment  which  had  been 
ordered  to  Cumberland,  were  slow  to  obey  the  summons 
of  the  sergeants,  and  had  not  yet  prepared  to  march  to  the 
Camden  depot  to  take  the  train.  The  attitude  of  the 
street  crowd  was  fearfully  threatening.  All  along  the 
route  which  it  was  expected  the  troops  would  take  on 
their  march  to  the  station,  the  streets  were  throno-ed  bv 
dense  masses  of  people,  engaged  in  discussing  the  situa- 
tion. The  passer-by  needed  not  to  inquire  on  which 
side  the  sympathies  of  these  throngs  were  bestowed. 
They  were,  as  a  mass,  the  friends  of  the  strikers. 

Mayor  Latrobe,  at  once  issued  a  proclamation,  reciting 
the  riot  act,  and  ordering  the  mobs  which  had  collected 
at  four  different  points  in  the  city  to  disperse.  But 
proclamations  had  no  effect  on  the  aroused  passions  of 
the  dangerous  classes.  What  did  thev  care  for  law,  when 
they  already  felt  themselves  sufficiently  strong  to  sub- 
vert all  lawful  authority?  Later  in  the  afternoon  Gov- 
ernor Carroll  received  a  communication  from  Mayor 
Latrobe,  which  he  embodied  in  the  following  order  to 

General  Herbert  : 

Baltimore,  July  20. 

Brigadier- General     Jas.     B.    Herbert,     Commanding 
First  Brigade  H.  N.   G. 
Sir  :  I  have  just  received  the  following  communica- 
tion from  Ferdinand  C.  Latrobe,  Mayor  of  Baltimore  : 


THE    TOCSIN    SOUNDS    IN    BALTIMORE.  69 

Baltimore,  July  20. 

His  Excellency  John  Lee   Carroll,  Governor  of  Mary- 
land. 

Dear  Sir  :  In  view  of  the  condition  of  affairs  now 
existing  in  this  city,  and  the  violent  demonstration  that 
has  taken  place  within  the  last  hour,  I  would  suggest 
that  neither  of  the  regiments  of  State  malitia  be  ordered 
to  leave  Baltimore  this  evening.  I  make  this  suggestion 
after  a  consultation  with  the  Commissioners  of  Police. 
Yery  respectfully, 

(Signed)  Ferdinand  C.    Latrobe, 

Mayor  of  Baltimore. 

In  consequence  of  the  above  request,  the  order  to  pro- 
ceed to  Cumberland  with  the  Fifth  Regiment  is  hereby 
revoked,  and  you  will  hold  the  men  under  your  command 
ready  to  aid  the  city  authorities  in  case  they  should  be 
required  in  preserving  order  throughout  the  city. 

(Signed)  John  Lee  Carroll,  Governor. 

It  was  past  six  o'clock  in  the  evening  when  collisions 
between  the  mob  and  the  police  and  militia  became 
alarmingly  frequent.  At  this  time  the  streets  were 
literally  overflowing  with  excited  crowds  of  people. 
It  was  now  evident  to  the  most  temporizing  that  a 
collision  could  not  be  avoided.  The  authorities  must 
put  down  the  mob,  or  be  over-ridden  by  it.  Hesitation 
was  out  of  place,  and  delay  dangerous. 

The  want  of  alacrity  on  the  part  of  the  militia  in 
assembling,  induced  General  Herbert  to  cause  the  general 
militia  alarm  to  be  sounded.  This  step  was  not  approved 
•of  by  Governor  Carroll.     The  number  151,  the  militia 


70  THE    GREAT   STRIKES. 

call,  was  tolled  from  all  the  alarm  bells.  The  excitement 
was  terrible.  It  was  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the 
city  that  the  dreadful  tocsin  had  fell  upon  the  ears  of  the 
citizens.  The  wildest  commotion  ensued.  The  people 
poured  into  the  streets  in  every  quarter  of  town,  and 
rushed  excitedly  towards  the  City  Hall  Square.  Women' 
and  children,  old  and  young  men,  constituting  vast 
streams  of  humanity,  flowing  at  the  same  time  on  all 
the  streets,  through  which  access  to  the  square  could  be 
had,  with  awe  inspiring  tumult,  moved  onward  to  the 
common  center  of  interest.  Again  the  dreadful  bells 
pealed  forth  151 ;  and  the  shouts  and  cries,  cursings  and 
prayers  of  that  maddened  throng,  composed  as  it  was  of 
every  class,  but  most  largely  of  reckless,  idiotic,  drunken, 
imbecile,  poverty-stricken,  unwashed,  grimy  men,  seam- 
ed with  every  line  which  wretchedness  could  draw  or 
vicious  habits  and  associations  could  fix  on  human  faces,, 
presented  a  spectacle  that  made  one  feel  as  though  it  was* 
a  tearful  witnessing  in  perspective  of  the  last  day,  when 
the  secrets  of  life,  more  loathsome  than  those  of  death,, 
shall  be  laid  bare  in  their  hideous  deformity  and  ghastly 
shame. 

Meanwhile  the  Fifth  Regiment,  Maryland  National 
Guards,  had  completed  preparations  and  marched  by  a 
different  route  from  that  anticipated  by  the  rioters,  to  the 
Camden  Station,  and  thereby  avoided  any  serious  con- 
flict on  the  streets. 

The  alarm  sounded  from  the  City  Hall  called  the 
members  of  the  Sixth  Regiment,  Colonel  Clarence 
Peters  in  command,  to  hurry  to  their  armory,  corner  of 
Fayette  and  Front  streets.  In  front  of  this  armory  a. 
mob  numbering  three  or  four    thousand   persons  kadi 


THE   TOCSIN    SOUNDS   IN    BALTIMORE.  71 

assembled.  The  demeanor  of  this  mass  was  very 
threatening,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  the 
soldiers  could  assemble.  Shortly  after  eight  o'clock  orders 
were  given  to  this  regiment  to  move  out  towards  the 
Camden  Station  which  was  threatened  by  a  great  mob  of 
malcontents.  The  roughs  began  to  make  more  active  de- 
monstrations. A  perfect  storm  of  bricks,  stones  and  other 
missiles  were  hurled  at  the  building.  The  windows  were 
watched,  and  when  a  soldier  appeared  a  shower  of  mis- 
siles and  pistol  balls  were  at  once  aimed  at  him.  It  was 
with  exceeding  difficulty  that  the  soldiers  could  make 
progress  through  the  densely  crowded  streets.  They 
were  followed  on  the  march  by  a  vast  mob,  who  with 
demoniac  yells  and  blasphemies  ceased  not  to  pelt  the 
marching  column  with  bricks,  stones — anything  they 
could  seize,  capable  of  inflicting  wounds.  The  militia 
behaved  as  if  wanting  in  coolness  and  courage.  But 
as  yet  no  reply  was  made  to  the  incessant  peltings  of 
the  mob,  which  every  moment  became  more  daring. 

The  marching  detachment  was  in  actual  danger  of  be- 
ing overwhelmed  by  sheer  force  and  weight  of  numbers. 
When  the  troops  had  reached  the  intersection  of  Fred- 
erick and  Baltimore  streets,  the  mob  pressed  so  closely 
upon  them  that  they  were  constrained  to  protect  them- 
selves. No  command  to  halt  was  given ;  no  orders  to 
fire,  but  the  men  acted  without  orders.  A  sharp  rattle 
of  musketry  rang  out  above  the  tumult  of  the  mob.  A 
whistling  of  bullets  was  heard,  men  were  seen  to  drop, 
cries  of  agony  were  mingled  with  curses  and  howls  of 
rage.  Women  screamed  and  fainted  on  the  streets ;  chil- 
dren  mingled  their  piercing  cries  with  the  general  uproar. 
There  was  a  shrinking  back  of  the  crowd  for  a  moment, 


72  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

and  the  militia  marched  on.  But  the  rioters  quickly  ral- 
lied and  by  the  time  the  troops  had  proceeded  two  squares 
the  throng  was  as  great  as  before,  and  the  mob  threat- 
ened to  rush  upon  and  disarm  and  murder  the  soldiers  in 
the  streets.  When  opposite  the  office  of  the  American, 
newspaper,  another  halt  was  called,  and  another  volley 
of  bullets  were  poured  into  the  midst  of  the  howling 
mass  of  men  who  pressed  upon  the  marching  column. 
Men  sank  in  their  tracks  and  expired.  This  second  dis- 
charge was  received  by  the  rioters  with  mingled  cries  of 
agony,  threats  and  jeers.  Paving-stones  were  gathered 
from  the  streets  and  hurled  by  strong  arms  into  the  ranks 
of  the  soldiers.  The  determination  of  the  mob  was  a 
fearful  exhibition  of  aroused  passions.  The  momentary 
check  given  the  rioters  was  taken  advantage  of  by  the 
militia  to  continue  their  march.  But  again  the  mob  ral- 
lied and  assailed  the  troops  as  the  head  of  the  column 
turned  into  Charles  street.  Another  halt,  another  fusi- 
lade,  a  few  more  dead  on  the  streets,  was  the  result. 
Then  the  soldiers  proceeded,  amid  the  hoots  and  jeers  of 
a  maddened  populace,  to  the  depot. 

The  Fifth  Regiment  had  already  arrived  at  that  point. 
The  mob  collected  there  was  vast  in  numbers,  and  threat- 
ening in  demeanor.  The  malcontents  were  ordered  to 
disperse;  but  they  paid  no  attention  to  the  command. 
The  lower  part  of  the  depot  was  in  the  undisputed  pos- 
session of  the  rioters.  The  engineer  and  fireman  of  the 
train  which  had  been  got  ready  to  convey  the  Fifth  Regi- 
ment to  Cumberland,  had  been  forcibly  taken  from 
their  engine,  and  threatened  with  death  if  they  dared 
approach  it  again.  As  the  Fifth  Regiment  approached 
the  depot  it  too  was  assailed  by  the  mob,  with  showers 


THE   TOCSIN    SOUNDS    IN    BALTIMORE.  73 

of  missiles.  Several  soldiers  were  hurt  by  being  struck. 
The  soldiers  dared  not  attack  the  mob  until  reinforced 
by  the  Sixth  Regiment.  When  that  regiment  arrived  the 
rioting  began.  The  soldiers  formed  in  line,  and  charged 
bayonets.  The  gleam  of  the  bright  steel  in  the  gaslight 
had  a  magical  effect  on  the  courage  of  the  rioters.  They 
shrunk  back  aghast  at  this  exhibition  of  death-dealing 
implements.  The  depot  was  cleared  of  the  mob  in  a 
short  time.  A  strong  guard  was  placed  about  the  grounds 
to  protect  the  property.  The  mob,  however,  was  not 
conquered.  Threats  that  the  depot  would  be  burned 
were  made.  At  10.30  o'clock  a  fire  was  started  at  Cam- 
den Station.  At  first  the  rioters  refused  to  allow  the 
firemen  to  play  upon  the  flames  ;  but  at  last  the  fire  was 
extinguished  without  doing  much  damage. 

Subsequently  two  fires  were  started  in  the  southern 
part  of  the  city,  which,  however,  were  extinguished  with- 
out involving  very  heavy  losses. 

The  mob  still  held  all  that  district  of  the  city,  and 
boldly  declared  their  purpose  to  destroy  all  property  sit- 
uated in  that  quarter,  if  their  every  demand  was  not 
complied  with.  All  the  shops  and  warehouses  of  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  Company  are  located  in  the 
portion  of  the  city  which  was  held  by  them. 

The  order  of  the  Governor  countermanding  the  or- 
der to  send  away  the  troops,  was  of  the  very  first  import- 
ance. Without  the  presence  of  these  troops,  Baltimore 
would  have  been  completely  in  the  power  of  the  "  danger- 
ous classes,"  for  it  was  the  vicious  and  depraved  that 
now  came  forward  as  leaders  of  the  workingmen.  There 
was  much  more  need  for  soldiers  in  the  metropolis  than 
at  the  wayside  station  of  Cumberland. 


74  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

During  all  the  time  while  the  military  were  dealing 
with  the  mob  at  the  depot,  the  excitement  throughout 
the  city  had  gone  on  increasing.  Nine  o'clock,  ten, 
eleven,  twelve,  one  o'clock  came,  and  still  there  was 
scarcely  any  perceptible  diminution  in  the  numbers  of 
people  thronging  the  streets.  The  spectacle  was  some- 
thing fearful.  The  loud  mouthings  had  given  place  to 
deeper  cursings.  The  froth  of  the  first  ebullition  of 
passion  had  been  swept  away  by  the  breath  of  an  intenser 
hate.  Men  cursed  society,  defied  all  law,  and  swore  to 
wreck  the  peace  of  mankind  by  inaugurating  a  reign  of 
social  chaos.  The  streets  had  been  stained  with  blood  ;. 
"ten  lusty  lives  had  been  snuffed  out "  by  "the  whiff  of 
volleys  of  bullets."  Twenty-three  more  strong  men,  who 
had  rejoiced  in  the  strength  and  vigor  of  manhood  when 
the  sun  went  down,  were  now  mangled  and  helpless. 
The  scent  of  blood  whetted  the  appetite  of  the  mob  for 
more  blood.  In  the  hour  of  madness,  society  encounters 
its  gravest  perils.     Then  the  bonds  of  union  are  broken. 

The  names  of  the  killed  by  the  volleys  fired  into  the 
mob  by  the  Sixth  Regiment  on  its  way  to  the  depot,  were 
Thomas  V.  Byrne,  Patrick  Gill,  Louis  Sinovitch,  Nich- 
olas Rheinhardt,  Cornelius  Murphy,  William  Hourand, 
John  Henry  Frank,  George  McDowell,  Otto  Manck,  and 
Mark  C.  Doud.  Several  of  these  were  respectable  and 
peaceable  citizens,  who  had  been  drawn  to  the  scene  of 
disturbance  by  mere  curiosity.  Two  more  persons,  James 
Roke  and  George  Kemp,  wounded  at  the  time,  died  of 
their  injuries  afterward. 

All  night  the  excitement  continued.  The  citizens  of 
Baltimore  were  in  a  state  of  nervous  anticipation,  which 
banished  sleep  from  their  eyes.     What  would  the  mor- 


THE   TOCSIN    SOUNDS    IN    BALTIMOBE.  75- 

row  bring  ?  What  dire  disaster  come  upon  the  city  t 
These  were  questions  each  asked  but  which  none  could 
answer.  The  blind  Polyphemus  was  directing  blows 
from  the  mighty  arm  of  the  giant  Briserius.  Who  could 
tell  what  blind  fury  might  or  might  not  do! 

The  two  regiments  of  militia  remained  at  the  Camden 
Station  during  the  night.  The  feeling  against  members 
of  the  Sixth  Regiment  was  quite  bitter.  The  members 
of  that  command  could  not  leave  the  station  the  next 
day  after  the  tiring  without  risk.  They  had  to  secretly 
leave  their  quarters  in  citizens  dress,  without  arms.  To- 
admit  that  one  Avas  a  member  of  the  Sixth,  was  to  ex- 
pose one's  self  to  the  danger  of  being  torn  in  pieces. 

It  was  evident  that  there  were  agencies  at  work  outside 
of  the  workingmen's  strike.  The  people  engaged  in  these 
riots  were  not  railroad  strikers.  The  Internationalists  had 
evidently  had  something  to  do  with  creating  the  scenes 
of  bloodshed.  The  threats  of  their  leaders  made  at 
meetings  held  the  same  evening  were  evidently  not 
merely  idle  vaporings.  Women  frenzied  with  rage, 
joined  the  mob  and  incited  the  men  to  stand  firm  in  the 
fight.  The  scenes  of  the  night  of  the  20th  of  July, 
1877,  in  the  city  of  Baltimore,  were  not  unlike  those 
which  characterized  the  events  in  the  city  of  Paris  during 
the  reign  of  the  Commune  in  1870. 

So  alarming  had  become  the  situation,  so  great  and 
so  determined  had  become  the  lawless  elements,  that 
Governor  Carroll  was  constrained  to  appeal  to  the  Federal 
Government  for  assistance,  which  he  did  by  making  a 
formal  call  on  the  President  of  the  United  States  for 
troops,  the  same  evening  after  the  bloody  fusilades. 


CHAPTER    VII. 


The  Internationalists. 


The  Baltimore  Mob  Not  Railroad  Strikers — The  Communistic  Tend- 
ancy  in  American  Cities — Destructive  Theories— Danger  to  the 
Country  Threatened — An  Element  to  be  Feared — Some  Account 
of  the  Origin  of  the  Association. 


The  mob  at  Baltimore  revealed  the  existance  of  an 
association  in  this  country,  which  had  hitherto  been  sup- 
posed to  be  confined  to  the  old  world.  Taking  advan- 
tage of  the  strikes  of  the  railroad  men,  the  "  Workingmen's 
Party  of  the  United  States,"  suddenly  revealed  itself  in 
almost  every  city  in  the  Union,  not  only  as  an  element 
in  the  general  disturbance,  but  as  the  prompting  power 
in  all  the  movements  made  subsequent  to  the  transfer  of 
the  seat  of  trouble  from  Martinsburg  to  the  larger  cen- 
ters  of  population.  The  riot  at  Baltimore  showed  them 
behind  the  scenes,  manipulating  the  populace,  and  organ- 
izing the  rioters.  Henceforth  they  appear  inseperably 
connected  with  every  movement  made  by  the  strikers,  or 
mobs.  The  name  "Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United 
States,"  had  a  certain  charm  for  a  large  class  of  American 
laborers,  who  without  examination,  or  much  reflection, 
suffered  themselves  to  be  drawn  into  apparent  affiliation 
with  an  association  which  holds  views  directly  antago- 
nistic to  all  sound  principles  of  government,  and  wholly 
subversive  of  the  doctrines  which  underlie  the  founda- 
tions of  social  order. 


THE    INTERNATIONALISTS.  77 

This  so-called  "  Party  "  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  the 
organization  known  in  Europe  as  "  The  International 
Association  of  Workingmen,"  which  has  cost  almost 
every  government  on  that  continent  no  little  uneasiness. 
The  evidence  of  the  conspicuous  part  played  by  the  In- 
ternationalists in  bringing  about  the  bloody  catastrophy 
at  Baltimore,  and  in  every  subsequent  collision  between 
the  authorities  and  the  populace,  is  a  justification  for 
breaking  off  the  narrative  concerning  events  at  this  point, 
and  devoting  a  chapter  to  that  element  in  our  political 
life,  which,  for  the  first  time  in  our  history,  comes  to  the 
front  and  presents  itself  as  formidable  and  dangerous. 

The  germ  of  the  organization  is  apparently  to  be  found 
in  a  visit  made,  in  1862,  by  a  delegation  of  French  work- 
men to  the  Universal  Exhibition  in  London.  This  dele- 
gation travelled  under  the  sanction,  if  not  at  the  charge 
of  the  imperial  government,  of  Napoleon  III.  The  keen 
foresight  of  the  Perfect  of  Police  could  discover  no  good 
to  come  of  this  journey  of  artisans,  and  he  would  have 
interfered  to  prevent  it,  had  not  the  express  sanction  of 
the  Emperor  induced  him  to  countenance  the  proceeding. 
The  acquaintance  formed  on  that  occasion,  led  to  a  cor- 
respondence, and  that  to  a  second  meeting  in  1863.  On 
this  occasion  the  imperial  sanction  was  neither  sought 
nor  desired.  The  plan  of  International  combination  had 
taken  form ;  and  in  the  language  of  one  of  the  earliest 
actors,  in  the  matter,  "  there  was  no  time  to  organize  ; 
but  the  idea  was  thrown  out,  and  it  would  already  have 
been  difficult  to  prevent  its  development." 

After  another  year  of  preliminary  action,  a  meeting 
was  finally  held  in  St.  Martin's  Hall,  London,  September 
28th,  1864,  at  which  the  Association  was  fairly  launched 


78  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

on  the  social  sea.  It  is  important  to  observe  that  no  polit- 
ical influence  appears  to  have  prompted  this  combination. 
Both  the  English  and  French  leaders  in  the  organization 
were  strongly  democratic  in  their  views.  George  Odger, 
the  English  leader,  was  a  liberal,  and  Lucien  Tolain,  was 
a  member  of  the  Left  in  the  French  National  Assembly 
After  the  days  of  the  Commune  in  1871.  But  it  is  clear 
that  in  the  St.  Martin's  Hall  meeting,  politics  was  not 
the  subject  which  engrossed  their  chief  attention. 

Between  the  Association  at  St.  Martin's  Hall  and  the 
Leicester  Square  Colony  of  political  exiles,  there  was  in 
fact  a  marked  coolness  from  the  very  first.  The  exiles 
were,  after  all,  bourgeois  in  the  eyes  of  the  French  mem- 
bers of  the  International,  and  neither  had  nor  desired  a 
share  in  a  movement  which  had  for  its  object,"  the  eman- 
cipation of  the  workingmen,"  and  not  the  interests  of 
Jacobinism  ;  while  on  the  other  hand  the  French  found- 
ers of  the  International,  were  long  distrusted  by  repub- 
licans, and  charged  with  Bonapartist  tendancies.  What 
else  could  men  expect  who  professed  to  represent  the 
toiling  masses,  and  to  be  republicans,  who  nevertheless 
£tood  aloof  from  political  conspiracy  ? 

The  form  of  organization  adopted  at  St.  Martin's  Hall 
is  simple  but  efficient.  The  business  of  the  Association 
as  managed  by  a  General  Council,  which  has  its  seat  in 
London.  This  body,  with  the  aid  of  Secretaries  for  the 
different  languages  spoken  by  the  Internationalists,  con- 
ducts the  correspondence  with  the  various  Boards  of 
Supervision  in  every  country  where  the  Association  has 
an  existence  ;  watches  all  events  which  affect  the  general 
interests;  shapes  the  business  to  be  laid  before  the  annu- 
al Congress  ;  collects  and  gives  information,  and  in  every 


THE    INTERNATIONALISTS.  79 

way  performs  the  functions  of  a  living  bond  of  Union 
between  the  organized  workingmen  of  different  countries. 
"The  International  has  no  President,  that  office  having 
been  abolished  by  a  solemn  vote  of  the  Congress,  held 
at  Brussels,  in  1868,  as  a  relict  of  monarchism,  even 
though  but  an  honorary  position  divested  of  all  power. 

The  Council  at  London  is  appointed  by  the  Congress 
composed  of  delegates  from  all  the  branches  of  the  In- 
ternational, and  is  therefore  a  sort  of  legislative  body, 
which  is  supposed  to  represent  the  will  of  the  mass. 

The  Congress  itself  is  a  peculiar  body,  drawn  as  it  is 
from  nearly  all  the  countries  in  Europe  and  America. 
Its  business  is  transacted  in  the  English,  French,  German, 
Italian,  Spanish,  Swedish,  Polish  and  Bohemian  langua- 
ges. 

But  what  is  the  purpose  of  this  Association?  The 
statutes,  framed  in  1864,  declare  that  the  Association  is 
founded  in  order  "  to  procure  a  central  medium  of  com- 
munication and  co-operation  between  workingmen's 
societies  existing  in  different  countries,  and  aiming  toward 
the  same  end,  viz  :  the  protection  and  advancement,  the 
complete  emancipation  of  the  working  classes.''  The 
preamble  recites  that  the  subjection  of  workingmen  to 
capital  is  the  source  of  all  political,  moral,  and  material 
servitude ;  that  their  enfranchisement  is  not  a  local  or 
national  problem,  but  concerns  all  civilized  nations ;  and 
that  their  efforts  in  this  direction  ought  not  to  tend  to  the 
establisment  of  class  privileges,  but  to  secure  the  same 
rights  and  duties  for  all.  The  design  is  to  unite  all 
societies  of  workingmen  in  every  country  into  one  great 
national  society,  subject  always  to  the  laws  of  the  na- 
tion.    "We  wish,"  said  the  Secretaries  of  the  organiza- 


80  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

tion  in  Paris,  "  to  found  an  association  which  by  study r 
may  bring  on  by  degrees  the  emancipation  of  labor." 
"  It  is  a  Society  for  study,  and  not  a  new  Carlonari" 
exclaimed  Fribourg,  one  of  their  ablest  orators  at  the 
Congress  of  Basle,  in  1865.  It  is  evident  that  the  found- 
ers of  the  International  were  profoundly  imbued  with 
the  conviction  that  capital  now  holds  labor  in  subjection, 
and  it  is  probable  they  all  inclined  to  socialistic  arrange- 
ments of  some  sort.  Still,  there  is  no  evidence  upon 
which  a  charge  can  be  brought  against  them  of  enter- 
taining designs  of  forcibly  overturning  existing  society. 
But  like  thousands  of  schemers  before,  they  have  found 
it  easier  to  arouse  popular  forces  to  activity,  than  to  con- 
trol them  afterwards.  There  were  men  of  learning  and 
depth  of  thought  in  the  earlier  stages  of  the  Internation- 
als. Fribourg,  Dr.  Paepe,  of  Brussels,  Garibaldi,  Dr. 
Karl  Marx,  a  man  of  remarkable  erudition,  and  others. 
There  was  a  rupture  in   the  Congress  of  Lausanne,  in 

1867.  The  Socialists  had  gained  an  ascendency.  The 
roll  of  the  Association  at  that  time  contained  the  names 
of  men  and  womem,  little  known  for  the  most  part  ex- 
cept in  the  obscure  history  of  that  seething  radicalism  of 
which  Brussels  and  Geneva  are  the  foci.  In  the  eyes  of 
these  men,  Louis  Blanc  was  a  reactionary,  Mazzini  a 
friend  of  oppressors,  and  Garibaldi  himself  little  better 
than  an  aristocrat  in  his  ideas  and  opinions. 

"  The  League  of  Peace  and  Liberty,"  met  at  Berne,  in 

1868.  To  this  body  the  Congress  of  the  Internationals, 
then  in  session  at  Brussels,  sent  a  resolution  of  unexam- 
pled frankness,  informing  "  the  League,"  that  its  presence 
in  the  world  was  unnecessary,  and  recommending  it  to 
dissolve  and  inviting  its  members  to  join  sections  of  the 


THE   INTERNATIONALISTS.  81 

Internationals.  To  a  portion  of  the  League  this  propo- 
sition was  not  unwelcome;  and  when,  upon  the  introduc- 
tion of  resolutions  favoring  the  equalization  of  classes  and 
individuals,  the  extreme  communist  party  finding  itself 
in  the  minority, it  withdrew  in  wrath, formed  the  "•Inter- 
national Alliance  of  the  Socialist  Democracy,"  and  declar- 
ed itself  a  branch  of  the  International. 

This  Alliance  proclaimed  itself  atheistic,  and  demanded 
the  political  and  economical  equalization  of  all  classes 
and  both  sexes,  together  with  the  ownership  in  common, 
not  only  of  land,  but  of  all  instruments  of  labor  and  all 
other  capital ;  and  it  even  called  for  the  uniform  educa- 
tion of  children  from  their  birth,  in  order  to  remove  all 
individual  inequalities. 

The  adhesion  of  these  rabid  radicals  was  accepted  by  the 
International,  and  the  alliance  continued  in  existence  for 
some  years,  when  it  was  dissolved,  August  1871,  and  "the 
incident  of  the  socialist  democracy,"  was  declared  by  the 
London  Congress  of  the  International,  to  be  "finished." 

In  this  country,  the  Internationals  were  organized  as 
early  as  1S65,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  the  Association, 
grew  very  rapidly.  Indeed,  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  the  first  missionaries  in  the  cause  of  this  new  phase 
of  socialism,  only  sought  to  accomplish  one  of  the  objects 
of  the  International — viz,  the  fraternization  and  practical 
unity  of  all  the  workingmen's  societies  in  the  United 
States. 

Accordingly  we  find  Mr.  W.  II.  Sylvis,  President  of 
"  The  National  Workingmen's  Union,"  in  correspondence 
with  the  Congress  of  Basle.  The  letter  breathes  the  true 
spirit  of  International  sentiment. 

"  Our  cause,"  says  Mr.  Sylvis,  "  is  a  common  one  ;  it  is 
« 


82  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

a  war  between  poverty  and  wealth.  *  *  *  *  Our 
late  war  resulted  in  the  building  up  of  the  most  infam- 
ous moneyed  aristocracy  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  Thia 
moneyed  power  is  fast  eating  up  the  substance  of  the 
people.  We  have  made  war  upon  it,  and  we  mean  to 
win.  If  we  can,  we  will  win  through  the  ballot  box  ;  if 
not — then  we  will  resort  to  sterner  means.  A  little  Mood 
letting  is  sometimes  necessary  in  desperate  cases."  This 
was  written  long  before  the  panic  and  the  date  of  "  hard 
times."  The  purpose  was  then  felt  to  do  what  we  have 
seen  attempted. 

Mr.  Sylvis  died  in  1868,  but  his  mantle  has  fallen  on 
other  shoulders.  The  ill-odor  of  "the  incident  of  the 
Social  Democracy,"  the  close  alliance  between  the  Inter- 
national and  the  people  who  overthrew  the  Column 
Yendome,  and  applied  the  torch  to  the  Louvre  in  1871> 
made  the  name  distasteful  to  the  masses  of  the  people  in 
this  country.  This  fact  induced  a  change  of  name  to 
that  of  the"Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United  States," 
without,  however,  modifying  a  single  principle  held  by 
the  Internationals  in  Europe,  except  in  so  far  as  modifica- 
tion was  necessary  in  order  to  adopt  it  to  the  conditions 
of  government  and  social  organization  here. 

The  policy  of  bringing  all  the  workingmen's  societies 
into  harmonious  relations,  has  been  sedulously  pursued, 
smA  with  a  degree  of  success  attending  the  effort  well 
calculated  to  startle  the  conservative  publicist.  Perhaps 
in  no  county  in  Europe  is  the  International  in  a  more 
prosperous  condition,  as  an  organization,  than  in  thi3 
country  ;  perhaps  in  no  region  is  their  relative  numerical 
strength  greater  than  in  America.  Fifteen  weekly  pub- 
lications, serve  as  a  medium  of  communication,  and  as  a 


THE    INTERNATIONALISTS.  83 

propaganda  of  their  principles.  Since  1873,  particularly, 
they  have  increased  with  amazing  rapidity,  and  now  have 
Sections  in  nearly  all  the  States.  The  whole  numbers  of 
these  Sections  at  present  are  three  hundred  and  sixty, 
and  the  number  of  persons  in  organic  affiliation  is  claimed 
to  be  more  than  six  hundred  thousand. 

Nor  are  they  destitute  of  leaders  of  culture  and  capac- 
ity. Mr.  John  Swinton,  a  capable  journalist  on  the 
editorial  staff  of  the  New  York  Sun,  newspaper,  is  an 
able  champion  of  their  principles. 

The  Board  of  Supervision  is  located  at  New  Haven, 
Connecticut,  with  M.  K.  Goldsmith,  as  Secretary.  The 
Executive  Committee  has  its  headquarters  at  Chicago, 
Illinois,  Philip  Van  Patten,  Corresponding  Secretary, 
and  George  Schilling,  Financial  Secretary. 

That  "  The  Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United  States," 
is  the  same  in  principle  and  purpose  as  "  The  Interna- 
tional Association  of  Workingmen  "  in  Europe,  is  suffi- 
ciently proved  by  comparing  the  platform  of  principles 
with  the  statutes  of  St.  Martin's  Hall,  framed  in  1864, 
and  subsequently,  in  the  main,  re-affirmed  by  the  Con- 
gress at  Basle. 

The  following  are  their  acknowledged  formulae  of  doc- 
trines : — 

The  emancipation  of  the  working  classes  must  be 
achieved  by  the  working  classes  themselves,  independent 
of  all  political  parties  of  the  propertied  class. 

The  struggle  for  the  emancipation  of  the  working 
classes  means  not  a  struggle  for  class  privileges  and  mon- 
opolies, but  for  equal  rights  and  duties,  and  the  abolition 
of  all  class  rule. 

The  economical  subjection  of  the  man  of  labor  to  the 


84  TEE   GEEAT    STRIKES. 

monopolizer  of  the  means  of  labor,  the  sources  of  life- 
lies  at  the  bottom  of  servitude  in  all  its  forms,  of  all 
social  misery,  mental  degradation,  and  political  depend- 
ence. 

The  economical  emancipation  of  the  working  classes 
is  therefore  the  great  end  to  which  every  political  move- 
ment ought  to  be  subordinate  as  a  means. 

All  efforts  aiming  at  that  great  end  have  hitherto  failed 
from  want  of  solidarity  between  the  manifold  divisions 
of  labor  in  each  country,  and  from  the  absence  of  con- 
certed action  between  the  workingmen  of  all  countries^ 

The  emancipation  of  labor  is  neither  a  local  nor  a  na- 
tional, but  a  social  problem,  embracing  all  countries  in 
which  modern  society  exists,  and  depending  for  its  solu- 
tion upon  the  practical  and  theoretical  concurrence  and 
co-operation  of  the  most  advanced  countries. 

For  these  reasons,  the  Workingmen's  Party  of  the 
United  States  has  been  founded. 

It  enters  into  proper  relation  and  connection  with  the 
workingmen  of  other  countries. 

Whereas,  Political  liberty  without  economical  freedom 
is  but  an  empty  phrase ;  therefore,  we  will  in  the  first 
place  direct  our  efforts  to  the  economical  question.  We 
repudiate  entire  connection  with  all  political  parties  of 
the  propertied  classes  without  regard  to  their  name. 

We  demand  that  all  the  means  of  labor,  (land,  mach- 
inery, railroads,  telegraphs,  canals,  etc.)  become  the  com- 
mon property  of  the  whole  people,  for  the  purpose  of 
abolishing  the  wages  system,  and  substituting  in  its  place 
co-operative  production  with  a  just  distribution  of  its. 
rewards. 

The  political  action  of  the  party  is  confined  geneially 


THE    INTERNATIONALISTS.  '  85 

•to  obtaining  legislative  acts  in  the  interests  of  the  work- 
ing  class  proper.  It  will  not  enter  into  a  political  cam- 
paign before  being  strong  enough  to  exercise  a  perceptible 
influence,  and  then  in  the  first  place  locally  in  the  towns 
or  cities,  when  demands  of  a  purely  local  character  may 
bo  presented,  providing  they  are  not  in  conflict  with  the 
platform  and  principles  of  the  Party. 

We  work  for  the  organization  of  the  Trades  Unions 
upon  a  national  and  international  basis,  to  ameliorate  the 
•condition  of  the  working  people  and  seek  to  spread  there- 
in the  above  principles. 

The  Working-men's  Party  of  the  United  States  pro 
poses  to  introduce  the  following  measures,  as  a  means  to 
improve  the  coudition  of  the  working  classes  : 

1.  Eight  hours  for  the  present  as  a  normal  working 
day,  and  legal  punishment  of  all  violators. 

2.  Sanitary  inspection  of  all  conditions  of  labor, 
means  of  subsistence  and  dwellings  included. 

3.  Establishment  of  bureaus  of  labor  statistics  in  all 
States  as  well  as  by  the  National  Government;  the  offi- 
■  cers  of  these  bureaus  to  be  taken  from  the  ranks  of  the 
labor  organizations  and  elected  by  them. 

4.  Prohibition  of  the  use  of  prison  labor  by  private 
employers. 

5.  Prohibitory  laws  against  the  employment  of  child- 
ren under  fourteen  years  of  age  in  industrial  establish- 
ments. 

6.  Gratuitous  instruction  in  all  educational  institu- 
tions. 

7.  Strict  laws  making  employers  liable  for  all  acci- 
dents to  the  injury  of  their  employes. 


86  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

8.  Gratuitous  administration  of  justice  in  all  courts, 
of  law. 

9.  Abolition  of  all  conspiracy  laws. 

10.  Railroads,  telegraphs,  and  all  means  of  transpor- 
tation to  be  taken  hold  of  and  operated  by  the  Govern- 
ment. 

11.  All  industrial  enterprises  to  be  placed  under  the 
control  of  the  Government  as  fast  as  practicable  and  op- 
erated by  free  co-operative  trades  unions  for  the  good  of 
the  whole  people. 

Such  are  the  Utopian  schemes  of  the  organization,, 
which  stood  behind  the  strikes ;  which  prompted  the 
mobs,  and  brought  victims  to  death  at  Baltimore,  at  Pitts- 
burgh, at  Chicago,  and  Reading,  and  for  a  time  threat- 
ened the  institutions  of  the  country  with  disaster  and 
ruin. 

Still,  there  is  no  just  cause  for  alarm.  The  Interna- 
tionalists are  wanting  in  the  coolness  necessary  to  plan,, 
and  the  faculty  essential  in  effecting  organization.  Until 
men  rise  much  higher,  or  fall  much  lower  than  they  now 
are,  community  of  property  will  not  long  command  the 
support  of  any  large  body,  except  under  the  influence  of 
religious  fervor ;  and  of  that  quality  the  Internationalists 
could  not  well  have  less.  To  collect  a  loose  body  of  fol- 
lowers by  exciting  mere  hatred  of  what  exists  is  easy; 
but  to  direct  the  whole  towards  some  specific  substitute 
is  not  only  difficult,  but  we  may  predict,  impossible.  The 
International  draws  its  strength  from  agitation,  created 
by  an  impression  now  universally  pervading  the  laboring 
classes  of  the  civilized  world,  that  of  the  results  of  the 
progress  of  modern  society  labor  does  not  enjoy  its  due- 
share.     That  there  is,  right  or  wrong,,  a  general  uneasi- 


THE    INTEKNATIONALISTS.  87 

ness  and  sense  of  injustice  ;  that  there  is,  in  truth,  some- 
thing to  be  righted,  is  undeniable.  That  a  body  like  the 
Internationalists  will  ever  discover  what  this  is  that  needs 
to  be  righted,  still  more  that  it  will  ever  right  the  wrong, 
we  do  not  believe.  The  work  both  of  investigation  and 
of  remedy  must  be  done  by  cooler  heads,  by  more  in- 
structed minds,  and  by  men  who  will  arrogate  neither 
for  capital,  nor  for  labor,  any  unjust  advantage.  This 
work  has  been  too  long  neglected,  but  it  is  a  service 
which  must  be  performed.  And  if  properly  performed, 
with  sincere  purpose,  and  concientions  resolution,  we  hope 
to  find  the  means  of  ending  the  present  conflict  of  natur- 
ally harmonious  interests,  and  of  avoiding  the  chief 
danger  which  now  threatens  modern  civilization.  This 
done  we  shall  hear  no  more  of  the  International,  except 
as  it  may  continue  to  alarm  and  torment  those  who  are 
not  yet,  just  enough  or  sufficiently  bold  and  strong  to 
rise  to  the  dignity  of  demanding  equal  justice  to  all. 

The  causes  which  make  it  possible  for  the  Internation- 
alists to  exist  in  this  country  must  be  removed.  They  can 
only  exist  in  an  element  of  social  unrest.  They  came 
forth  recently  only  to  pull  down,  they  cannot  build. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


The   Reign  of  Anarchy. 


The  Commune  in  Baltimore — A  paralyzed  State  Government — An 
Appeal  to  the  President — A  Perilous  Situation — Apprehensions 
felt  by  the  Administration — Another  Riot — Clubs  and  Skulls — 
A  mob  of  twelve  thousand  people — From  the  Atlantic  to  the  Mis- 
sissippi— The  Country  in  an  Uproar — Precautions — Unparalled 
Demonstrations. 


Startling  as  was  the  collision  on  Friday  night,  in  the 
streets  of  Baltimore,  that  event  had  become  but  an 
episode — an  incident  no  longer  to  be  remembered  before 
the  close  of  another  day.  The  smaller  and  less  important 
was  lost  in  the  greater  and  more  momentous  events 
transpiring  all  over  the  country.  What  mattered  a  few 
volleys,  what  importance  could  longer  attach  to  the 
death  of  ten  or  twelve  obscure  individuals  in  Baltimore, 
when  the  whole  country  was  in  an  uproar,  when  no 
human  foresight  could  determine  that  a  reign  of  devas- 
tation and  death,  snch  as  had  never  before  afflicted  the 
world,  might  not  commence  at  any  time  ?  The  appear- 
ance of  the  Commune,  bold,  audacious,  apparently  organ- 
ized, was  a  matter  for  more  serious  concern  than  the 
death  of  a  few  roughs,  and  some  innocent  citizens  by  the 
fatal  discharge  of  musketry  in  the  streets  of  Baltimore. 
Strikes  were  occurring  almost  everv  hour.  The  great 
State  of  Pennsylvania  was  in  an  uproar;  New  Jersey 
was  afflicted  by  a  paralyzing  dread;  New  York  was  mus- 
tering an  army  of  militia;  Ohio  was  shaken  from  Lake 


THE    KEIGN    OF    ANARCHY.  89 

Erie  to  the  Ohio  river;  Indiana  rested  in  a  dreadful  sus- 
pense. Illinois,  and  especially  its  great  metropolis, 
Chicago,  apparently  hung  on  the  verge  of  a  vortex  of 
confusion  and  tumult.  St.  Louis  had  already  felt  the 
effect  of  the  premonitory  shocks  of  the  uprising  wave  of 
popular  passion. 

And  yet  in  the  public  mind,  there  was  no  well  defined 
fear  of  dreadful  deeds  to  be  committed  by  railroad 
strikers.  The  public  mind  was  settled  in  the  conviction 
that  the  strikers  would  interrupt  traffic  on  the  highways 
of  commerce  by  quitting  their  posts,  and  even  by  threats 
and  violence  preventing  others  from  taking  their  places, 
but  such  acts,  if  lawless,  were  regarded  at  most  as  but 
venial  faults.  There  was  an  abiding  confidence  in  the 
good  character  and  honorable  disposition  of  the  working 
men  as  a  class.  The  public  refused  to  believe  that  a 
class  of  persons  who  had  contributed  so  much  toward 
building  up  the  country  by  their  toil,  and  devotion  to 
duty,  could  in  the  short  space  of  a  few  days  become  un- 
tamed savages — merciless  plunderers  and  murderers. 

It  was  not,  therefore  the  fusilades,  and  the  bloody 
results  of  the  collision  at  Baltimore  that  engaged  public 
attention.  It  was  that  which  appeared  "beneath  the  sur- 
face." The  event  itself  was  nothing,  but  that  which  was 
revealed  by  it,  was  everything.  Behind  the  strikers  men 
beheld  a  more  dreadful  force.  It  was  the  awful  presence 
of  that  socialism,  which  has  more  than  once  made  Europe 
tremble  on  account  of  its  energy,  its  despotism,  its  fearful 
atrocities.  The  smoke  had  scarcely  cleared  away  from  the 
streets,  when  the  character  of  the  Baltimore  mob  was 
revealed  in  all  its  hideousness.  The  Commune  had 
found  a  place  in  America.     Taking  advantage  of  the  dis- 


90  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

orders  caused  by  the  strike,  these  socialistic  disorganizes 
appeared  on  the  scene,  and  displayed  a  boldness  and 
energy  really  awe-inspiring.  Who  could  say  that  the 
Red  Lady  might  not  soon  appear  to  garner  a  ghastly 
harvest  of  bodiless  heads? 

Events  happening  in  other  sections  of  the  country, 
had  called  public  attention  away  from  the  situation  in 
Baltimore,  and  the  region  along  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Eailroad.  But,  the  condition  of  affairs  there  was  still 
critical  in  the  extreme.  The  mob  had  not  been  subdued, 
scarcely  even  checked.  True,  the  militia  was  able  to 
hold  the  depot  of  the  railroad,  but  the  city  itself  was  in 
imminent  danger.  About  twelve  hundred  striking  can- 
makers,  box-makers,  and  other  factory  operatives,  were 
thronging  the  streets.  In  the  wake  of  these  came  the 
rabble,  numbering  thousands,  and  then  came  the  railroad 
men,  badgered  and  exasperated  by  the  repressive  meas- 
ures adopted  against  them  by  the  civil  and  military  author- 
ities, and  behind  them  all  were  the  communistic  commit- 
tees, acting  upon  each,  manipulating  and  plotting,  organ- 
izing and  inflaming  the  minds  of  the  lower  classes, 
against  the  order  of  society,  by  appealing  to  their  baser 
passions,  and  denouncing  all  whose  condition  in  life  was 
better  than  theirs  as  thieves  and  plunderers,  who  deserved 
almost  any  fate  that  the  most  infernal  malice  could  sug- 
gest. 

The  day  after  the  conflict,  the  Executive  Committee 
of  the  Internationalists  called  a  conference  at  No.  20 
Bond  street,  to  devise  a  plan  of  action  in  prosecuting  a 
campaign  "  against  the  propertied  classes."  There  is 
reason  to  believe  that  thev  deliberately  encouraged  the 
opinion  among  the  rabble  that  to  them  belonged  a  por- 


THE    KEIGN    OF    ANARCHY.  91 

tion  of  the  accumulated  wealth  of  the  city,  and  that  it 
was  not  only  the  right,  but  the  duty  of  the  vagrants, 
thieves  and  tramps  congregated  in  Baltimore,  to  proceed 
by  force  to  possess  themselves  of  their  share.     At  all 
events  the  conduct  of  the  mobs  in  the  streets  was  over- 
bearing and  threatening.     The  experiences  of  the  night 
before  had  not  taught  them  any  considerable  amount  of 
respect  for  the  militia,  and  it  was  evident,   to  even  a 
casual  observer,  that  some  formidable  organized  move- 
ment was  on  foot  among  the  malcontents.     Penetrated 
with   this  conviction  ;    knowing  the    inefficiency   of  the 
forces  at  his  command,  and  dreading  the  consequence  of 
a  failure  to  meet  promptly  any  designs  of  the  mob,  Gov- 
ernor Carroll,  at  the  time    the   mob   fired    the    depot, 
decided  to  make  a  formal  call  upon  the  President  of  the 
United  States  for  assistance.    Accordingly,  the  Governor 
announced  to  the  President  that  there  were  unlawful 
combinations  in  the  commonwealth  of  Maryland  which 
the  authorities  of  the  State  were  unable  to  successfully 
combat,  and  asking  the  assistance  of  United  States  troops. 
In    response  to  this  call,    Secretary  of  "War  McCrary, 
telegraphed  that  he  was  directed  by  the  President  to  say 
that   assistance   would   be  given   to  the  extent  of    the 
power  of  the  government,  but  intimating  that  it  might 
be  necessary  to  call  on  neighboring  States  for  assistance. 
Adjutant   General   Yincent  informed  the  Secretary  of 
War   that  General  Barry,  at  Fort  McHenry,  was  con- 
venient to  the  scene,  and  had  three  field  pieces  ready. 
General  Barry  was  immediately  ordered  to  report  to  the 
Governor  of  Maryland  for  orders.    Meanwhile  the  Presi- 
dent issued  another  proclamation,  the  second  since  the 
strikes  commenced,  couched  in   terms   similar  to  those- 


92  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

employed  on  the  former  occasion,  when  called  upon 
by  Governor  Matthews  of  West  Virginia. 

The  Collector  of  the  port  of  Baltimore,  Hon.  John  L. 
Thomas,  Jr.,  becoming  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  the 
Government  property  entrusted  to  his  care,  sent  a  des- 
patch to  the  Secretary  of  War,  requesting  troops  to  pro- 
tect it.  The  military  posts  about  Washington  and  Balti- 
more were  already  drained  of  troops,  and  the  Secretary  of 
War  replied  asking  a  more  definite  statement  in  regard 
to  the  character  of  the  troubles,  and  asking  if  he  could  not 
enlist  citizens  to  protect  Government  property  if  author- 
ized to  do  so.  The  revenue  cutter  Ewing,  then  lying  in 
the  harbor,  was  ordered  by  the  Collector  to  immediately 
proceed  to  Locust  Point,  and  take  up  a  position  to  pro- 
tect the  Government  bonded  warehouses  located  there- 
Captain  Fengar  proceeded  at  once  to  carry  out  these  in- 
structions. General  Barry,  placing  himself  under  the 
orders  of  Governor  Carroll,  brought  up  three  field  pieces 
and  took  up  a  position  to  command  the  piers  and  railway 
buildings  at  Locust  Point. 

The  conduct  of  the  Fifth  Begiment  Maryland  National 
Guards,  had  won  for  that  organization  unqualified  praise, 
and  upon  them  the  hopes  of  the  citizens  of  Baltimore 
for  protection  largely  depended.  The  Sixth  had  not 
been  so  successful  in  gaining  the  good  will  of  the  citi- 
zens, though  it  was  conceded  that  its  Commander,  Colo- 
nel Clarence  Peters,  had  particularly  distinguished  him- 
self. It  was  the  Sixth  which  was  so  persistently  assailed 
by  the  mob  the  night  of  the  20th  of  July,  and  which 
had  fired  upon  and  committed  such  havoc  among  the 
rioters. 

During  the  day,  five  hundred  special  policemen  were 


THE    REIGN    OF    ANARCHY.  93 

Bworn  in,  armed  and  assigned  to  duty.  Every  exertion 
was  made  to  be  fully  prepared  for  any  emergency  that 
miffht  arise.  The  forces  at  command  at  best  were  weak 
to  combat  a  reckless,  wrathful  mob,  numbering  many 
thousands.  But  the  very  best  possible  diposition  was 
made  of  them,  and  as  events  proved  the  disposition  of 
the  forces  was  not  uncalled  for. 

Durino-  the  morning  of  the  21st  the  remains  of  the 
ten  men  killed  by  the  Sixth  Regiment  of  militia,  the 
preceding  evening,  were  removed  from  the  Middle  Police 
Station  to  their  late  homes.  A  vast  multitude  had  col- 
lected. Each  body  had  been  placed  in  a  coffin,  and  was 
borne  from  the  Station  house  to  the  wagon  which  waited 
to  receive  it,  on  the  shoulders  of  four  police  officers.  A 
profound  silence  pervaded  the  vast  assemblage,  as  the 
procession  of  policemen  proceeded  with  their  mournful 
work. 

It  was  definitly  ascertained  that  twenty-two  persons  in 
the' crowd  had  been  seriously  wounded  by  the  fusilades 
of  the  soldiers. 

The  soldiers  who  were  wounded  by  the  missiles  of  the 
mob  were  Lieutenant  W.  H.  Rogers,  Captain  W.  P. 
Herbert,  Lieutenant  Forney  Spear,  Sergeant  Armstrong, 
Corporal  Hey  wood,  Sergeant  Dull,  Privates  McKenzie, 
Lewis,  Price,  Wanderly,  Shurry,  Flack,  and  Lieutenant 
Sadler. 

There  were  no  outbreaks  during  the  day,  but  it  was 
evident  the  mob  meant  mischief  after  nightfall.  It  was 
surmised  that  the  day  had  been  employed  in  organizing 
and  preparing  for  a  night  attack.  Groups  of  men  were 
observed  in  vacant  lots,  and  other  retired  localities  appa- 
rently engaged  in  deep  and  earnest  conference.    In  halls, 


1)4  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

in  various  parts  of  the  city,  mysterious  meetings  were- 
held,  and  no  little  apprehension  was  felt  that  the  night 
would  bring  scenes  of  riot  and  bloodshed. 

But  as  the  night  advanced  and  no  outbreak  had  taken 
place,  the  citizens  began  to  congratulate  themselves  on 
their  escape  from  the  imminent  danger  which  had  im- 
pended. Up  to  ten  o'clock  nothing  unusual  had  occurred. 
The  streets  were  more  crowded  and  the  pedestrians  who 
surged  back  and  forth  appeared  more  restless  than  in 
ordinary  times,  but  that  was  all.  At  thirty-five  minutes 
past  ten  o'clock,  intelligence  was  rapidly  diffused  through 
the  central  portion  of  the  city,  that  a  mob,  variously  es- 
timated at  from  ten  to  fifteen  thousand  men,  had  collected, 
and  were  moving  on  the  streets  converging  on  the  Cam- 
den Station.  Immediately  the  excitement  became  gen- 
eral. The  force  on  duty  at  the  Station  was  not  sufficiently 
large  to  repel  a  mob  of  such  overwhelming  numbers. 
The  report  proved  in  the  main  correct.  After  eight 
o'clock,  the  guards  on  duty  at  the  depot,  became  aware 
of  a  movement  among  the  rioters.  Crowds  began  to 
assemble  on  the  streets  leading  toward  the  depot.  Pre- 
parations were  made  to  meet  them.  The  picket  lines 
were  drawn  in;  the  positions  held  by  the  soldiers  were 
strengthened;  orders  were  given  to  load  with  ball  car- 
tridges, and  every  possible  precaution  taken  to  prevent 
surprise  by  a  sudden  rush  of  the  mob.  The  men  stood 
to  their  arms  in  battle  array. 

Meanwhile,  a  large  body  of  police  was  got  ready,  and 
marched  rapidly  toward  the  station  on  the  Lee  street 
side.  By  this  time  the  mob  was  becoming  noisy  and 
demonstrative.  Among  the  rioters  were  a  considerable 
number  of  women  and  girls,  who  played  the  part  of  pet- 


THE    REIGN    OF    ANARCHY.  95 

roleuses,  boldly  urging  the  men  on  to  acts  of  outrage  and 
bloodshed.  The  number  of  rioters  in  the  vicinity  is 
believed  to  have  been  not  less  than  ten  thousand.  The 
police  force  marched  briskly  around,  and  struck  the  mass 
•of  rioters  on  Eutaw  street,  on  a  charge,  at  the  same  time 
firing  their  pistols,  and  routed  them,  making  a  breach 
through  the  throng.  The  rioters  retreated  in  haste  up 
Eutaw  street,  and  began  to  tear  up  the  pavement,  arming 
themselves  with  formidable  missiles.  The  police  only 
paused  long  enough  to  secure  the  prisoners  they  had 
taken,  when  they  again  charged  the  mob,  making  a  great 
noise  by  firing  their  pistols,  which  were  charged  with 
blank  cartridges.  The  rioters  had  had  no  time  to  com- 
plete their  preparations,  to  devise  a  plan  of  action,  or 
oven  get  well  armed  with  paving  stones.  However,  they 
made  some  show  of  insistence,  but  the  police  force  wield- 
ing their  clubs  with  great  determination  and  vigor, 
speedily  triumphed  and  once  more  put  the  mob  to  flight. 
About  fifty  of  them  were  captured,  taken  to  the  station, 
tied  with  ropes,  and  laid  out  in  the  gentlemen's  waiting 
room. 

This  vigorous  assault  of  the  police  produced  a  very 
salutary  effect  upon  the  mob,  which  after  some  noisy 
demonstrations,  such  as  shouting  and  jeering  at  the  po- 
lice and  the  soldiers,  finally  dispersed.  The  majority  of 
the  rioters  captured  proved  to  be  young  roughs.  The 
appearance  of  women  among  the  rioters  was  something 
unusual  in  this  country,  and  the  further  fact  stated  that 
the  women  were  the  boldest  and  most  heartless  creatures 
in  the  mob,  is  a  circumstance  of  no  little  significance. 
The  night  passed  away  without  any  further  disturbance. 
Still  the  public  mind  was  in  a  state  of  unrest,  doubt  and 
apprehension. 


96  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

At  Cumberland  about  three  o'clock  on  the  21st,  a  train 
arrived  from  Keyser  with  two  companies  of  United 
States  regulars,  under  command  of  Captain  Litchfield. 
There  was  a  large  number  of  strikers  and  roughs  assem- 
bled at  the  depot.  When  the  troops  left  the  train  the 
crowd  derided  them,  and  as  they  marched  away  to  their 
quarters  the  rioters  became  so  threatening  that  the 
soldiers  were  ordered  to  a  halt,  and  brought  their  arms 
to  "  a  charge  bayonets,"  when  the  crowd  fell  back.  Thi& 
was  the  first  instance  since  the  commencement  of  the 
strike,  that  regular  soldiers  of  the  United  States  had 
failed  to  receive  respectful  treatment.  Two  other  com- 
panies under  Captain  Rogers  arrived  at  Cumberland  later 
in  the  day. 

The  strikers  at  Cumberland  were  perhaps  the  most  de- 
fiant of  any  along  the  line  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Rail- 
road. A  large  number  of  them  were  Chesapeake  and  Ohio 
canal-boatmen,  who  had  struck  several  weeks  before,  and 
another  portion  were  Baltimore  and  Ohio  rolling  mill 
men  who  had  been  thrown  out  of  employment  on  account 
of  the  Company  "closing  down"  some  two  months  before. 
There  was  now  at  Cumberland  a  force  of  one  hundred  and 
thirty -five  regular  troops,  well  equipped  and  provided  with 
extra  ammunition.  The  presence  of  the  soldiers  had  a 
quieting  effect  upon  the  strikers.  Nevertheless,  they  as- 
sumed a  tone  of  semi-defiance.  The  Mayor  of  Cumberland 
was  in  open  sympathy  with  the  strikers,  and  was  at  no 
pains  to  conceal  his  opinions.  When  it  was  announced  that 
a  large  party  of  canal-boatmen  were  on  the  way  to  that 
town,  and  a  delegation  waited  on  him,  asking  him  to 
issue  his  proclamation  closing  the  drinking  saloons,  he- 
flatly   refused    to    comply  with   the   request.      Colonel 


THE    REIGN    OF    ANARCHY.  97 

Douglas,  Aid-de-camp  to  Governor  Carroll,  had  taken  up 
his  quarters  at  Cumberland.  The  Railroad  Company  was 
represented  by  Mr.  Sharp,  master  of  transportation,  and 
Counsellor  Cowan  at  that  point. 

The  strike  had  now  assumed  such  proportions;  the 
public  mind  had  become  so  excited ;  the  popular  feeling 
go  divided,  and  the  military  resources  of  the  country 
were  so  limited  that  the  administration  had  become 
thoroughly  alarmed  at  the  threatening  posture  of  affairs. 
The  bold  and  persistent  attack  made  by  the  mob  on  the 
militia  at  Baltimore,  had  awakened  no  little  apprehen- 
sion in  the  highest  official  circles  at  the  National  Capital. 
Washington  itself  was  considered  to  be  in  danger.  A 
consultation  between  the  President  and  members  of  his 
Cabinet  took  place  on  the  morning  of  the  20th,  when  it 
was  decided  that  no  further  depletion  of  the  military  and 
naval  forces  at  the  capital  ought  to  be  made.  The  order 
which  had  been  issued  to  send  the  Marine  Corps  to 
Baltimore  was  revoked,  and  they  were  ordered  to  remain 
with  their  arms  ready  to  move  at  any  moment.  Later 
in  the  day  the  intelligence  received  induced  the  Presi- 
dent and  Cabinet  to  take  other  precautionary  steps  for 
the  protection  of  the  property  of  the  Government,  and 
especially  to  provide  for  the  defence  of  the  Treasury. 
In. pursuance  of  this  purpose  troops  were  ordered  from 
Fortress  Monroe.  The  war-vessels  Swatara  and  Pow- 
hattan,  of  the  North  Atlantic  Squadron,  were  directed  to 
take  on  board  the  sailors  and  marines  stationed  at 
Norfolk,  and  on  the  national  vessels  in  that  vicinity, 
and  proceed  at  once  to  the  .Potomac,  to  remain  at  the 
Navy  Yard,  Washington.  The  effective  strength  of  this 
force  was  not  greater  than  seven  hundred  and  fifty  men. 

7 


98  THE   GREAT   STRIKES. 

They  arrived  the  following  morning  ready  equipped  for 
immediate  duty.  All  the  metropolitan  police  of  the 
district  were  summoned  to  duty.  The  gathering  of  the 
mob  at  Baltimore,  which  the  police  subsequently  dis- 
persed, and  the  grave  apprehension  created  in  conse- 
quence of  that  assemblage,  of  which  facts  the  Government 
was  apprised,  was  deemed  an  emergency  of  sufficient 
magnitude  to  call  for  immediate  action.  Accordingly 
two  companies  of  marines  were  ordered  from  Washing- 
ton at  a  late  hour  of  the  evening.  As  this  force  marched 
through  the  streets,  a  great  crowd  gathered  along  the 
route,  saluted  them  with  groans  and  hisses.  It  was  a 
singular  demonstration  in  the  Capital  of  a  nation,  when 
its  defenders  were  thus  jeered  by  the  populace.  In  the 
vicinity  of  the  newspaper  offices  crowds  had  collected 
to  read  the  dispatches  as  they  were  bulletined.  Any- 
thing indicating  the  success  of  the  strikers  was  loudly 
cheered. 

A  strong  police  force  was  placed  on  guard  at  the  Treas- 
ury building.  These  civic  guards  were  supplied  with 
additional  firearms. 

A  notice  was  served   on   the   Agent  of    the   Adams 
Express  Company  at  Washington,  requiring  him  to  de- 
cline all  valuable  packages.     In  consequence  the  daily 
shipment  of  bonds  and  currency  from  the  Treasury  could 
not  be  made. 

It  was  formally  announced  that  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Railroad  Company  would  make  no  further  efforts 
to  run  trains  on  their  line  for  the  time  being. 

Thus,  the  efforts*of  a  gigantic  corporation,  supplemen- 
ted by  the  whole  power  of  the  Government  to  protect 
and  aid  it,  were  ineffective  to  raise  a  blockade  on  one  of 


THE    REIGN    OF    ANARCHY.  99 

the  great  thoroughfares  of  the  nation,  when  that  blockade 
was  enforced  only  by  a  number  of  stokers  and  brakemen 
without  financial  credit  or  political  patronage.  Thus  the 
movement  had  gone  on  until  the  National  Government 
found  itself  powerless  for  the  time  being  to  suppress  it. 
The  strikers  had  now  become  a  mighty  power.  "With 
a  purpose  of  revolution,  with  organization  and  leadership, 
it  was  within  the  grasp  of  the  railroad  employes  and 
■other  classes  of  laborers  to  have  taken  absolute  possession 
of  every  commercial  center  in  the  nation  ;  aye  !  even  to 
have  overturned  the  Government  itself ! 


CHAPTEE  IX. 


The  Tkouble  in  Pennsylvania. 


Beginning  of  the  Stiikes  —  The  Cause  Assigned — The  System  of 
"  Double  Headers  " —  Formidable  Character  of  the  Movement — 
Freight  Transportation  Suspended — No  Concessions — Measures  of 
Repression  Taken — Dangerous  Indications  in  Pittsburgh. 


Thursday  morning,  July  19th,  1877,  the  trainmen  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Central  Railroad,  apparently  without 
previous  agreement,  refused  to  take  out  any  freight  trains 
from  Pittsburgh.     The  strike  was  fairly  inaugurated  at 
that  place.     ]Srot  a  freight  train  left  the  station  that  day. 
At  night  great  strings  of  cars  occupied  the  track  between 
the  city  and  the  Stock  Yards  at  East  Liberty.    The  cause 
assigned  by  the  men  for  their  action  was  the  determina- 
tion of  the  Company  to  introduce  what  is  known  among 
railroad   men   as  "  double  headers."    The  effect  of  this 
system  is  to  enable  the  Company  to  dispense  with  a  num- 
ber of  employes,  and  impose  the  duties  performed  by 
them  on  those  allowed  to  remain.     The  employes  claim, 
that  by  a  "double  header,"  which  is  two  trains  attached,, 
with  an  engine  to  draw  and  one  to  push,  that  two  trains 
were  taken  to  Altoona,  a  distance  of  one  hundred  and 
sixteen  miles  from  Pittsburgh,  instead  of  one  to  Derry, 
which  is  forty-eight  miles,  which   was  formerly  the  run 
of  a  freight  train  crew,  and  regarded  as  a  day's  work. 
Under  the  new  system  of  "  double  heading,"  two  trains 
were  required  to  be  taken  the  whole  distance  to  Altoona 


THE  TROUBLE  IN  PENNSYLVANIA.  101 

"by  one  crew,  of  brakemen  and  that  for  a  day's  work. 
This  was  regarded  as  a  very  great  hardship  by  the  train- 
men, especially  as  they  had  been  compelled  to  submit  to 
a  reduction  of  wages,  amounting  to  ten  per  cent,  which 
went  into  effect  June  first. 

The  action  of  the  Company  in  reducing  the  wages  and 
then  immediately  afterward  attempting  to  impose  double 
service  on  the  men,  aroused  popular  indignation  outside 
of  the  ranks  of  the  railroad  men.  Indeed  the  masses  of 
the  citizens  of  Western  Pennsylvania  believed  that  the 
Railroad  Company  was  guilty  of  a  flagrant  act  of  oppres- 
sion, and  deserved  the  severest  reprobation  of  every  one 
possessing  any  conception  of  justice  or  sense  of  humanity. 
This  wide  spread  sentiment  among  the  people,  gave  to 
the  strikers  at  once  an  immense  moral  strength,  and 
went  far  to  extenuate  and  excuse  any  acts  of  violence 
which  thev  misrht  commit  in  their  efforts  to  obtain  re- 
-dress  of  wrongs  which  the  public  believed  they  endured. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  the  strike  which  commenced 
-at  the  Pittsburgh  freight  yards  had  been  pre-arranged 
by  the  trainmen. 

The  commencement  of  the  troubles  appear  to  have 
been  the  action  of  Conductor  Ryan's  crew  which  was 
to  have  taken  out  an  early  freight  train  that  morning. 
These  men  sent  a  message  to  the  train  despatcher,  in- 
forming him  that  they  would  not  take  out  their  train.  * 
The  despatcher  then  ordered  two  yard  crews  to  take  out 
the  cars.  The  yard  men  declared  "that  the  service 
required  was  not  according  to  their  engagement,"  and 
^declined  to  obey  the  order,  when  they  were  immediately 
dismissed  from  the  service  of  the  Company.  Subse- 
quently, Conductor  Gordon   sent  two  men  to  take  out 


102  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

an  engine,  but  by  this  time  the  two  yard  crews  which, 
had  been  dismissed,  and  Conductor  .Ryan's  crew  which 
had  struck  were  at  the  yard  and  positively  refused  to 
allow  the  men  to  run  the  engine  out.  Again  an  attempt 
was  made  by  Gordon  to  send  out  an  engine,  but  this 
time  the  strikers  having  been  re-enforced  drove  the  men 
away  from  the  locomotive  by  stoning  them. 

After  the  trouble  had  once  commenced  at  the  outer 
depot,  a  party  of  the  strikers  at  once  proceeded  to  the 
East  Liberty  Stock  Yards  to  have  a  conference  with  the 
train  and  yard  men  there,  which  resulted  in  the  whole 
number  of  them  joining  in  the  strike.  The  trains  were 
all  run  on  sidings  and  left  standing.  The  strikers  then 
took  complete  possession  of  the  main  track,  and  stopped 
all  freight  trains  whether  bound  east  or  west.  In  all 
cases  the  crews,  of  arrested  trains,  joined  with  the  strik- 
ers. Before  noon  the  striking  trainmen  had  gained  so 
rapidly  in  numbers  that  they  could  enforce  any  demand 
they  might  choose  to  make.  A  party  of  them  proceeded 
to  Brinton,  the  same  evening,  and  stopped  a  west  bound 
freight  train  at  that  point.  Not  a  freight  engine  on  the 
Pennsylvania  Railway  was  suffered  to  be  moved  during 
the  day  in  the  vicinity  of  Pittsburgh. 

That  evening,  at  Phoanix  Hall,  on  Eleventh  street,  a 
meeting  of  trainmen  was  held  at  which  the  following 
ultimatum,  to  be  presented  to  the  Company,  was  agreed 
upon,  and  a  committee  appointed  to  present  it : 

"  1.  The  undersigned,  a  committee  appointed  by  the 
employes  of  the  of  the  Western  Division  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania Railway,  hereby  demand  from  said  Company, 
through  its  proper  officers,  the  wages,  as  per  departments, 
of  engineers,  firemen,  conductors,  and  brakemen,  received 
prior  to  June  1,  1877. 


THE    TROUBLE    IN    PENNSYLVANIA.  103 

2.  That  each  and  every  employe  that  has  been  dis- 
missed for  taking  part  or  parts  in  the  present  strike,  or 
meetings  held  prior  to  or  during  said  strike,  be  restored 
to  their  positions  held  prior  to  the  strike. 

3.  That  the  classification  of  each  of  said  departments 
be  abolished  now  and  forever  hereafter;  that  engineers 
and  conductors  receive  the  same  wages  received  by  en- 
gineers and  conductors  of  the  highest  class  prior  to  June 
1,  1877. 

4.  That  the  running  of  double  trains  be  abolished, 
excepting  coal  trains. 

5.  That  each  and  every  engine,  whether  road  or  shift- 
ing, shall  have  its  own  fireman." 

The  excitement  had  become  intense  along  the  line  of 
the  road.  A  brakeman  named  McCall  had  made  an  as- 
sault on  one  of  the  officials  of  the  road,  for  which  he  was 
arrested.  The  strikers  took  sides  with  him  and  threat- 
ened to  release  him  by  force. 

A  meeting  of  all  the  working. nen  of  Pittsburgh  was 
ealled  to  assemble  on  Friday  evening.  To  this  mass  con- 
vention it  was  expected  that  representatives  of  every 
trade  would  come.  The  different  trades-union  of  the 
city  had  already  signified  their  hearty  sympathy,  and  had 
made  offers  of  moral  and  material  support  to  the  rail- 
road strikers.  Although  the  strike  only  commenced  a 
few  hours  before,  yet  it  had  become  formidable  for  inis- 
ehief. 

The  Sheriff  of  Alleghany  County,  at  the  request  of 
the  railroad  officials,  about  twelve  o'clock  at  night  visited 
the  headquarters  of  the  strikers  at  Twenty-eigth  street, 
and  ordered  them  to  disperse.  This  they  refused  to  do. 
'Sheriff  Fife  remained  there  until  after  three  o'clock  in 


104  THE    GREAT   STRIKES. 

the  morning,  but  his  authority  was  defied.  He  was 
frankly  informed  that  trains  should  not  go  out  if  they 
could  prevent  it,  and  they  did  not  care  for  any  posse  he 
could  muster,  or  any  troops  that  could  be  brought 
against  them.  Finding  the  strikers  were  determined  not 
to  yield  to  the  civil  authorities,  the  Sheriff  resolved  upon 
appealing  to  the  State  Government  for  aid.  Accordingly 
he  sent  a  despatch  to  the  Governor  at  Harrisburg,  in 
which  he  recited  that :  A  tumult,  riot  and  mob  existed 
on  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  at  East  Liberty,  and  in  the 
Twelfth  Ward  of  Pittsburgh.  Large  assemblages  of 
people  were  upon  the  Railroad,  and  the  movement  of 
freight  trains  either  east  or  west  was  prevented  by  intimi- 
dation and  violence,  molesting  and  obstructing  the  engin- 
eers  and  other  empWes  of  the  Railroad  Company  in  the 
discharge  of  their  duties.  As  the  Sheriff  of  the  county, 
he  had  endeavored  to  suppress  the  riot  and  had  not 
adequate  means  at  his  command  to  do  so,  and  he  there- 
fore requested  the  Governor  to  exercise  his  authority  in 
calling  out  the  military  to  suppress  the  same. 

At  3:17  o'clock  in  the  morning,  Friday,  Sheriff  Fife 
received  a  despatch  from  Adjutant  General  James  W. 
Latta,  announcing  that  he  had  ordered  Major  General 
Pearson  to  place  a  regiment  of  militia  at  his  disposition 
to  enforce  compliance  with  the  law. 

About  half  past  three  o'clock  a.  m.,  General  Pearson 
was  found,  and  having  received  the  proper  authorization 
from  the  Governor,  he  ordered  "  the  Eighteenth  Regi- 
ment to  assemble  at  the  Central  Armory  fully  uniformed, 
armed  and  equipped  for  duty,  at  6:30  a.  m.  Colonel  P'. 
N.  Guthrie  was  ordered  to  report  for  duty  with  his  com- 
mand at  the  Union  Depot,  at  seven  o'clock  sharp." 


THE   TROUBLE   IN   PENNSYLVANIA.  105 

At  this  time  Governor  Hartranft  was  absent  from  the 
State,  he  having  gone  to  the  West.  The  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernor, Hon.  John  Latta,  acting  Governor,  declined  to 
issue  any  proclamation  on  the  ground  that  he  had  no 
constitutional  right  to  do  so.  Notwithstanding  this  fact, 
some  persons,  presuming  very  largely  on  the  ignorance 
of  the  strikers,  hopeing  for  good  effects,  prepared  and  had 
posted  up  everywhere  along  the  road  and  about  the 
yards,  a  bogus  proclamation  purporting  to  have  been  issued 
by  Governor  Hartranft.  The  strikers  knowing  that  the 
Governor  was  not  in  the  State,  and  that  Secretary  of 
State  Quay,  whose  name  appeared  signed  to  the  procla- 
mation, was  at  Beaver,  forty  miles  west  of  Pittsburgh, 
and  knowing  that  the  militia  had  no  right  to  fire  upon 
them,  hailed  the  appearance  of  the  bogus  poster  at  seven 
o'clock  Friday  morning,  with  jeers  and  derision.  Of 
course  no  respect  to  the  injunction  of  the  pseudo  docu- 
ment was  paid. 

At  noon,  Friday,  July  20th,  the  strikers,  and  other 
workingmen  held  a  meeting  in  the  yards  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania Railroad  Company,  which  was  attended  by  a 
vast  throng  of  people.  One  of  the  railroad  men  mounted 
a  box  and  read  a  despatch  from  Hornellsville,  IS".  Y., 
signed  by  B.  J.  Donahue,  announcing  that  the  firemen 
and  brakemen  on  the  New  York  and  Erie  Road  had  quit 
work  that  mormnsr.  This  piece  of  intelligence  was  re- 
ceived with  the  wildest  demonstrations  of  satisfaction  by 
the  strikers  and  their  friends. 

Soon  after,  the  Fourteenth,  Eighteenth  and  Nineteenth 
Regiments  of  State  Guards  arrived  and  were  stationed 
along  the  tracks.  The  strikers  were  nothing  daunted  by 
these  military  preparations.     The  crowd  had  grown  into 


106  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

an  immense  multitude.  On  the  engine  which  had  drawn 
a  train  load  of  soldiers  were  General  Pearson,  Sheriff 
Fife  and  Superintendent  Pitcairn  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Company.  The  Sheriff  immediately  mounted  the  ten- 
der and  read  the  Governor's  Proclamation,  amid  the 
hoots  and  cries  of  the  spectators.  He  counselled  peace, 
and  assured  them  the  law  would  be  enforced,  cost  what 
it  might.  The  crowd  jeered  at  him,  and  when  he  de- 
scended General  Pearson  got  on  the  tender,  and  ad- 
dressing the  crowd  said  there  appeared  to  be  a  disposition 
to  treat  the  matter  lightly.  He  warned  them  that  the 
affair  was  a  very  serious  one.  No  man  had  more  sym- 
pathy for  them  than  he  had ;  but  he  was  under  orders 
from  the  Governor,  and  those  who  knew  him,  knew  that 
he  would  obey.  He  assured  them  that  it  was  useless  to 
attempt  to  further  stop  the  working  of  the  road  ;  that 
the  trains  must  go  through.  While  he  was  speaking  he 
was  interrupted  with  cries  of  "  Who  are  you?"  "Give  us 
bread,"  and  similar  cries.  When  speaking  of  the  trains, 
one  man  yelled  out,  "What  trains?  Passenger  trains? 
Certainly  we  allow  them  to  go  through." 

"  Yes,"  said  General  Pearson,  "  and  all  other  trains ; 
even  if  they  have  nothing  but  pig  metal  in  them,  must 
be  permitted  to  go." 

Another  striker  asked  to  be  heard,  and  said  he  did  not 
see  why  the  military  were  there.  The  men  had  done  no 
act  of  violence,  he  said,  nor  did  they  intend  to  do  any. 
"Will  you  allow  trains  to  go  through?"  asked  the  Gen- 
eral. "No,"  shouted  half  a  dozen  voices.  One  man  said: 
"  They  might  get  through  to  Torrens ;  but  God  help  the 
men  on  the  trains  after  passing  that  point." 

The  determined  tone  of  the  strikers  in  presence  of  the 


THE   TROUBLE   IN    PENNSYLVANIA.  107 

military  forces,  was  well  calculated  to  produce  feeling* 
of  uneasiness  in  the  minds  of  the  railroad  officials,  and 
the  civil  and  military  authorities  manifested  much  hesita- 
tion as  to  the  course  which  should  be  pursued. 

About  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  of  the  Eighteenth 
Regiment,  under  Colonel  Guthrie,  were  sent  to  the  East- 
Liberty  Stock  Yards.  Soldiers  were  also  quartered  at 
Torrens  Station.  At  2:30  o'clock  that  afternoon  a  mul- 
titude of  strikers  from  the  outer  depot  had  collected  at 
that  point.  They  mingled  freely  with  the  soldiers,  and 
gave  them  to  understand  that  they  would  make  short 
work  with  them  if  they  attempted  to  interfere  with  their 
purposes  respecting  the  running  of  trains.  They  energet- 
ically denounced  General  Pearson,  and  the  military,  and 
declared  that  if  Pearson  attempted  to  execute  his  threat 
to  carry  a  train  through,  he  would  be  shot.  The  disposi- 
tion of  the  strikers  at  the  Stock  Yards  was  dangerous  to 
the  peace  and  safety  of  the  community.  They  boldly 
declared  their  purpose  to  resist  the  military,  in  order  to 
accomplish  their  object  by  keeping  the  road  blockaded. 

At  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  a  freight  train  arrived 
at  Torrens,  from  the  East,  bearing  some  five  hundred 
rough  men,  who  immediately  joined  the  multitude  of 
strikers  which  had  assembled  at  that  place.  A  large  num- 
ber of  tramps  and  vagrants  had  also  collected  at  that  point, 
and  by  six  o'clock  in  the  evening  the  strikers  and  their 
friends  numbered  not  less  than  three  thousand  men, 
divided  off  into  squads,  acting  with  no  little  show  of 
military  discipline,  under  the  direction  of  leaders,  who 
evidently  possessed  good  organizing  capacity. 

The  scenes  presented  along  the  road  from  Pittsburgh 
to  Torrens  Station  the  night  of  the  20th,  was  sufficiently 


108  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

suggestive.  There  were  some  twenty  miles  of  freight 
cars  occuying  the  sidings,  and  at  all  the  wayside  stations 
were  guards  of  soldiers,  and  great  crowds  of  strikers  and 
their  friends.  Camp  tires  gleamed  in  vacant  lots,  and  the 
glare  of  torches,  and  twinkling  lamps  revealed  the  forms 
of  men,  moving  about  in  the  dusky  darkness,  some  with 
murderous  guns  and  glittering  bayonets,  and  others — 
hard  faced,  and  tawny  men,  without  other  weapons  than 
their  own  strong  arms.  There  was  a  murmer  of  voices, 
low  and  ominous,  where  groups  of  men  had  gathered  to 
discuss  the  situation.  Then  occasionally  the  sentinels 
challenge  rang  out  sharp  and  clear,  above  the  multitudi- 
nous noises  that  tortured  the  night  breeze.  It  was  a 
strange  spectacle  in  a  land  of  liberty  and  in  a  time  of 
peace ! 

By  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  a  crowd  of  at  least 
ten  thousand  persons,  the  greater  number  of  whom  were 
sympathizers  with  the  strikers,  had  assembled  at  the  head 
of  Twenty-eight  street.  The  officers  of  the  Railroad  Com- 
pany had  expressed  an  intention  to  send  out  a  freight 
train  that  night.  The  crowds  threatened,  and  as  it  was 
evident  that  a  collision  could  not  be  avoided,  and  as  there 
was  more  than  room  for  doubt  that  the  military  force 
would  not  be  able  to  repel  an  assault,  the  design  was 
given  up. 

All  the  chief  officers  of  the  Pennsylvania  Company, 
except  Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott,  were  now  in  Pittsburgh. 
Messrs.  Cassatt,  Gardiner  and  Pitcairn,  had  a  conference 
with  the  leaders  of  the  strike  during  the  evening.  It 
was  protracted  for  some  hours.  The  strikers  refused  to 
treat  on  any  other  basis  than  that  presented  in  the  ulti- 
matum agreed  upon  by  the  meeting  of  strikers  held  on 


THE  TROUBLE  IN  PENNSYLVANIA.  100 

the  19th.  The  representatives  of  the  road  positively 
refused  to  make  any  concessions.  They  demanded  from 
the  employes  an  unconditional  surrender.  The  result  of 
the  consultation  was  what  might  have  been  expected 
under  these  circumstances.  Nothing  was  accomplished. 
The  strikers  returned  to  those  whom  they  represented, 
and  reported  that  all  hope  of  an  adjustment  must  be  aban- 
doned. It  was  then  determined  to  fight  it  out  on  the 
line  they  had  chosen.  The  railroad  managers  were 
equally  determined.  Thus  the  way  was  prepared  for  the 
startling  events  which  soon  occured.  Colonel  Thomas  A_ 
Scott  did  not  make  an  appearance  at  Pittsburgh  during 
the  continuance  of  the  disorders.  But  he  was  in  constant 
communication  with  his  representatives  in  that  place,  and 
dictated  the  policy  which  was  pursued  by  the  Railroad 
Company.  There  are  those  who  believe  that  Colonel  Scott 
is  responsible  for  the  scenes  which  followed.  He  could 
have  arrested  the  progress  of  the  strike ;  he  could  have 
ended  the  conflict ;  he  could  have  calmed  the  rising  storm 
of  heated  passion  ;  he  could  have  swept  away  the  volumes 
of  human  misery  that  were  rolling  on ;  he  could  have 
extinguished  the  little  flame  that  threatened  to  become  a 
conflagration ;  aye,  with  a  word  he  could  have  stayed  the 
stroke  of  the  Angel  of  Death,  which  waited  to  descend 
upon  scores  of  wretched  beings,  driven  by  hunger  to  des- 
peration. But  he  would  not.  The  words  that  would 
have  produced  peace  then,  were  not  spoken.  The  torch 
was  prepared  to  fire  the  magazine;  and  Pittsburgh  was 
doomed  to  undergo  an  ordeal  of  fire — to  endure  a  reign 
of  terror,  and  witness  scenes  of  devastation  and  death. 

Every  moment  the  situation  was  becoming  more  criti- 
cal. The  strikers  and  their  friends  now  outnumbered 
the  soldiers  three  to  one. 


110  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

As  yet  there  had  been  no  collisions.  The  strikers 
mingled  with  the  soldiers,  and  it  already  appeared  that 
the  soldiers  were  not  altogether  without  sympathy  for 
the  strikers.  The  Adjutant  General  having  been  noti- 
fied of  the  serious  nature  of  the  complications  at  Pitts- 
burgh, and  having  received  a  pressing  call  for  further 
assistance,  ordered  out  the  Sixth  Division  of  the  National 
Guards  of  Pennsylvania,  and  at  once  departed  from  Har- 
risburgh  for  the  scene  of  action.  At  Tyrone  he  was  met 
by  a  telegram  calling  for  Gatling  guns.  An  order  was 
at  once  telegraphed  to  Ilarrisburg  for  the  shipment  of 
two  of  these  death  dealing  implements  of  war,  together 
with  thirty-four  hundred  rounds  of  ammunition.  One 
of  these  guns  was  despatched  from  the  Capital  at  eleven 
o'clock,  and  the  other  was  forwarded  the  next  morning:. 

The  First  Division  of  the  National  Guards  of  Penn- 
sylvania, under  command  of  Major  General  R.  M. 
Brinton,  was  ordered  from  Philadelphia.  This  Division 
was  composed  of  the  First,  Second,  Third  and  Sixth 
Regiments,  the  Keystone  Battery,  City  Troop,  Black 
Hussars,  Washington  Greys,  Weccacoe  Legion,  State 
Fencibles,  and  Grey  Invincibles.  These  commands  num- 
bered about  two  thousand  men  ;  only  about  fourteen  hun- 
dred however,  could  be  assembled  in  time  to  take  the  train 
for  Pittsburgh.  General  Brinton  had  established  his  head- 
quarters at  the  League  House,  where  he  received  reports 
and  directed  operations.  This  officer  was  ordered  to  re- 
port to  General  Pearson  on  his  arrival  at  Pittsburgh. 

Meanwhile  the  excitement  in  the  city  was  increasing 
with  every  passing  hour.  Nothing  like  the  intensity  of 
feeling  pervading  the  public  mind  had  ever  before  been 
observed   in   that    place — perhaps    at  no  place  and  no 


THE  TROUBLE  IN  PENNSYLVANIA.  Ill 

time  before  in  this  country.  The  citizens  of  Pittsburgh, 
as  a  mass,  were  decided  in  expressions  of  sympathy  with 
the  strikers.  The  militia  were  everywhere  execrated, 
and  treated  with  derision  by  the  people.  Great  masses 
of  people  thronged  the  streets ;  men  and  women,  old 
and  young,  persons  belonging  to  all  classes,  and  occupy- 
ing every  station  in  life  came  out,  and  rushed  back  and 
forth  with  a  nervous,  objectless  haste.  The  whole  popu- 
lation seemed  to  be  afflicted  with  a  sort  of  inebriation  of 
excitement. 

It  was  evident  that  the  spirit  of  the  Internationalists 
was  reveling  with  fiendish  delight  amid  the  scenes  of 
tumult  everywhere  observable  on  the  streets.  Women 
taunted  soldiers  and  encouraged  the  Canaille  to  deeds 
of  violence.  It  was  a  repetition  of  the  scenes  witnessed 
in  Paris  in  those  terrible  days  when  the  Commune  rose 
in  1871,  only  on  a  less  scale.  It  was  a  new  experience 
to  meet  with  women  in  mobs.  But  they  were  abroad 
now,  and  exerted  an  influence  for  evil  that  can  scarcely 
be  estimated.  All  night  the  uproar  was  continued. 
Pittsburgh  was  fast  becoming  drunk  with  passion — 
dark,  unrelenting  develish  passion,  that  would  hesitate 
to  commit  no  crime,  shrink  not  from  any  deed  of  hor- 
ror. It  was  a  night  such  as  few  had  ever  before  live'd 
through  on  this  continent,  not  on  account  of  what 
actually  come  to  pass,  but  because  of  that  which  it  fore- 
boded as  a  culmination  for  such  scenes. 


CHAPTER    X. 


A  Night  of  Terror  at  Pittsburgh. 


The  Culmination — A  Sea  of  Fire — Death-Dealing  Volleys — The  Spirit 
of  Desolation  Lighting  the  Torch  of  Destruction — A  Horrible  Spec- 
tacle— A  Reign  of  Terror — The  Commune  Gains  a  Brief  but  Fear- 
ful Ascendancy — The  City  Sacked  by  a  Howling  Mob — An  end  of 
all  Lawful  Authority — The  Ghouls  of  Pillage  Abroad  in  the  Glare 
of  the  Devouring  Fires — Millions  of  Property  Resolved  into  Smoke 
and  Ashes. 

The  condition  of  affairs  at  Pittsburgh  had  become 
alarming  in  the  extreme.  The  concentration  of  military 
forces  instead  of  having  a  tendency  to  cool  down  the 
ardor  of  the  strikers,  and  overawe  the  vicious  elements  of 
society,  seemed  to  have  a  contrary  effect.  The  malcon- 
tents had  increased  in  numbers  with  astonishing  rapidity. 
The  bands  of  strikers  which  numbered  no  more  than  a 
few  hundreds  at  most,  the  morning  of  the  preceding  day, 
had  been  re-enforced  by  a  mob  of  idlers  and  tramps  num- 
bering many  thousands.  The  law  abiding  citizens  were 
in  a  state  of  alarm  and  trepidation.  To  employ  the  lan- 
guage of  Statius:  "They  stood  in  silent  astonishment 
and  waited  for  the  fall  of  the  yet  doubtful  thunder- 
bolt."* But  the  surging  masses  of  the  strikers  and  the 
mob  were  neither  silent  nor  astonished.  They  were 
intoxicated  by  an  excitement  which  prevented  reflection. 
They  neither  knew  when  nor  cared  how  the  impending 

*Modified  in  translation.     In  the  original,  Mirantur  taciti  et  dubio 
pro  fulmine  pendent. 


A    NIGHT    OF    TERROR    AT    PITTSBURGH.  113 

bolt  would  fall.  They  were  ready  to  rejoice  at  the 
havoc  it  would  make.  Vast  multitudes  of  men  of  the 
lowest  character,  actuated  by  the  most  brutal  passions, 
were  assembled  for  the  sole  purpose  of  inaugurating  a 
reign  of  terror  among  the  people,  and  to  light  the  torch 
of  destruction  in  the  city. 

Glamoring  for  a  redress  of  grievances  which  they  were 
unable  to  formulate,  or  distinctly  specify,  the  mighty 
throngs  of  uneasy  spirits  who  had  been  called  into 
action  in  consequence  of  the  railroad  strikes,  were  pre- 
paring to  commit  the  most  heinous  crimes  against  the 
peace  and  order  of  society.  These  men  had  no  grievances 
to  be  redressed.  They  were  the  vagrants  of  our  modern 
6ocial  organization.  They  prated  of  the  downfall  of  liber- 
ty, when  in  truth  they  did  not  have  a  comprehension  of 
the  meaning  of  the  word.  Liberty  is  a  proud  spirit ;  it 
regards  government  as  the  true  instrument  of  human 
happiness,  and  resists  it  when  it  becomes  manifestly 
prejudicial  to  happiness.  But  liberty  only  flashes  out 
against  the  government  which  murders  innocent  men, 
and  dishonors  women.  Liberty  is  force  of  character, 
roused  by  the  sense  of  wrong.  But  it  is  consistent  with 
a  sense  of  duty  and  a  willingness  to  bear  just  restraint, 
and  uncombined  with  these  it  achieves  nothing  lasting. 
Then  it  becomes  the  ally  of  turbulence,  the  enemy  of 
discipline.  The  elements  which  had  combined  against 
law  and  order  in  Pittsburgh  were  not  in  rebellion  against 
a  government,  but  against  the  whole  social  organization. 
They  had  known  no  oppression ;  on  the  contrary  they 
enjoyed  a  liberty  which  ^amounted  to  license — a  license 
that  enabled  them  to  secure  a  living  without  labor. 
•    It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  characters    here 


114  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

alluded  to,  were  not  the  strikers  but  the  vicious  idlers, 
who  had  taken  advantage  of  the  strikes  to  commit  law- 
less deeds.  The  lawlessness  among  the  strikers  was 
manifested  in  another  way.  They  seized  the  property 
of  their  employers,  they  violated  the  fundamental  law  of 
the  right  to  private  property ;  they  said  in  effect,  "  we 
are  not  receiving  sufficient  pay  to  sustain  life,  we  will 
therefore  quit  our  employment,  and  will  not  permit  our 
employers  to  secure  the  services  of  other  men  to  take 
our  places."  This  was  violation  of  law,  and  should  be 
unqualifiedly  condemned.  But  it  was  not  a  warfare  of 
destruction.  The  railroad  strikers,  as  a  mass,  never  had 
any  purpose  of  destroying  anything.  They  could  have 
destroyed  untold  millions  of  dollars  worth  of  property, 
all  along  the  lines  of  the  railroads  which  they  had  seized, 
and  possession  of  which  they  retained  for  many  days. 
Why  could  they  not  have  burned  every  car  on  the  line  of 
the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  ?  Why  could  not  the 
strikers  of  East  St.  Louis,  during  the  five  days  they  held 
possession,  and  even  guarded  property  worth  millions  of 
dollars,  have  destroyed  it?  There  was  nothing  to  pre- 
vent them  only  their  own  determination  not  to  destroy. 
On  the  contrary,  the  whole  history  of  the  movement 
shows  conclusively  that  the  railroad  men  on  a  strike  had 
no  disposition  to  destroy.  They  were  not  incendiaries, 
not  theives,  not  murderers.  They  were  guardians  of 
the  property  of  their  employers.  If  they  had  been 
actuated  by  a  purpose  to  lay  waste  and  burn,  there  was 
no  adequate  force  to  prevent  their  executing  that  purpose 
As  a  mass,  the  railroad  employes  are  far  more  honest 
than  the  majority  of  railroad  managers.  They  indeed 
violated  law,  and  in  a  manner  that  subjected  them  to 


A   NIGHT    OF   TERROR    AT    PITTSBURGH.  115 

punishment.  But  they  were  less  guilty  than  the  specu- 
lators and  autocrats,  who  have  plundered  the  general 
public  to  the  extent  of  millions  of  dollars.  There  were 
bad  men  among  the  strikers — men  who  would  not  hesi- 
tate at  almost  any  crime.  There  are  bad  men  in  all 
classes  of  society.  Dangerously  bad  men  are  found 
among  those  who  are  leaders  in  the  commercial  and 
financial  world.  But  because  some  railroad  laborers  are 
bad  men,  shall  we  therefore  stigmatize  all  railroad 
laborers  as  bad  ?  That  would  be  injustice.  There  were 
some  railroad  men,  no  doubt,  among  the  mob  who 
resisted  the  military  and  applied  the  torch  to  millions  of 
dollars  worth  of  property.  Indeed,  we  have  positive 
evidence  that  a  few  railroad  men  were  active  in  promot- 
ing the  riot.  But  they  were  no  more  representative  of 
the  whole  body  of  railroad  men  than  was  William  M. 
Tweed  of  the  whole  body  of  office-holders  in  the 
country. 

This  statement  appears  necessary  because  of  the  efforts 
which  have  been  made  to  fix  upon  the  railroad  men  the 
direct  responsibility  for  the  deeds  of  violence  committed 
by  the  Pittsburgh  mob  of  roughs.  There  were  deeds  of 
•cruelty  perpetrated  by  soldiers  of  the  Federal  and  Con- 
federate armies  during  the  late  war.  But  it  would 
be  manifestly  unjust  to  charge  that  all  soldiers  of  the 
Federal  and  Confederate  armies  were  inhuman  and  cruel, 
and  still  more  repugnant  to  our  sense  of  fairness,  to  hold 
the  whole  people  of  the  North  and  the  South  respon- 
sible for  the  deeds  of  some  of  the  soldiers  who  were 
engaged  in  the  war  between  the  two  sections.  The 
violence  of  the  mob,  the  destruction  of  property,  and 
the  general  subversion  of  the  social  order  in  Pittsburgh, 


116  THE    GREAT    6TKIKES. 

wore  not  necessarily  even  consequences  of  the  strike,  but 
were  incidents  in  a  general  disturbance.  Those  railroad 
men  who  promoted  the  violence,  doubtless  acted  upon 
their  own  responsibility,  and  that  ought  to  exonerate 
those  who  not  only  did  not  actively  participate  in  the 
extraordinary  scenes  of  that  night  of  terror  in  Pittsburgh, 
but  who,  on  the  contrary,  expressed  their  disapproval. 
It  is  but  justice  to  say  this  in  relation  to  the  crime  com- 
mitted at  Pittsburgh,  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  rail- 
road strikers,  as  a  mass,  were  the  instigators,  or  even  the 
abettors  of  the  deeds  of  that  dreadful  occasion. 

The  storm  which  had  been  gathering  for  two  days  was 
ready  to  burst  upon  the  city  in  all  its  fury  by  the  morning 
of  the  21st  of  July.  At  an  early  hour  of  that  day,  it 
was  apparent  that  a  collision  could  not  be  avoided,  and 
might  happen  at  any  time.  During  the  morning  the 
infantry  forces  of  Alleghany  county,  which  had  been 
called  out  for  duty  before,  was  re-enforced  by  two  bat- 
teries and  two  troops  of  cavalry  which  had  been  called 
out.  To  these  forces  were  added  the  First  Division  of 
the  National  Guards  of  Pennsylvania,  which  had  been 
called  out  at  Philadelphia  the  preceding  night.  This 
force  under  command  of  Major  General  Brinton,  con- 
sisting of  infantry,  artillery  and  cavalry,  began  to  arrive 
on  the  scene  in  the  morning,  and  before  evening  the 
whole  number  had  come  up  and  had  been  assigned  to- 
posts  of  duty.  These  preparations  on  the  part  of  the 
Government  of  the  State  did  not  seem  to  deter  the 
strikers  and  the  mob,  on  the  contrary,  these  expressed 
the  greatest  contempt  for  the  military  array,  and  freely 
mingled  with  the  soldiers,  and  boasted  of  their  ability  to- 
speedily  dispose  of  the  whole  body  of  militia  which  had 
heen  concentrated  to  put  them  down. 


A    NIGHT   OF    TERROR    AT    PITTSBURGH.  117 

Early  in  the  morning  a  line  of  pickets  was  drawn 
from  Twenty-eighth  street  to  the  Union  Depot,  and 
civilians  of  all  classes  were  prohibited  from  approaching 
the  tracks  of  the  railroad.  Meanwhile  the  civil  authori- 
ties were  taking  measures  to  proceed  legally  against  the 
ringleaders  of  the  riotous  crowds.  Judge  Ewing  of  the 
Court  of  Common  Pleas  issued  warrants  for  the  arrest 
of  a  number  of  the  most  prominent  of  the  men  among 
the  disturbers.  The  Sheriff  undertook  to  organize  a 
jyosse  comitatus  of  one  hundred  men  to  serve  the  war- 
rants. In  this  he  was  unsuccessful.  About  fifteen  per- 
sons, mostly  the  regular  deputies  in  the  Sheriff's 
office,  responded  to  the  call.  Two  hundred  and  fifty 
militia-men  were  ordered  to  support  the  civil  officers  in 
the  discharge  of  their  duty. 

About  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  Sheriff  head- 
ing his  posse,  and  followed  by  the  military  command, 
started  out  to  execute  the  writs  which  he  held.  They 
were  never  served  on  the  persons,  for  whom  they  were 
issued,  by  Sheriff  Fife.  The  web  of  fate  was  already 
being  wound  around  him.  He  returned  no  more  from 
that  mission  on  which  he  had  gone  in  the  performance 
of  his  official  duty. 

There  are  a  great  many  statements  in  regard  to  the 
commencement  of  the  rioting.  It  is  not  easy  to  arrive 
at  the  truth  in  this  particular  case.  Where  all  was  con- 
fusion, it  was  impossible  to  preserve  a  correct  record  of 
events  in  the  order  of  occurrence.  The  account  here 
given  is  believed  to  be  in  strict  accordance  with  the  facts, 
so  far  as  they  can  be  ascertained  at  this  time.  The  con- 
flict had  been  expected  to  take  place  all  the  morning. 
At  half-past  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  Sheriff  Fife, 


118  THE    GEEAT    STRIKES. 

accompanied  by  a  posse  of  fifteen  men,  and  supported  by 
General  Brinton  in  command  of  a  considerable  body  of 
the  Philadelphia  militia,  started  for  the  general  rendez- 
vous of  the  strikers  and  the  mob  at  the  Twenty-eighth 
street  crossing.      The  plan    of  procedure  agreed   upon 
between   the    civil    and   military   authorities,   was    for 
Sheriff  Fife  to  proceed  to  the  rendezvous,  attempt  the 
arrest  of  the  persons  named  in  his  warrants,  and  if,  as 
was  anticipated,  resistance  was  offered,  to  call  upon  the- 
militia  for  assistance.     The  brigade  of  General  Brinton 
marched  out  along  the  tracks,  the  Sheriff  with  his  men 
preceding  them.     The  Sheriff  arriving  at  the  depot,  pro- 
ceeded to  order  the  crowd  to  disperse.     The  mob  met 
this  command  with  a  storm  of  yells,  shouts,  threats  and; 
jeers.     JI@  then  announced  his  purpose  to  arrest  the  per- 
sons whom  he  named.     Meanwhile  the  military  under 
General  Brinton  proceeded  to  clear  the  tracks.     At  that 
point  a  large  number  of  strikers  and  an  immense  crowd 
of  spectators  had  assembled.      Much  confusion  ensued. 
The  crowd  of  strikers  and  the  malcontents  taunted  the 
militia,  and  denounced  them  as  "a  pack  of  sneaks  and 
cowards."     However,  they  kept  at  a  respectful  distance 
from  the  points  of  the  bayonets  which  the  soldiers  pre- 
sented.    By  this  time  it  was  apparent  that  the  immense 
throng  of  rioters  could  not  be  dispersed  by  reading  the 
riot  act,  or  at  the  behest  of  the  Sheriff.     General  Brin- 
ton, Mr.  Pitcairn  and  Sheriff  Fife  at  this  stage  held  a 
short  consultation.     The  riot  act  had  been  read  and  dis- 
regarded, and  it  was  now  determined  to  proceed  to  more 
decisive  measures.     The  Sheriff  had  warrants   for  the 
arrest  of  fifteen  persons  among  the  strikers.     General 
Brinton  and  Mr.  Pitcairn,  assistant  Superintendent  of  the 


A    NIGHT   OF    TERROR    AT    PITTSBURGH.  119 

Pennsylvania  Railroad,  advised  the  Sheriff  to  proceed  to 
make  the  arrest.  At  this  time  the  excitement  was  fear- 
ful. The  strikers  were  furious.  The  vast  mob  of  the 
evil-disposed  elements  of  society  were  dangerously  deter- 
mined, nor  were  the  immense  assemblage  of  substantial 
citizen-spectators  wholly  indifferent  as  to  the  result. 
Their  sympathies  were  with  the  strikers.  The  Sheriff 
went  forward  to  execute  his  mission.  One  man,  whose 
name  was  particularly  singled  out,  was  arrested.  At 
that  moment  another  man  who  was  wanted  "rushed  for- 
ward, waved  his  hat  aloft,  and  shouted  "  At  them  boys ! 
at  them  !  give  them  hell !  "  As  to  what  followed  irame- 
diately  upon  this  movement  accounts  differ.  But  it 
appears  before  any  actual  resistance  by  act  was  made, 
General  Brinton  ordered  his  men  to  fire.  This  has  been 
denied ;  but  the  weight  of  evidence  favors  the  correct- 
ness of  the  statement  first  made.  Another  writer  who 
claims  to  have  been  present  asserts  that  the  mob  made 
a  determined  assault  upon  the  soldiers,  by  hurling  a 
6hower  of  missiles  at  them  under  the  leadership  of 
George  Martin,  the  man  for  whose  arrest  the  Sheriff  had 
a  warrant.  At  any  rate  a  terrible  fire  was  opened  by 
the  militia  on  the  vast  crowd  of  strikers,  the  mob  acting 
in  concert  with  them,  and  the  citizens  who  had  collected 
on  the  hill  overlooking  the  track.  The  fire  of  the 
soldiers  was  very  destructive,  sixteen  persons  were  in- 
stantly killed.  The  intelligence  of  this  collision  spread 
with  amazing  rapidity  throughout  the  city.  The  whole 
population  was  instantly  emptied  into  the  streets. 

It  appears  that  there  was  no  sufficient  cause  for  the 
fusilades  of  the  soldiers  in  this  instance.  If  we  take  this 
account  given  of  it  by  one  who  evidently  wrote  with  a 


120  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

strong  bias  in  favor  of  the  military,  still  there  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  sufficient  provocation  to  justify  the 
destructive  fire  into  a  crowd  of  people  in  which  were 
many  women  and  children.     The  writer  alluded  to,  says: 
"  When  the  line  reached  the  depot  they  immediately 
cleared  the  crossing  amid  the  jeers  and  hootings  of  the 
strikers,  who  widely  scattered  through  the  great  crowd, 
there  being  not  less  than  live  thousand  people  present. 
Consultation  was  then  held  by  the  officers  in  command 
with    Superintendent   Pitcairn    and    the   Sheriff,    after 
which  the  latter  proceeded  to  read  the  riot  act.     Having 
warrants'for  the  arrest  of  fifteen  of  the  ringleaders,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  make  an  arrest.     The  particular  man  for  whom 
the  warrant  was  issued  approached,  waved  his  hat,  and 
calling  to  the  crowd  and  strikers  said,  '  Give  them  hell.' 
Immediately  a  shower  of  boulders  was  hurled  into  the 
troops,  and  one  revolver-shot  fired  into  the  ranks.     Gen- 
eral Brinton  then  ordered  his  men  to  fire,  and  the  word 
went  along  the  line  from  platoon  to  platoon  until  the  left 
of  the  line  was  reached,  and  then  the  firing  was  repeated 
several  times.    The  crowd  fled  in  dismay,  and  hid  where- 
ever   it  was   possible.      Immediately  after   the    firing, 
crowds  of  excited  people  sprang  up,  as  if  by  magic,  from' 
all  directions,  and  the  imprecations  against  the  Philadel- 
phia troops,  who  were  blamed  by  the  strikers  and  the 
mob  as  being   responsible  for  the  trouble,  were  very- 
threatening.     It  was  a  noteworthv  fact  that  hundreds  of 
people  in  no  way  connected  with  the  railroad,  expressed 
their  determination  to  join  with  the  strikers  in  driving 
them  from  the  city.     These  remarks  were  interspersed 
with  loud  and  bitter  threats  that  the  Company's  shops, 
depots  and  buildings  should  at-night  be  laid  in  ashes." 


A    NIGHT    OF   TERROR    AT    PITTSBURGH.  121 

Who  "  the  excited  people  "  were  who  "  sprang  up  as  if 
by  magic,  from  all  directions,"  this  writer  does  not  inform 
us.  It  could  not  have  been  the  terror  stricken  crowd 
which  had  "  fled  in  dismay  and  hid  wherever  it  was  pos- 
sible," but  a  moment  before.  Nor  is  it  plain  why  "  hun- 
dreds of  people  in  no  way  connected  with  the  railroad, 
expressed  their  determination  to  join  with  the  strikers  " 
in  driving  the  Philadelphia  troops  from  the  city. 

The  firing  was  repeated.  Platoon  after  platoon 
poured  showers  of  bullets  into  the  terror-stricken  com- 
pany assembled  on  the  bank  overlooking  the  railroad 
tracks.  By  this  time  the  excitement  had  become  dread- 
ful, and  extended  all  over  the  city.  There  was  a  general 
condemnation  of  the  action  of  the  militia  among  the 
citizens.  The  general  impression  was  that  they  had 
acted  precipitately,  and  had  needlessly  sacrificed  the  lives, 
of  a  number  of  innocent  persons.  The  billows  of  passion 
were  rolling  with  fearful  sweep  over  the  city.  The 
night  was  closing  in.  The  scenes  presented  on  the 
streets  were  intensely  exciting.  The  experience  of  the 
fusilades  had  produced  only  a  still  more  dangerous  con- 
dition of  feeling.  The  whole  population  seemed  to  have 
joined  the  rioters.  Within  less  than  half  an  hour  after 
the  firing,  the  crowd  about  the  Twenty-eighth  street 
crossing  had  swelled  to  fearful  proportions.  The  posi- 
tion of  the  Philadelphia  troops  was  critical.  The  expres- 
sions of  bitterness  against  them  was  not  confined  to  the 
strikers  alone.  The  soldiers  were  too  few  to  protect  the 
city.  At  eight  o'clock  the  multitude  at  Twenty-eighth 
street  numbered  not  less  than  twenty  thousand.  The 
threats  were  ominous.  No  pen  can  describe  the  scenes 
witnessed    that    evening   on    the  streets   of  Pittsburgh- 


122  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

The  demoniac  yells,  the  loud  profanity,  the  terrible 
threats,  were  united  to  swell  the  awful  volume  of  angry 
noises.  It  seemed  as  if  the  infernal  regions  had  been 
emptied  of  its  myriads  of  fiends,  who  were  released  for 
the  purpose  of  enacting  on  earth  the  orgies  of  hell. 
There  was  little  or  no  drunkenness  from  the  use  of  liquors, 
but  there  was  an  inebriation  of  terrible  passion  in  its 
manifestations.  Men,  women,  old  and  young,  high  and 
low,  both  sexes,  all  conditions,  all  orders,  all  classes  in 
life,  came  forth  and  joined  the  angry,  surging  tide  of 
humanity  that  incessantly  ebbed  and  flowed  through  the 
streets  of  the  fated  city.  Pittsburgh  had  entered  upon 
its  night  of  woe.  The  Commune  had  risen  in  its  danger- 
ous might,  and  threatened  a  deluge  of  blood.  In  the 
very  center  from  which  a  large  part  of  the  world's  sup- 
ply of  oil  is  drawn,  the  pelroleuses  were  apparently  ready 
to  fill  their  cans  and  go  forth  as  messengers  of  deduc- 
tion. 

Concerning  the  conflict  at  Twenty-eighth  street  which 
had  taken  place  between  live  and  six  o'clock,  and  which 
was  one  of  the  factors  in,  if  not  the  immediate  cause  of  the 
terrible  excitement  which  seized  upon  all  classes  of  the 
people,  it  is  but  proper  to  present  the  statements  of  both 
sides  in  regard  to  the  commencement.  Lieutenant  James 
P.  Elliot,  Acting  Adjutant  General  on  the  staff  of  General 
Matthews,  commanding  the  First  Brigade  of  the  First 
Division,  who  was  a  participant  and  eye  witness  of  what 
occurred,  gives  the  following  account  of  the  first  encoun- 
ter between  the  soldiery  and  the  mob : 

"  The  division  under  command  of  General  Brinton, 
landed  in  Pittsburgh  at  1:45  p.  m.  on  Saturday,  six  hun- 
dred strong,  the  men  each  furnished  with  thirty  rounds 


A    NIGHT    OF    TERROR    AT   PITTSBURGH.  123 

of  ammunition,  accompanied  b}7  two  Gatlingguns  obtain- 
ed in  Harrisburg,  in  charge  of  the  Keystone  Battery. 
When  the  troops  issued  from  the  cars  in  the  Union 
Depot,  they  were  met  by  a  large  number  of  people,  who 
appeared  to  be  in  perfect  good  humor,  and  even  greeted 
them  with  cheers.  That  the  bloodshed  that  afterwards 
followed  would  take  place  was,  therefore,  the  last  thing 
that  entered  the  minds  of  the  soldiers.  After  luncheon 
of  sandwiches  and  coffee  had  been  served,  the  troops 
remained  in  the  depot  until  about  half-past  three  o'clock, 
when  the  First  Brigade  composed  of  the  First  Regiment, 
Companies  B  and  C  of  the  Third,  the  Washington  Greys 
and  Weccacoe  Legion,  marched  down  the  track  as  far  a* 
Twenty-eighth  street,  accompanied  by  Vice  President 
Cassatt,  Mr.  Pitcairn,  Superintendent  of  the  Western 
Division  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad,  Sheriff  Fife  and 
forty-five  deputies,  armed  with  writs  for  the  arrest  of 
prominent  strikers.  At  Twenty-eighth  street  the  head 
of  the  column  composed  of  the  Weccacoe  Legion  and 
the  Washington  Greys,  found  themselves  confronted  by 
a  mob  about  two  thousand  strong,  while  on  the  hill  some 
four  hundred  feet  hiVh  that  faced  the  right  of  the  column,, 
there  were  ranged  an  immense  multitude  at  least  ten 
thousand  strong.  On  the  brow  of  the  hill  were  stationed 
detatchments  of  the  Fourteenth  and  Eighteenth  Penn- 
sylvania Regiments  (Pittsburgh  troops),  and  immediately 
above  the  railroad  two  pieces  of  Hutchinson's  Pittsburgh 
Battery.  Sheriff  Fife  after  in  vain  endeavoring  to  serve 
his  writs,  read  the  riot  act,  at  which  the  mob  jeered  and 
laughed,  whereupon  the  Sheriff  and  his  deputies  and  Mr. 
Cassatt  and  Mr.  Pitcairn  retired  in  profound  disgust. 
The  troops  were  then   deployed  for  the  purpose  of 


124  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

sweeping  the  mob  from  the  tracks,  the  Greys  and  "Wec- 
<jacoe  Legion  facing  the  two  thousand  or  more  strikers 
that  occupied  the  tracks.  At  the  back  of  the  command 
was  a  train  of  coal  cars,  behind  which  there  were  about 
two  hundred  of  the  strikers.  In  order  to  force  the  prin- 
cipal mob  back,  the  soldiers  of  the  Greys  and  the  Legion 
crossed  their  muskets,  their  intention  being  to  avoid 
doing  the  strikers  injury.  The  crowd  laughed  and  jeered 
and  finally  attempted  to  wrest  the  muskets  from  the  sol- 
diers, who  then  came  to  a  charge  bayonet,  and  in  the 
melee  that  necessarily  followed,  one  of  the  strikers  was 
wounded  by  a  bayonet  thrust.  The  cry  arose  from  the 
mob:  'Stick  to  it;  give  it  to  them;  don't  fall  back!' 
and  the  men  behind  the  coal  cars  began  discharging  pis- 
tols at  the  soldiers  from  under  and  between  the  cars, 
while  the  crowd  in  front  began  heaving  rocks,  with  which 
a  number  of  the  soldiers  were  hit,  and  Sergeant  Bernard 
of  the  Weccacoe  Leo-ion  seriouslv  wounded.  The  firino; 
by  the  troops  then  began.  There  was  no  order  given 
for  it.  It  began  with  the  discharge  of  a  single  musket 
and  was  immediately  followed  by  an  almost  simultaneous- 
discharge  from  front  and  rear,  right  and  left  of  the  bri- 
gade. The  firing  lasted  about  ten  minutes,  men  continu- 
ally dropping  in  the  fast-retreating  mob.  It  was  at  this 
time  that  the  Pittsburgh  troops  threw  down  their  arms 
and  fraternized  with  the  strikers,  Hutchinson's  Battery 
and  a  cavalry  company  alone  excepted.  Within  five 
minutes  after  the  firing  ceased  the  mob  was  back  again* 
but  refrained  for  a  while  from  further  assaults  upon  the 
Philadelphians,  and  therefore  there  was  no  firing  upon 
them.  'It  was  the  most  persistent  mob,'  said  Lieuten- 
ant Elliot,  'I  ever  saw.'     The  brigade  remained  on  the 


A    NIGHT    OF    TERROR    AT    PITTSBURGH.  125 

field  of  battle  until  six  o'clock,  when  they  were  ordered 
by  General  Pearson  back  to  the  roundhouse,  adjoining 
which  is  a  building  in  which  was  stationed  the  second 
brigade." 

The  occurrence  of  an  event  such  as  that  described 
above,  could  not  fail  to  arouse  the  people.  The  killiug 
of  several  members  of  the  Pittsburgh  militia  by  the 
Philadelphia  troops,  had  the  effect  of  intensifying  the 
feelings  of  animosity  against  them.  The  crowds  gather- 
ing in  that  part  of  the  city  were  every  moment  becoming 
more  demonstrative.  The  threats  against  the  troops 
were  calculated  to  cause  even  veterans  to  feel  uneasy  as 
to  the  result.  The  mob  now  outnumbered  the  soldiers 
at  least  seven  to  one.  The  militia  remained  on  the  field 
of  conflict  for  a  time.  Then  General  Pearson  fearing 
they  would  be  surrounded  and  massacred  by  a  merciless 
mob,  ordered  a  retreat  to  the  roundhouse  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Company,  and  there  prepared  to  resist  the  terrible 
mob  of  infuriated  workingmen  and  vagrants. 

The  dangerous  propensities  of  the  mob  continued  to 
develop.  Before  nine  o'clock  had  arrived,  the  law-abid- 
ing citizens  of  Pittsburgh  were  fully  sensible  of  the 
impending  peril.  The  strikers  were  resolute  and  deter- 
mined. But  the  chief  danger  was  in  the  presence  of  an 
immense  number  of  vagrants  and  tramps,  idle  miners, 
and  roughs  of  every  character.  Strange  to  say,  there 
was  a  large  element  in  the  population  of  Pittsburgh,  who 
had  the  reputation  of  being  respectable  people — trades- 
men, householders,  well-to-do  mechanics  and  such,  who 
were  witnesses  of  the  progress  of  the  turbulent  mob, 
who  not  only  did  not  protest  against  their  proceedings, 
but  openly  mingled  with  them,  and  encouraged  them  to 
commit  further  deeds  of  violence. 


126  THE    GREAT   STRIKES. 

About  9:15  o'clock,  a  large  band  of  the  rioters,  started 
on  a  mission  of  plunder.     There  were  in  the  city -a  num- 
ber of  gun  stores,  and  a  number  of  hardware  dealers 
who  kept  guns  and  ammunition  as  a  part  of  their  stock  in 
trade.     The  location  of  these  places  of   business,  were 
well  known  to  the  leaders  of  the  predatory  mob.     They 
proceeded  first  to  a  large  gun   and  ammunition  store, 
forced  open  the  doors,  and  took  from  the  premises  some 
four  hundred  guns  of  all  classes,  many  of  them  being 
Winchester  and  Henry  rifles,  such  as  obtained  ready  sale 
in  the  region  adjacent  to  the  Upper  Missouri  river.     A 
large  amount  of  fixed  ammunition  was  also  taken.     Some 
five  hundred  repeating  pistols  with  cartridges,  were  also 
taken  away  by  the  rioters.     The  crowd   then  went  suc- 
cessively  to  every  gun  and  hardware   store  in  the  city. 
More  than  two  thousand  guns  of  improved  pattern  were 
taken,  while  the  number  of  pistols,  swords  and  knives, 
thus  taken  could  not  be  estimated.    More  than  a  hundred 
thousand  dollars  worth  of  arms  and  ammunition,  had 
thus  come  into  the  hands  of  the  mob. 

Meanwhile  the  troops  had  sought  shelter  and  protec- 
tion in  the  roundhouse,  where  they  were  advised  of 
the  preparations  of  the  mob  to  take  the  offensive,  and 
awaited  the  expected  assault  with  many  misgivings  as  to 
their  ability  to  resist  the  overwhelming  force  of  the 
rioters. 

By  eleven  o'clock,  the  work  of  plundering  the  gun-stores 
had  been  completed,  and  a  mob  numbering  not  less  than 
four  thousand  men,  and  organized  into  something  like 
military  order,  formed  in  line  and  marched  in  two 
columns,  one  proceeding  up  Pennsylvania  avenue^and 
the  other  taking  Liberty  street  to  Twenty-eighth  street. 
Here  at  least  thirty  thousand  people  had  assembled. 


A    NIGHT    OF    TERROR    AT    PITTSBURGH.  127 

The  scene  presented  at  this  time  was  truly  awe-inspir- 
ing. The  vast,  surging  masses  of  people,  including  men, 
women  and  children,  the  fearful  tumult  of  a  great 
multitude  excited  by  angry  passions,  the  shouts,  taunts, 
jeers,  execrations,  and  passionate  appeals  to  an  already 
enraged  populace,  the  shrill  screams  of  women,  the  cries  of 
children,  and  the  curses  of  men,  altogether,  were  calcu- 
lated to  produce  a  sensation  of  alarm  and  terror,  even  in 
the  breasts  of  the  bravest. 

On  arriving  at  the  scene  of  the  late  fusilades,  at 
Twenty-eighth  street,  the  armed  mob  at  once  proceeded 
to  attack  the  troops  quartered  in  the  roundhouse. 
Volley  after  volley  was  poured  into  the  windows,  but 
elicited  no  response  from  the  soldiers  within.  The  mob 
threatened  to  massacre  the  whole  division  of  the  troops 
which  had  taken  refuge  there.  The  numbers  and  deter- 
mination of  the  armed  mob  indicated  that  this  expressed 
purpose  was  not  merely  an  idle  threat. 

It  was  an  hour  fraught  with  momentous  events.  A 
city  containing  a  population  of  more  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  souls  was  without  law,  in  the  complete 
possession  of  a  vast  mob,  armed,  vindictive,  cruel, 
destructive.  Immense  amounts  of  valuable  property, 
arrested  in  transit,  filled  long  lines  of  freight  cars 
on  the  railway  tracks.  Splendid  stores  and  luxuriously 
appointed  mansions,  were  all  placed  at  the  mercy  of  a 
mob  which  had  set  all  law  at  defiance,  a  furious  throng 
that  acknowledged  responsibility  to  no  authority.  Munici- 
pal government  was  at  an  end,  police  authority  despised, 
even  the  Government  of  a  great  State  was  set  at  naught. 
Three  thousand  armed  militia,  infantry,  artillery,  and 
cavalry,  the  police  force  of  some  hundreds,  the  constab- 


128  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

alary,  all  were  powerless  in  presence  of  the  armed  and 
enraged  multitude  of  many  thousands.  General  Pearson 
and  General  Brinton,  would  most  certainly  have  been 
murdered  if  they  could  have  been  found.  Murders  of 
straggling  soldiers  were  being  committed  by  the  mob, 
whenever  an  opportunity  occurred.  Sheriff  Fife  went 
out  to  the  outer  depot  to  endeavor  to  stay  the  tide  of 
lawlessness  in  that  direction.  But  he  was  fated  to  return 
no  more  alive.  His  dead  body  was  brought  in  at  a  late 
hour  from  the  place  where  he  had  been  shot. 

The  situation  of  the  besieged  militia  was  dangerous  in 
the  extreme.  The  now  thoroughly  infuriated  mob  was 
making  loud  threats  of  an  intention  to  massacre  the 
whole  body  of  men.  A  committee  of  citizens  proceeded 
to  the  roundhouse  where  they  were  shut  up,  and 
begged  them  to  depart  from  a  city  they  could  not  protect, 
while  their  presence  only  served  to  further  exasperate  an 
angry  populace. 

Threats  of  burning  and  destroying  had  been  freely 
indulged  in  by  the  bad  elements  which  composed  the 
greater  part  of  the  howling  mob  that  now  frantically 
assailed  the  military.  These  threats  were  the  earnest  of 
a  purpose.  Midnight  came.  But  there  was  no  peace 
in  the  troubled  city.  Then  one  o'clock,  and  then  the 
fire-bells  rang.  The  alarm  came  from  Twenty -eighth 
street.  Everybody  knew  the  dreadful  significance  of 
that.     Pittsburgh  soon  presented  a  scene  terribly  grand. 


Sfc 


CHAPTER  XI. 


Given  Over  to  Pillage. 


The  Great  Conflagration — Demoniac  Satisfaction — The  Reign  of  the 
Commune — Besieged  Soldiers — Abandoned  Artillery — The  Miser- 
able Retreat — Pittsburgh  Given  Over  to  the  Mob — Scenes  of 
Pillage — Citizens  at  last  Aroused — A  Vigilance  Committee — Re- 
storing Order. 

It  was  half  past  one  o'clock  Sunday  morning,  July  22d, 
when  the  fire-bells  of  the  city  of  Pittsburgh  rang  out  the 
awful  announcement  that  the  devouring  flames  had  com- 
menced to  rage  in  the  vicinity  of  the  railroad  depot  and 
yards.  The  signal  was  fully  comprehended.  The  mob 
was  proceeding  to  execute  the  threats  which  had  been 
made.  All  through  that  anxious  night  the  inhabitants  had 
awaited  tidings  of  the  progress  of  events.  It  was  a  time 
when  sleep  was  banished  by  alarms  and  cares.  The 
significance  of  the  number  tolled  by  the  bells  was  well 
understood.  Soon  the  streets  were  thronged  by  a  mighty 
tide  of  people,  rushing  in  excited  haste  toward  Twenty- 
eighth  street. 

The  mob  had  fired  the  arrested  trains  and  some  of  the 
buildings  that  belonged  to  the  Railroad  Company.  The 
fire  engines  were  speedily  in  the  vicinity  of  the  scene 
of  disaster;  but  they  were  not  permitted  to  make  any  effort 
to  save  the  millions  of  dollars  worth  of  property,  by 
arresting  the  progress  of  the  flames.  The  fiendish  spirit 
of  the  Commune  had  taken  possession  of  an  incredibly 

9 


130  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

large  proportion  of  the  people  of  Pittsburgh.  This  was 
exhibited  by  the  fearful  yell  of  satisfaction  which  rose  from 
every  part  of  the  city  as  the  alarm  bells  pealed  forth 
their  dreadful  warning.  Never  before  in  the  history  of 
the  United  States  had  scenes  such  as  those  now  wit- 
nessed arrested  the  attention  of  the  people.  A  species 
ofmadness  seemed  to  have  seized  the  citizens. 

Men  seized  torches,  and  rushed  wildly  about,  applying 
them  to  the  property  of  the  Railroad  Company.  In  this 
way  train  after  train  was  given  up  to  the  devouring 
flames.  The  infuriated  rioters,  having  been  baffled  thus 
far  in  their  efforts  against  the  militia  besieged  in  the 
roundhouse,  now  expressed  a  determination  to  burn 
them  out.  The  long  lines  of  freight  cars  which  occupied 
the  sidings  for  miles,  freighted  with  valuable  products, 
and  manufactured  goods,  it  seemed  were  destined  to  be 
given  over  to  destruction.  All  night  the  great  army  of 
rioters  had  been  engaged  in  a  fruitless  effort  to  storm  the 
roundhouse,  in  which  the  soldiers  of  the  State  were 
besieged.  The  two  pieces  of  artillery  of  Hutchinson's 
Battery,  which  the  rioters  captured  early  in  the  evening, 
had  been  loaded  with  iron  bolts  and  pins,  and  directed 
against  the  quarters  of  the  militia.  A  breach  had  been 
made  in  the  walls,  the  mob  rushed  forward,  but  were 
met  by  a  murderous  fire  of  musketry  which  caused  the 
ill-organized  mass  to  recoil  in  wild  dismay.  But  now 
they  had  resolved  upon  a  more  terrible  mode  of  attack. 
There  were  on  the  tracks  whole  trains  of  cars  freighted 
with  petroleum,  and  others  loaded  with  coke  and  coal. 
These  the  rioters  determined  to  use  for  the  purpose  of 
firing  the  roundhouse. 

Having  taken  possession  of  a  ear  freighted  with  coke, 


GIVEN    OVER   TO    PILLAGE.  131 

on  the  track  of  the  Alleghany  Valley  Railroad,  they  run 
it  onto  the  track  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railway  Company. 
Taking  some  barrels  of  oil  from  a  car  on  that  road,  they 
"broke  in  the  head  and  poured  the  contents  over  the  coke 
in  the  car  which  they  had  captured  on  the  other  road. 
This  they  set  on  fire ;  it  was  speedily  a  blazing  furnace. 
A  company  of  the  rioters  now  pushed  it  along  the  track 
■until  it  was  against  the  roundhouse.  That  structure 
was  quickly  ignited,  and  the  flames  spread  slowly  through 
the  building.  The  situation  of  the  militia  garrison, 
-which  had  sustained  a  siege  through  the  weary  hours  of 
the  night,  was  rendered  extremely  critical.  They  had 
now  to  abandon  their  position  of  shelter,  and  prepare  to 
•cut  their  way  through  the  mass  of  madmen  clamoring 
for  their  blood.  They  had  yet  some  pieces  of  artillery 
in  the  roundhouse,  and  the  two  Gatling  guns  which 
they  had  brought  from  Harrisburg.  The  heavy  brass 
pieces  were  spiked,  and  the  little  army  of  perhaps  eight 
hundred  militia  men  hurriedly  withdrawing  their  out- 
posts, and  concentrating  all  their  force,  was  ready  to  march 
out  on  their  perilous  attempt  to  save  themselves  from  an- 
nihilation by  a  furious  m6b  of  many  thousands. 

Circumstances  favored  them.  For  some  unexplained 
reason  that  part  of  the  mob  which  had  been  besieging 
the  soldiers  in  the  roundhouse,  retired  from  that  vicinity. 
Taking  advantage  of  this  opportunity,  the  garrison 
marched  out  and  had  proceeded  some  distance  in  their 
retreat  before  their  departure  was  discovered.  It  was 
now  about  6 :  30  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  dismal 
night  was  past.  The  Philadelphians  had  already  begun 
to  congratulate  themselves  at  their  fortunate  escape.  But 
their   troubles   were   not   ended.     The   mob   soon    dis- 


132  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

covered  their  retreat.  Then  commenced  a  most  re- 
markable pursuit.  The  rioters  swarmed  after  the  re- 
treating militia  in  huge  masses.  They  went  to  the 
front,  they  hung  on  the  flanks,  and  followed  in  the  rear 
of  the  fleeing  militia-men,  attacking  them  from  every 
convenient  covert,  and  openly  at  every  street  crossing. 
It  was  on  this  retreat,  or  rather  rout,  that  the  Philadel- 
phians  sufferred  most  severely.  The  force  which  left 
the  roundhouse  consisted  of  two  brigades  with  two  Gat- 
ling  guns.  They  marched  out  and  along  Penn  avenue. 
As  they  marched  they  were  fired  upon  from  corners  and 
alley-ways  and  windows  and  house-tops.  At  Fourteenth 
street  an  unusually  vigorous  attack  was  made  from  a 
house.  The  Gatling  guns  were  charged  and  fired  with 
destructive  effect.  The  retreating  column  continued  its 
flight.  They  sought  shelter  in  the  United  States  ar- 
senal, but  Major  Bunington,  who  commanded  the  small 
force  of  ten  regular  United  States  soldiers,  declined  to 
permit  them  to  enter,  as  he  feared  the  whole  mob 
would  attack  when  he  had  no  means  of  defense.  He 
however  permitted  them  to  leave  their  wounded  to  be 
attended  to,  and  the  militia  continued  their  retreat  across 
the  Alleghany  river  to  the  village  of  Sharpsburgr 
where  they  halted  and  received  food  from  the  villagers. 
The  Philadelphians  marched  on  to  Claremont,  about 
twelve  miles  from  the  scene  of  disaster,  arriving  there 
about  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  wearied  and  foot-sore. 
Thus  ended  their  memorable  campaign  against  the 
rioters  of  Pittsburgh. 

Take  any  account  given  of  the  conduct  of  these 
citizen-soldiers,  examine  it  closely,  and  it  becomes  appa- 
rent that  they  were  badly  treated  by  the  Pittsburghers. 


GIVEN  OVER  TO  PILLAGE.  133 

Even  granting  that  they  did  fire  before  they  were 
.actually  assaulted,  it  is  evident  they  did  not  fire  until 
after  they  were  in  some  danger  of  being  overpowered  by 
the  mere  force  of  numbers.  Called  out  by  the  State 
authority,  in  the  performance  of  duty,  they  went  to 
Pittsburgh  to  protect  public  and  private  property.  Jus- 
tice requires  the  statement  that  they  were  received  by 
those  they  c:ime  to  serve  and  protect,  in  a  manner  which 
showed  that  they  were  regarded  more  in  the  light  of  a 
horde  of  invading  vandals  than  as  friends  and  protectors. 
Meanwhile  the  work  of  destruction,  which  had  been 
going  on  since  one  o'clock  in  the  morning,  was  still  pro- 
ceeding. The  soldiers  had  been  vanquished.  They  had 
been  driven  through  Lawrenceville,  out  to  Sharpsburg, 
six  miles  up  the  Alleghany  and  outside  the  city  limits,  as 
the  rioters  had  sworn  to  drive  them  out,  so  they  accom- 
plished their  oaths.  Eight  soldiers  were  killed  and  sev- 
eral others  wounded  during  their  retreat,  the  infuriated 
mob  would  allow  no  one  to  touch  the  falling  bodies 
save  some  Catholic  priests  from  a  parish  church  in  the 
neighborhood.  Even  the  vengeance  of  a  merciless  mob 
might  well  be  satiated  bv  the  events  of  that  doleful  Sun- 
day  morning  in  Pittsburgh.  But  there  is  no  means  of  pla- 
cating madmen.  The  rioters  were  such  now.  There 
was  no  protection  for  the  lives  or  the  property  of  the 
•  citizens,  save  such  as  the  lawbreakers  might  accord. 
And  strange  to  say,  while  engaged  in  driving  out  the 
ministers  of  the  law,  and  laying  waste  the  property  of  a 
great  corporation,  these  men.  were  foremost  in  efforts  to 
preserve  the  property  of  individuals.  A  singular  fact, 
but  a  truth  nevertheless,  that  amid  all  the  madness  of 
that  exciting  time  there  was  no  disposition  manifested  to 


134  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

do  violence  to  the  person  or  the  property  of  individuals- 
— except  in  appropriating  weapons  of  offense  and  de- 
fense held  by  private  citizens.  They  said  they  were 
determined  to  destroy  the  railroad  property,  but  would 
do  no  injury  to  that  belonging  to  private  citizens.  They 
kept  their  word,  too,  and  when  a  lumber  pile  belonging 
to  a  private  citizen  caught  fire,  the  rioters  themselves 
turned  in  [and  helped  to  extinguish  the  flames  and 
remove  the  lumber  to  a  safe  place.  But  there  was  no 
compunction  exhibited  so  far  as  railroad  property  was 
concerned.  The  scene  was  the  most  terrible  ever  wit- 
nessed, except  in  the  carnage  of  war. 

The  fire  raged  with  unabated  fury,  and  the  flames 
kept  creeping  steadily  toward  the  depot.  At  six  o'clock 
the  large  machine  shops  by  the  tracks  between  Twenty- 
sixth  and  Twenty-seventh  streets  caught  fire,  and  burn- 
ing cars  were  switched  on  to  the  Alleghany  Valley  Rail- 
road and  sent  down  that  track  in  Liberty  street,  setting 
fire  to  many  of  the  houses.  Superintendent  Pitcairn's 
and  other  offices  of  the  Company,  went  next.  All  along, 
the  tracks  were  long  lines  of  fire,  consuming  uncounted 
values  in  property.  And  still  the  conflagration  extended  'r 
cars,  houses,  shops,  all  were  destined  to  destruction. 

The  Union  Line  office  at  Twenty-second  street,  was 
wrapped  in  flames  early  in  the  morning.  The  walls  fell 
with  a  tremendous  crash  about  eight  o'clock.  Mean- 
while the  flames  from  the  two  roundhouses,  machine 
shops  and  cars,  became  magnificent  and  appalling.  One 
hundred  and  twenty-five  locomotives  were  burned, 
valued  at  three  millions  of  dollars,  and  the  loss  on  the 
buildings  increases  that  loss  to  four  millions. 

At  this  time  the  scene  was  appalling  in  magnificence^ 


GIVEN    OVER    TO    PILLAGE.  135 

A  vast  field  of  fire,  crackled  and  roared  with  terrible 
distinctness.  To  travesty  the  language  of  Parton,  men 
who  witnessed  it  felt  as  if  they  stood  upon  the  brink  of 
hell,  with  the  lid  off. 

There  were  fifty  miles  of  hot  rails,  ten  tracks  side  by 
side,  with  as  many  miles  of  ties  turned  into  glowing  coals, 
and  tons  on  tons  of  iron  car  skeletons  and  wheels  almost 
at  a  white  heat.  Hundreds  of  coal  and  coke  cars  at  full 
blast ;  two  hotels,  an  elevator,  and  many  dwellings  were 
burning  furiously,  and  hundreds  of  smaller  buildings 
along  the  line  were  all  in  a  blaze,  with  the  intermittent 
flashes  of  lurid  light  from  the  debris  of  the  roundhouse 
and  machine  shops. 

The  tracks  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  descend  on 
a  heavy  grade  for  a  distance  of  about  three  hundred 
yards  into  the  Union  Depot  at  Pittsburgh.  The  fire 
which  had  been  raging  east  of  the  crest  of  this  grade  for 
many  hours,  moved  slowly  westward,  and  had  approached 
within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  the  Union  Depot  at  noon 
on  Sunday.  At  one  o'clock  a  number  of  cars  were  in 
flames  at  the  summit  of  the  grade  spoken  of.  The 
rioters  now  determined  to  most  completely  execute  the 
purposes  they  had  sworn  to  consummate.  It  had  been 
hoped  by  citizens  that  the  Union  Depot  and  Keystone 
Hotel,  and  other  valuable  buildings  around  them  would 
escape  the  general  destruction.  The  Union  Depot  was  a 
large  four-story  building.  It  had  a  frontage  on  Liberty 
street  of  about  seventy  feet,  and  extended  back  about 
two  hundred  feet.  The  lower  floor  was  used  as  waiting 
rooms,  ticket  offices,  and  the  Company's  offices.  The 
upper  floor  was  occupied  by  the  Keystone  Hotel  Company, 
and  was  one  of  the  finest  houses  in  the  citv.     The  whole 


136  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

building  was  of  modern  style  of  architecture,  and  was  con- 
sidered one  of  the  best  arranged  depots  in  the  country, 
and  was  finished  about  seven  years  since.  In  the  rear  of 
the  depot,  and  extending  back  five  hundred  feet,  were 
lines  of  neat  pine  sheds,  covering  different  tracks  to  pro- 
tect passengers  from  the  weather. 

This  splendid  structure  was  doomed  to  become  food 
for  the  flames  along  with  the  other  valuable  properties 
involved  in  the  vortex  of  devastating  fires.  About  half 
past  one  o'clock  the  rioters  began  to  send  flaming  cars, 
thundering  down  the  grade  toward  the  depot.  Most  of 
them  were  turned  into  sidings  so  that  they  did  not  enter 
the  depot,  but  soon  the  passenger  cars  standing  near  the 
despatcher's  office  at  the  outer  end  of  the  depot  caught  fire, 
and  bv  the  rioters  brakes, were  loosed  and  the  cars  bv  their 
own  momentum,  thundered  into  the  depot,  communicat- 
ing the  flames  to  the  pine  sheds  alluded  to  above.  The 
whole  place  was  quickly  enveloped  in  a  roaring,  seething 
mass  of  fire. 

The  freight  depot  of  the  Pittsburgh  and  St.  Louis 
Railroad  was  a  large  shed,  built  fronting  on  Grant  street, 
and  extending  from  "Washington  street  to  Seventh 
avenue.  The  Company's  general  offices  were  in  a  four 
story  brick  building  fronting  on  Seventh  avenue. 
These  were  totally  destroyed,  as  was  also  the  depot  of 
the  Adams  Express  Company,  located  on  Grant  street. 
The  books  and  valuable  papers  had  been  removed  from 
the  Union  Depot  offices,  as  well  as  from  the  outer  build- 
ings, before  the  fire  reached  them.  The  Fire  Depart- 
ment of  the  city  continued  on  duty  from  the  time  of 
the  first  alarm,  but  were  not  allowed  to  throw  any  water 
on  or  make  any  effort  to  save  the  property  of  the  Rail- 


GIVEN    OVER    TO    PILLAGE.  137 

road  Company.  They  consequently  directed  their  efforts 
to  saving  the  private  property  on  the  north  side  of 
Liberty  street.  In  this  they  were  mainly  successful, 
though  six  dwellings  and  a  sash  factory  located  near 
the  roundhouses  were  destroyed  early  in  the  day. 

When  the  Union  Depot  was  fired,  followed  hy  the 
Pan  Handle  offices,  a  panic  seized  the  citizens,  who  had 
up  to  this  time  calmly  folded  their  arms  and  looked  on. 
It  was  feared  that  the  conflagration  would  sweep  the 
entire  portion  of  the  city  south  of  the  Pan  Handle  Rail- 
road tracks,  as  many  of  the  buildings  were  small  frames 
as  dry  as  tinder.  At  this  juncture  the  Fire  Department 
of  Alleghany,  which  had  been  held  in  readiness  in  case 
of  an  outbreak  on  that  side  of  the  river,  was  summoned 
to  assist  in  staying  the  progress  of  the  flames. 

At  this  time  the  excitement  in  every  part  of  the  city 
knew  no  bounds.  In  Liberty  street,  about  twelve  build- 
ings were  on  fire,  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  Twenty- 
eighth  street  the  flames  were  spreading  toward  the 
Alleghany  rapidly.  Hundreds  of  families  in  the  section 
of  the  city  between  the  railroad  tracks  and  the  Alle- 
ghany, three  squares,  and  the  Eleventh  street  Union 
Depot  and  Thirty-second  street,  spent  the  afternoon  in 
moving  their  most  valuable  effects  out  of  the  city. 

During  the  burning  of  the  depot  more  than  a  dozen 
terrific  explosions  occurred,  but  whether  from  powder 
secreted  there  by  the  mob,  or  from  the  contents  of  the 
cars,  or  the  ammunition  of  soldiers,  is  not  known. 

About  four  o'clock  the  Rush  House,  opposite  the 
depot,  on  Liberty  street,  caught  fire.  The  Fire  Depart- 
ment worked  all  the  afternoon  to  keep  the  fire  from 
communicating  to  the  Rush  House  block,  as  it  was  direct- 


138  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

ly  contiguous  to  the  whole  lower  part  of  the  city,  while 
the  depot  was  more  isolated  in  position.  Three  thousand 
five  hundred  cars,  all  told,  were  destroyed,  the  value  of 
which,  with  their  contents,  is  yet  unknown. 

About  noon,  Sunday,  a  mass  meeting  of  citizens  was 
called,  and  a  committee  of  five  persons  consisting  of 
Bishop  Tuigg,  James  D.  Bennett,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Scoville, 
James  P.  Barr,  and  Dr.  Donnelly,  were  appointed  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  following  resolutions  : 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  be  appointed  to  confer 
with  the  State,  County  and  City  authorities,  and  also  the 
employes,  workingmen,  and  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad 
officials,  to  secure  the  protection  of  property  from  wanton 
destruction,  and  an  arrangement  of  the  difficulties  be- 
tween the  Railroad  Company  and  the  striking  employes. 

Resolved,  That  in  making  this  effort  we  pledge  our 
faith  to  the  workingmen  that  we  have  no  purpose  to 
facilitate  the  introduction  of  an  armed  force,  but  look 
solely  to  the  protection  of  the  rights  and  interests  of  all 
by  amicable  means. 

This  committee  entered  upon  the  duty  imposed  upon 
them,  but  without  any  marked  success.  Bishop  Tuigg 
attempted  to  address  the  mob  of  rioters,  but  they  paid 
little  regard  to  his  words,  and  demanded  that  he  produce 
"  Tom.  Scott,"  which  of  course  the  Bishop  could  not 
comply  with.  Some  of  the  other  members  of  the  com- 
mittee fared  even  worse,  having  received  from  the 
rioters  they  attempted  to  conciliate  peremptory  orders  to 
depart  from  them. 

It  was  now  the  middle  of  the  afternoon.  The  fire  was 
still  raging.  A  large  elevator  had  taken  fire  about  half- 
past  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  was  a  terribly  grand 


GIVEN    OVER   TO    PILLAGE.  139 

spectacle,  as  a  tower  of  flame,  reaching  toward  the  sky. 
And  still  the  great  multitude  of  spectators  swayed  to  and 
fro,  powerless  to  resist  the  forces  which  kindled  the 
flames,  and  helpless  to  stay  the  progress  of  the  destroy- 
ing element.  At  this  time,  from  the  crest  of  the  hill 
behind  the  depot,  a  continuous  line  of  fire,  flame,  moul- 
dering ruins  and  smoke  extended  along  the  tracks  a  dis- 
tance of  three  miles.  The  mob  was  still  triumphant, 
and  would  not  allow  a  drop  of  water  to  be  thrown  upon 
the  Company's  property.  The  scenes  were  terrific.  Many 
of  the  stores  burned  near  the  depot  contained  whiskey  f 
from  which  barrels  were  taken,  and  from  which  gallons 
were  distributed.  The  Atlantic  and  Pacific  telegraph 
wires  along  the  track  were  all  cut.  The  Adams  Express 
Company  moved  everything  from  their  depot  store-house 
to  offices  on  Fifth  street.  They  lost  heavily  during  the 
morning.  There  was  no  wind  in  the  early  part  of  the 
day,  but  during  the  afternoon  a  southwest  breeze  started 
up,  which  freshened  to  a  steady  wind,  and  a  pall  of 
smoke  overhung  the  lower  part  of  the  city  east  of  Smith- 
field  street,  and  reaching  to  the  Monongahela.  At  five 
o'clock  buildings  on  the  side  of  the  hill  east,  and  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  tracks  from  the  elevator  caught  fire, 
and  by  5:50  o'clock  the  fire  had  extended  a  block  and  a 
half  up  Washington  street,  from  which  street  the  fire 
spread  both  ways  on  Webester  street.  This  is  a  district  on 
the  hill  covered  with  low  tenement  houses,  which  were 
closely  packed  with  workingmen  and  their  families. 

The  most  striking  feature,  perhaps,  of  the  day's 
developments,  was  the  complete  apathy  with  which  the 
tens  of  thousands  that  thronged  the  city,  looked  upon 
the  riots,  the  bloodshed,  and  the  burning  of  millions  of 


1^0  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

property.  They  seemed  to  take  the  same  kind  of  interest 
in  these  tremendous  events  as  they  would  take  in  a  sen- 
sational drama.  As  evening  approached  they  wended 
their  way  peacefully  home,  remarking  carelessly  that  it 
was  all  very  terrible,  and  that  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad 
had  almost  bankrupted  the  city  and  had  only  got  what  it 
deserved. 

The  scenes  of  pillage  witnessed  during  that  memora- 
ble Sunday,  July  22nd,  1877,  in  the  city  of  Pittsburgh, 
were  such  as  were  never  before  witnessed  in  this 
country ;  not  even  during  the  war  between  the  sec- 
tions. An  eye  witness  thus  describes  the  reign  of  the 
Commune  : 

"  While  hundreds  were  engaged  in  firing  the  cars  arid 
making  certain  of  the  destruction  of  the  valuable  build- 
ings at  the  outer  depot,  thousands  of  men,  women  and 
children  engaged  in  pillaging  the  cars.  Men  armed 
with  heavy  sledges  would  break  open  the  cars,  and  then 
the  contents  would  be  thrown  out  and  carried  off  by 
those  bent  on  profiting  by  the  reign  of  terror  existing. 
The  street  was  almost  completely  blockaded  by  persons 
laboring  to  carry  off  the  plunder  they  had  gathered 
together.  In  hundreds  of  instances  wagons  were 
pressed  into  service  to  enable  thieves  to  get  away  with 
their  goods.  Mayor  McCarthy,  early  in  the  day, 
endeavored  to  stop  the  pillage,  but  the  handful  of  men 
at  his  command  were  unable  to  control  the  crowd,  who 
were  desperate  in  their  anxiety  to  secure  the  goods. 
The  pillage  was  checked,  but  the  mob  fired  the  cars,  and 
then  proceeded  with  the  work  of  destruction.  It  is  im- 
possible to  form  any  idea  of  the  amount  of  goods  stolen, 
but  hundreds  of  thousands  will  not  cover  the  loss.    Some 


GIVEN    OVER    TO    PILLAGE.  141 

of  the  scenes,  notwithstanding  the  terror  which  seemed 
to  paralyze  peaceable  and  orderly  citizens,  were  ludicrous 
in  the  highest  degree,  and  no  one  seemed  to  enjoy  them 
with  greater  zest  than  those  outraged  in  the  wholesale 
plunder.  Here  a  brawny  woman  could  be  seen  hurrying 
away  with  pairs  of  white  kid  slippers  under  her  arms ; 
another,  carrying  an  infant,  would  be  rolling  a  barrel  of 
flour  along  the  sidewalk,  using  her  feet  as  the  propelling 
power  ;  here  a  man  pushing  a  wheelbarrow  loaded  with 
white  lead.  Boys  hurried  through  the  crowd  with  large- 
sized  family  Bibles  as  their  share  of  the  plunder,  while 
scores  of  females  utilized  aprons  and  dresses  to  carry 
flour,  eggs,  dry  goods,  etc.  Bundles  of  umbrellas,  fancy 
parasols,  hams,  bacon,  leaf  lard,  calico,  blankets,  lacesr 
and  flour  were  mixed  together  in  the  arms  of  robust 
men,  or  carried  on  hastily  constructed  hand  barrows." 

The  militia  having  fled  the  city,  and  there  being  no 
United  States  regulars  at  hand,  the  citizens  of  Pittsburgh 
were  at  the  mercy  of  a  mob,  without  the  least  possibility 
of  resisting  its  demands.  Such  was  the  situation  late 
Sunday  evening,  when  an  adjourned  meeting  of  the  citi- 
zens was  held  and  a  vigilance  committee  was  raised  for 
the  purpose  of  preventing  a  further  waste  of  property. 
The  committee  was  rapidly  recruited  and  its  members 
were  first  supplied  with  base-ball  bats,  but  these  were 
afterwards  exchanged  for  guns.  They  were  designated 
by  white  ribbons  on  their  arms.  As  soon  as  the  force 
was  organized  they  marched  to  Seventh  avenue,  where 
hundreds  of  spectators  who  had  been  waiting  for  some 
one  to  lead,  joined  with  them  in  preventing  further 
incendiarism.  The  reign  of  the  mob  was  over,  although 
threats  were  made  that  the  buildings  belonging  to  the 


142  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

Pittsburgh,  Ft.  Wayne  and  Chicago  Railroad,  and  Cleve- 
land and  Pittsburgh  road,  on  Penn  street,  and  the  Du- 
■quesne  Freight  Depot  on  Liberty  street  would  be  fired. 
A  large  number  of  the  vigilance  committee  guarded 
these  depots  through  the  night  and  they  were  not  des- 
troyed . 

The  reign  of  the  mob  came  to  an  end  that  night. 
Afterward,  General  Hancock  and  Governor  Hartranft 
came  to  Pittsburgh,  with  all  "the  pomp  and  circumstance 
of  glorious  war."  But  they  found  no  hostile  foe  to  con- 
quer. General  Hancock's  soldiers  did  indeed  arrest 
some  sixty  or  seventy  of  the  communistic  incendiaries  of 
Pttsburgh,  and  they  were  handed  over  to  Governor  Hart- 
ranft, who  in  turn  directed  the  Attorney  General  of 
Pennsylvania  to  proceed  against  them  in  the  courts. 
Put  the  riots  were  virtually  at  an  end.  The  citizens  who 
were  in  sympathy  with  the  strikers,  had  been  alienated 
from  them  by  the  deeds  of  the  communistic  mob,  and 
the  revulsion  was  so  marked,  and  so  dangerous  in  its 
symptoms,  that  the  law  breakers  naturally  felt  alarmed. 
The  last  real  fight  during  the  further  continuance  of  the 
strike  was  between  a  party  of  seventy-five  members  of 
the  citizens  vigilance  committee,  armed  with  base  ball 
bats,  and  a  gang  of  rowdies  on  Liberty  street,  late  Sun- 
day evening.  At  first  repulsed,  the  citizens  returned  to 
the  charge  and  were  victorious.  The  next  day  the  rio- 
ters formally  surrendered  their  arms  to  a  committee  of 
citizens,  and  the  brief,  but  terrible  war  in  Pittsburgh 
was  at  an  end. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


General  Movements  in  Pennsylvania. 


Difficulty  at  Erie — Rioters  near  Bethlehem — Sunbury  Strikers — A  Rab- 
ble at  Altoona — Meadville  Militia — Mauch  Chunk  Characters — 
Lebanon  Valley  Villianies — Marietta  Marauders — Wilkesbarre  Dis- 
turbances— Shenandoah  Colliers — Hazards  at  Harrisburg — Scran- 
ton  Miners — Hazleton  Isolated — The  Johnstown  Murders. 


While  the  attention  of  the  whole  country  was  concen- 
trated on  the  momentous  events  happening  in  Baltimore, 
Pittsburgh,  Chicago,  Reading,  Fort  Wayne,  and  St. 
Louis,  there  were  events  of  scarcely  less  significance 
taking  place  in  all  the  considerable  towns  and  cities 
throughout  the  entire  State  of  Pennsylvania.  Laborers 
in  mills  and  factories,  founderies,  and  mines,  all  over  the 
State,  were  in  a  state  of  feverish  excitement.  The  great 
masses  of  men  engaged  in  the  anthracite  coal  regions  of 
the  Eastern  Slope,  the  miners  of  the  bituminous  coal 
fields  of  the  West  were  all  profoundly  agitated  by  the 
events  taking  place  throughout  the  Union.  The  em- 
ployes of  railroads  in  various  parts  of  the  State  were  in 
the  closest  sympathy  with  the  objects  aimed  at  by  the 
strikers  on  the  Grand  Trunk  lines,  and  in  a  time  of  such 
overpowering  anxieties  and  excitement,  they  could 
scarcely  be  expected  to  remain  quiet.  Accordingly  we 
find  that  in  many  places  the  inhabitants  were  called 
upon  to  endure  sleepless  nights,  on  account  of  the 
general  social  disturbance,  and  their  anxieties  as  to  what 
would  be  the  end  of  it  all. 


144  THE    GREAT    STRIKER. 

The  Atlantic  Express  on  the  Lake  Shore  and  Michigan 
Southern  Railroad  arrived  at  the  depot  in  Erie,  Penn- 
sylvania, from  Chicago  the  morning  of  July   24th,  and 
was  abandoned  by  the  men.     All  trains  both  east  and 
west  on  the  Buffalo  division  were  run  upon  a  siding  and 
left  there,  much  to  the  disgust  of  about  three  hundred 
through  passengers.    The  train  consisted  of  four  heavily- 
laden  fast  mail  cars,  and  four  passenger  coaches.     The 
strikers  were  anxious  to  forward  the  train  to  Buffalo,  and,, 
for  this  purpose,  fired  up  an  engine  and  put  on  an  engineer 
and  fireman.     Orders  were  received  from  the  Superin- 
tendent of  the  road  to  hold  the  train  at  Erie  till  further 
notice.     A  meeting  of  the  strikers  was  then  held.     A 
telegram  was  by  them  sent  to  President  Hayes,  informing 
him   that  the  Railroad  Company,  and  not  the  strikers,. 
were  responsible  for  the  detention  of  the  mails.     An- 
other effort  was  made  to  take  out  the   train,    but   the 
attempt   was   frustrated   by  the  Sheriff,  who  had  been 
ordered  by  the  Superintendent  to  prevent  the  strikers 
from  taking  out  the  train  against  the  Company's  orders. 
The  Mayor  and  other  city  officials,  with  special  police, 
went  to  the  scene.     Addresses  were  made,  and   finally 
the  strikers  gave  up  the  contest,  took  off  their  engineer 
and  abandoned  the  train  entirely.     Among  the  passen- 
gers were  about  sixty  women  and  children,  who  had  suf- 
fered intensely  from  the  inconvenience  they  had  been 
put  to.      On  the  Erie  Division  of  the  Lake  Shore  Road 
passenger  trains  were  run  as  usual.     That  evening  the 
mail  matter  upon  the  cars,  about  fifteen  tons  in  all,  was 
unloaded  from  the  cars  and  taken  to  the  post  office. 

Superintendent  Polhemus,  with  his  party  of    repair 
men,  and  their  escort  of  coal  and  iron  police,  arrived  at 


GENERAL  MOVEMENTS  IN  PENNSYLVANIA.      145 

Odenwelders,  Pennsylvania,  July  24th.  They  had 
gone  to  repair  a  turn-table  at  that  point.  They  were 
met  by  a  large  and  excited  crowd,  who  drove  off  the 
repair  men,  Mr.  Polhemus  addressed  the  mob  with  a 
conciliatory  speech,  but  they  replied  by  informing  him 
that  he  was  at  liberty  to  walk  back  to  Mauch  Chunk 
with  his  force.  The  men  then  ran  his  engine  on  the 
side  track  and  drew  the  lire. 

The  Philadelphia  and  Erie  trainmen  struck  at  Sun- 
bury,  Pennsylvania,  Tuesday  night,  July  24th.'  They 
compelled  the  shop  hands  and  machinists  to  strike.  The 
excitement  was  great,  but  no  overt  act  was  committed. 

The  strikers  at  Altoona  during  the  24th  were  very 
quiet,  although  they  were  successful  in  keeping  a  couple 
of  local  trains  from  starting  out.  In  the  evening  at  five 
o'clock  a  train  of  soldiers  arrived  en-route  for  Pittsburgh, 
when  the  strikers  congregated  on  the  railroad  and  at- 
tempted to  keep  it  from  starting,  but  the  train  got  off, 
and  while  it  was  moving  out  the  strikers  threw  stones 
and  fired  a  number  of  shots  at  it.  Several  soldiers 
returned  the  fire,  but  no  one  was  hurt. 

At  Meadville,  Pennsylvania,  July  26th,  orders  were 
issued  by  General  Hodekoper  for  all  companies  of  the 
Seventh  militia  to  report  at  Franklin  to  avoid  a  conflict 
or  the  detention  of  trains,  as  was  the  case  before.  The 
Meadville  companies  marched  out  to  the  city  limits, 
where  wagons  were  in  waiting  to  convey  them  overland 
to  Franklin.  They  arrived  safely.  The  Greenville,. 
Sharon,  Conneautville  and  Erie  companies  also  went  by 
wagons.  The  Cony  company  attempted  to  go  by  rail, 
but  were  delayed  by  the  Oil  Creek  Railroad  strikers,, 
and  therefore  left  the  train  and  took  wagons.     The  Oil 

10 


146  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

Creek  Greys  marched  also  to  camp.  The  division  had 
one  thousand  men  at  Franklin,  fully  armed  and  equipped, 
and  ready  to  move  in  case  of  an  emergency. 

The  men  on  the  Lehigh  Yalley  and  Lehigh  and  Sus- 
quehanna roads  were  all  out,  and  all  trains  stopped  run- 
ning at  Mauch  Chunk  on  the  27th.  The  Lehigh  Yalley 
officials  discharged  all  their  men  connected  with  the  strike, 
and  paid  them  off  at  once. 

The  miners  at  Summit  Hill,  struck  July  27th.  They 
demanded  an  advance  of  twenty  per  cent.  They  marched 
from  one  mine  to  another,  with  loaves  of  bread 
stuck  on  poles,  and  afterwards  congregated  in  front  of 
the  Company's  office  when  they  demanded  their  pay. 
The  Sheriff  and  Chief  of  the  Police  Burgess  issued 
proclamations  enjoining  order,  and  warning  all  persons 
of  the  consequences  of  acts  of  violence. 

At  Lebanon,  Pennsylvania,  July  23d,  a  large  crowd 
of  people  congregated  at  the  depot  in  the  evening  to 
await  the  arrival  of  the  passenger  train  from  the  East. 
The  militia  had  all  then  left  for  Harrisburg.  Several 
fights  took  place  between  militia  and  citizens.  Freight 
trains  arrived  from  Reading  via  Auburn  and  Prince 
Grove.  The  excitement  was  abating.  No  passenger  or 
freight  trains  arrived  then  from  the  east  or  west  on  the 
Lebanon  Valley  Railroad.  The  trains  on  the  Lebanon 
and  Fremont  Railroad  were  undisturbed. 

At  Marietta,  Pennsylvania,  July  23d,  the  firemen, 
brakemen,  and  other  hands  employed  upon  several  branch 
lines  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  struck.  The  strikers 
intimidated  all  railroaders  from  running  the  freight 
trains.  Three  loaded  cars  were  thrown  from  the  track 
near  Chiques,  on  the  Columbia  branch,  and  rolled  into 


GENERAL  MOVEMENTS  IN  PENNSYLVANIA.      147 

•the  Susquehanna  river.  A  large  body  of  tramps  who 
had  collected  in  the  woods  near  Marietta  took  advantage 
of  the  unsettled  times  and  proceeded  to  carry  on  organ- 
ized outlawry.  The  malcontent  railroad  men  formed  in 
procession  and  marched  from  point  to  point,  stationing 
patrols  wherever  there  was  a  possibility  of  the  non-union 
employes  attempting  to  take  a  train  out.  The  number 
of  strikers  increased  bv  the  accession  of  train  hands  from 
other  divisions  of  the  road.  The  strikers  were  well 
armed,  and  many  of  them  amply  provided  to  light  with 
the  military.  An  attempt  was  made  to  destroy  a  signal 
tower  just  below  Columbia  during  the  morning,  but  the 
fire  started  by  the  rioters  died  out  after  the  incendiaries 
had  gone.  Some  of  the  leaders  in  the  Baltimore  and 
Pittsburgh  riot  arrived,  and  endeavored  to  prevail  upon 
the  other  dissatisfied  men,  not  connected  with  the  rail- 
road, to  join  in  the  strike.  Much  excitement  prevailed, 
and  the  arrival  of  the  troops  was  awaited  with  great 
anxiety. 

A  band  of  twenty  strikers  from  Easton,  reached  Beth- 
lehem, Pennsylvania,  July  25th,  and  congregated  at 
Bethlehem  Junction.  At  ten  o'clock  when  the  passenger 
rtrain  on  the  Bath  branch  of  the  Central  Railroad  of  New 
Jersey  was  ready  to  start  for  Bath,  the}r  took  possession 
of  the  train,  uncoupled  it  from  the  engine,  and  warned 
the  crew  that  if  they  undertook  to  run  the  train  through, 
they  would  do  so  at  their  peril.  A  large  number  of  citi- 
zens came  to  the  rescue,  and  while  Despatcher  Steinman 
was  holding  consultation  with  the  strikers,  the  train  was 
recoupled  and  pulled  out  very  rapidly.  The  strikers 
made  an  effort  to  uncouple  the  last  car  but  failed.  W. 
3.  Polhemus,  Assistant  General   Superintendent  of  the 


14  S  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

Lehigh  and  Susquehanna  Divisions  of  the  New  Jersej 
Central  road,  arrived  there  in  a  special  car  with  a  squad 
of  the  Coal  and  Iron  Police  under  Captain  Williams.  A 
crew  was  made  up,  and  the  through  car  from  Philadel- 
phia to  Mauch  Chunk  was  taken  by  them  to  its  destina- 
tion. 

Events  culminated  at  Wilkesbarre,  Pennsylvania,  in  a 
general  strike  of  the  railroad  men  and  miners  on  the 
25th  of  July.  All  day  long  meetings  were  held  by  them 
in  different  portions  of  the  city.  At  some  of  the  most 
important,  newspaper  reporters  were  refused  entrance.- 
Every  application  for  admission  was  thoroughly  exam- 
ined before  the  privilege  was  granted.  From  those  who- 
attended  the  meetings  it  was  ascertained  that  the  main 
business  was  the  appointing  of  committees  to  wait  on; 
the  officials  who  resided  there,  and  through  them  to 
make  their  demands  known.  Several  small  companies  of 
soldiers  arrived  at  Wilkesbarre  and  were  immediately 
marched  to  the  encampment  at  Lee  Park.  There  were 
then  nearly  a  thousand  soldiers  in  that  city.  At  a  late 
hour  at  night  notices  were  posted  up  at  the  Lehigh  Val- 
ley Depot,  designating  what  trains  would  be  stopped  the 
next  day.  Up  to  noon  everything  went  along  the  road, 
as  usual,  but  this  was  to  allow  the  morning  trains  to- 
reach  their  destinations.  During  the  afternoon  one 
eastern  bound  freight  train  on  the  Valley  road  was  stop- 
ped, and  the  engineer  ordered  to  run  his  train  on  a  side 
track  and  get  off  his  engine.  The  order  was  obeyed. 
Nearly  five  hundred  people  were  assembled  at  that  place 
at  the  time. 

The  situation  in  the  anthracite  coal  region  near  Shen- 
andoah, Pennsylvania,  had  become  very  disquieting,  and 


GENERAL  MOVEMENTS  IN  PENNSYLVANIA.      149 

business  of  all  kinds  was  at  a  standstill  on  July  27.  Since 
the  long  strike  of  '75,  the  miners  of  that  region  had 
been  dissatisfied  with  their  lot,  and  unfortunately  their 
grounds  of  complaint  had  become  more  palpable  with  the 
lapse  of  time.  Prior  to  1875  the  average  wages  of 
miners  were  very  large,  ranging  between  one  hundred 
and  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  a  month  a  piece, 
but  since  that  time  wages  have  been  steadily  de- 
creasing until  a  good  miner  could  scarcely  earn  in 
a  month  what  he  considered  pay  for  a  fair  ten 
days  work  three  years  ago.  Their  dissatisfaction  would 
be  easily  understood.  At  the  market  price  of  coal,  labor 
was  worth  nothing,  although  the  laborer  is  said  to  be 
worthy  of  his  hire.  No  strike  had  occurred  in  Schuyl- 
kill County,  though  in  several  parts  the  miners  were 
pretty  evenly  balancing  upon  the  question  of  "  strike  or 
mo  strike."  The  most  intelligent  among  them  were  not 
in  favor  of  going  out,  saying  that  half  a  loaf  was  better 
than  no  bread,  while  others  more  obtuse  said  :  "  We 
might  as  well  die  at  once  as  starve  by  inches."  The 
[majority  of  the  workingmen  of  that  region  were  hot- 
headed in  the  extreme,  and  as  a  rule,  looked  after  they 
had  leaped.  On  account  of  the  numerous  railway  strikes 
there  had  been  a  great  deal  of  excitement  among  the 
men,  and  in  various  parts  of  the  county  parades  were 
inagurated  for  the  purpose  of  creating  sentiment  in 
favor  of  the  strikers  and  those  who  contemplated  joining. 
There  were  several  demonstrations  there,  and  to  protect 
themselves  against  what  might  possibly  occur  through 
the  efforts  of  demagogues,  the  citizens  organized  a  home 
guard.  In  this  they  followed  the  example  of  the  citi- 
zens of  Shamokin,  the  coal  centre  of  Northumberland 


150  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

County.  This  was  the  place  where  the  mob  endeavored1 
to  inagurate  a  scene  of  riot  and  bloodshed,  but  were 
happily  defeated  in  their  object.  In  Luzerne  County 
the  miners  were  out  in  several  districts,  and  this  may  be 
placed  to  the  credit  of  the  strikers  on  the  Lehigh  Valley 
and  Jersey  Central  Railroads,  though  the  miners  of  Lu- 
zerne earned  much  lower  wages  than  their  Schulykill 
County  brethren.  Fears  were  entertained  at  Shenan- 
doah that  the  Luzerne  men  might  visit  Schulykill,  and 
it  that  fear  was  verified,  trouble  would  probably  result,  as 
the  miners  of  Luzerne  were  perfectly  aware  that  what- 
ever misfortune  happened  Schulykill  was  money  in  their 
pockets. 

The  strikers  at  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania,  stopped  all 
trains  on  the  evening  of  July  25th.  A  mob  numbering 
four  thousand  filled  the  depot  and  streets  adjacent,  but 
there  were  few  railroaders  in  the  crowd.  There  was  a  dis- 
position manifested  to  allow  all  passenger  trains  to  pass, 
and  a  number  passed  both  east  and  west.  The  freight 
trains  had  all  been  stopped,  and  none  were  running.  The 
Reading  employes  struck  that  morning  and  ran  the 
freight  engine  into  the  roundhouse.  The  city  was  filled 
with  rough  looking  men  drawn  there  by  the  strike,  most 
of  them  being  tramps,  and  trouble  was  feared  by  their 
depredations.  Eight  hundred  troops,  comprising  General 
Schofield's  division  were  encamped  in  the  vicinity  ot 
the  arsenal  guarding  Government  stores.  They  came 
that  morning  and  consisted  of  nine  companies  from 
Schulykill  Count}'',  two  from  Lebanon,  and  one  from 
Harrisburg.  A  number  of  Philadelphia  soldiers  started 
from  Altoona  for  home  on  the  evening  of  the  23rd. 
Some  of  them  left  the  train  at  Bell's  Mills,  and  soine^ 


GENERAL   MOVEMENTS    IN    PENNSYLVANIA.  151 

among  them  the  First  City  Troop,  came  as  far  as  Rock- 
ville,  where  they  disembarked  because  they  learned  they 
were  to  do  guard  duty  at  the  arsenal.  It  was  a  fact  that 
the  First  City  Troop  left  Rockville  and  walked  home  by  a 
roundabout  way  to  avoid  the  city.  A  number  of  sol- 
diers who  came  from  Altoona,  were  disarmed  by  a  mob 
without  offering  any  resistance.  The  Pennsylvania  rail- 
road officials  at  Harrisburg  were  powerless  to  prevent  the 
strikers  from  stopping  trains.  Their  hands  were  tied, 
and  there  was  no  military  or  civil  authority  to  help  them. 
A;crowd  which  crossed  the  river  in  search  of  Philadel- 
phia militia-men  reported  coming  towards  Harrisburg, 
returned  to  that  city  about  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening 
with  twenty-three  men  of  the  First  and  Second  Regi- 
ments as  their  prisoners.  The  captives  were  well  fed  and 
treated  courteously  by  the  strikers.  Captain  Snowden 
and  thirty-two  men  of  the  City  Troop  of  Philadelphia, 
were  found  a  mile  outside  of  the  city  and  conducted  tp 
the  State  Arsenal,  where  they  were  quartered.  At  ten 
o'clock  on  the  evening  of  the  23rd,  the  mob  forced  an 
entrance  into  Altemeir's  gun  store  on  Second  street, 
Harrisburg,  and  seized  a  quantity  of  firearms.  Mayor 
Patterson  addressed  the  crowd  and  induced  them  to 
return  a  part  of  their  plunder.  Intense  excitement 
prevailed. 

The  entire  Lackawanna  region  was  idle  by  the  30th 
of  July.  A  short  time  before,  this  region  sent  nearly 
150,000  tons  of  coal  to  market.  It  now  ceased  to  send 
any. 

The  miners  of  the  Delaware  and  Hudson  Canal  Com- 
pany quit  work,  and  those  of  the  Pennsylvania  Coal 
Company  were  in  enforced  idleness  on  account  of  the 


152  THE   GREAT    STRIKES.  .  . 

•destruction  of  a  head-house  and  bridge  on  their  gravity- 
railroad.  The  head-house,  which  was  situated  in  the 
woods  east  of  Scranton,  was  burned  down  by  a  mob 
which  surprised  the  watchman  and  tied  him  with  ropes 
to  a  neighboring  tree.  They  saturated  the  wood-work 
and  set  it  off  with  a  match.  It  made  a  fierce  blaze  which 
was  plainly  visible  at  Scranton.  The  destruction  of  the 
head-house  caused  a  complete  stoppage  from  Hawley  to 
Pittston.  It  was  not  the  work  of  the  Company's  em- 
ployes, but  of  outside  persons  who  took  that  mode  of 
forcing  the  strike  upon  them.  The  Pennsylvania  Goal 
Company  had  recently  been  working  on  full  time  at  their 
mines,  and  the  best  of  feeling  existed  between  themselves 
and  their  workmen.  The  latter  were  indignant  at  the 
dastardly  act.  The  prospects  are  that  the  burned  prop- 
erty  will  not  be  replaced  until  the  dispute  between  labor 
and  capital  is  settled. 

A  bridge  on  the  Company's  road  was  burned  at  Spring 
Brook.  It  was  promptly  replaced,  and  within  three  days 
it  was  again  destroyed. 

At  Mill  Creek,  on  the  Delaware  and  Hudson  Road,  a 
band  of  six  hundred  miners  surprised  a  loaded  coal  train 
on  Saturday,  and  forced  the  men  to  abandon  it.  There 
was  not  a  mine  worked  in  the  valley  on  the  30th  of  July, 
and  all  railroad  communications  with  outside  towns  were 
thoroughly  blockaded. 

Mr.  John  Brisbin,  of  New  York,  went  to  Scranton  to 
consult  with  the  local  officers  of  the  corporation,  but  no 
effort  had  been  made  to  recover  control  of  the  railroads 
or  mines.  Governor  Hartranft  had  transferred  to  Mayor 
McKinne  the  services  of  the  State  militia,  but  the  Mayor 
declined,  as  he  did  not  want  to  shoulder  the  responsibility 


GENERAL  MOVEMENTS  IN  PENNSYLVANIA.      153 

of  calling  out  the  military.  The  city  became  very  much 
excited  over  a  rumor  that  the  regular  troops  were  going- 
there  to  protect  the  men  at  the  mine  pumps  in  order  to 
prevent  the  mines  from  flooding.  A  strong  company  of 
old  soldiers  was  organized  for  the  protection  of  life  and 
property,  and  every  man  slept  with  a  musket  at  his  bed- 
side ready  to  rush  out  at  the  sound  of  the  gong. 

The  strike  on  the  main  line  of  the  Lehigh  Val- 
ley road,  July  26th,  resulted  in  a  stoppage  of  nearly 
all  trains  on  the  Hazelton  branch.  An  engine  and 
mail  car  went  to  Tomhickon  and  conveyed  the  mail 
and  a  few  passengers  from  Sunbury.  A  committee 
of  strikers  went  down  from  Wilkesbarre  and  in- 
duced the  employes  of  the  Hazelton  division  to  strike. 
The  committee  proceeded  to  Weatherly.  The  coal 
trains  on  the  Beaver  Meadow  and  Mahanoy  divisions 
were  running,  but  on  account  of  the  strike  on  the  main 
lines,  coal  trains  could  not  get  beyond  Packerton. 

When  the  detachments  of  the  First,  Third  and  Fifth 
United  States  Regular  Artillery,  commanded  by  Colonel 
Hamilton,  which  left  Philadelphia  the  26th,  reached 
Johnstown,  on  the  Pennsylvania  road,  the  train  was 
stormed  and  fired  into  by  a  mob  at  that  place,  and 
several  of  the  soldiers  wounded.  The  regulars  disem- 
barked, and  a  fight  ensued  in  which  a  number  of  persons 
were  killed.  Troops  were  massed  at  that  point.  The 
new  Twentieth  Regiment,  composed  of  veterans,  left 
Philadelphia  fully  armed  and  equipped  for  the  scene  of 
the  fight. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


The  Tumult  at  Buffalo. 


The  Beginning  of  the  Trouble — A  Militia  Company  Arrives — Exasper- 
ated Strikers — Business  Suspended — The  Railways  all  Cease  to 
Transport  Freight — Threatening  Outlook — Governor  Robinson's 
Proclamation— Military  Movements — The  Strike  Collapses. 


The  trouble  at  Hornellsville  did  not  immediately 
effect  the  regular  course  of  business  at  Buffalo.  But  it 
became  manifest  from  the  movements  among  the  work- 
ingmen,  that  the  city  was  not  to  be  so  fortunate  as  to 
escape  an  infliction  of  tumult  and  business  stagnation 
such  as  other  cities  were  suffering.  It  came  to  Buffalo 
rather  suddenly,  although  not  wholly  unexpected. 

About  nine  o'clock,  Monday  evening,  July  23d,  a 
Lake  Shore  train  having  on  board  a  company  of  militia 
from  Westfield,  was  stopped  at  Tifft's  Station,  just  out 
of  the  city,  by  a  party  of  strikers.  They  swarmed  into 
the  cars  and  began  to  take  the  soldiers'  muskets  away 
from  them.  This  brought  on  a  fight,  in  the  course  of 
which  there  was  some  pretty  brisk  firing  at  close  quar- 
ters. The  result  was  that  the  militia  fled,  leaving  ten 
muskets  in  the  hands  of  the  strikers.  Only  one  of  the 
latter,  Michael  Lyon,  is  known  to  have  been  killed. 
Following  is  the  list  of  wounded :  William  Berrigan,, 
right  side  ;  Patrick  Breen,  mouth  and  neck  ;  John  Clay, 
ewitchman,  through  the  lungs,  afterward  died ;  "W.  J.  L. 
Hickey,  in  the  leg ;  Paul  Lang,  right  thigh,  badly ;  M. 


THE  TUMULT  AT  BUFFALO.  155 

Murphy,  knee,  badly.     None  of  the  soldiers  were  killed. 

The  morning  passed  without  serious  disturbances. 
Gangs  of  men  and  boys  made  the  rounds  of  thefactoriesr 
urging  the  hands  to  quit  work,  but  they  accomplished 
nothing.  Nearly  all  the  engines  were  in  the  shops  and 
yards,  which,  with  the  depots,  were  heavily  guarded. 
No  freight  trains  had  been  started  during  the  day,  and 
only  one  passenger  train — that  for  Niagara  Falls,  over  the 
Central  road.  Two  Falls'  trains  arrived,  and  the  Erie 
mail.  On  all  the  crossing  switches  white  flags  were  dis- 
played with  the  words,  in  black  letters,  "  We  will  let  the 
mail  go."     The  strikers  were  quiet  but  resolute. 

Travel  was  stopped  on  every  one  of  the  ten  lines 
touching  Buffalo,  and  the  only  way  out  then  was  by  boat. 
All  day  the  depots  were  surrounded  by  the  mob,  num- 
bering about  two  thousand  men  and  boys — a  very  large 
proportion  of  them  roughs,  with  whom  the  real  strikers 
did  not  sympathize.  No  hostile  demonstration  had  been 
made  against  railway  property  since  the  preceding  night, 
when  the  mob  numbered  nearly  three  thousand,  being 
much  larger  at  night  than  in  the  day.  The  mob  later 
in  the  evening  began  to  collect  in  large  force  in  various 
parts  of  the  city.  It  became  a  vast  multitude  before 
ten  o'clock  at  night. 

The  railroad  yards  at  Buffalo  stretched  nearly  ten 
miles  eastward,  and  the  rioters  were  scattered  along  this 
distance,  thus  making  no  great  show  at  any  one  point- 
The  arrangements  for  the  defense  of  the  city  were 
wholly  inadequate.  There  were  only  seven  hundred 
soldiers  there.  Of  these,  one  company  was  thoroughly 
thrashed  by  the  mob  Monday  night,  seventeen  of  its 
men  being  wounded   or   missing;  another,  an   artillery 


156  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

company,  was  armed  with  muskets,  and  a  third  was  an 
unmounted  cavalry  company.  There  were  only  three 
hundred  police,  aided  by  a  few  specials  sworn  in  Mon- 
day. Several  of  the  wounded  Westfield  soldiers  came 
out  of  hiding  at  noon  the  next  day  to  have  their  wounds 
dressed. 

There  was  great  annoyance  and  some  suffering  from 
the  embargo  on  travel.  Women  travelling  with  funds 
sufficient  only  for  the  journey  were  left  in  bad  straits, 
and  some  required  the  assistance  of  the  charitable.  Ten 
"drummers"  hired  a  tug  Tuesday  afternoon  and  started 
for  Rochester  by  the  canal,  hoping  to  reach  that  city  by 
the  following  morning.  Many  passengers  from  the  East 
had  come  from  Niagara  Falls,  twenty-three  miles,  in  car- 
riages. There  were  miles  of  freight  and  passenger  cars 
on  the  tracks,  and,  it  was  estimated,  more  than  a  million 
dollars  worth  of  freight. 

The  few  soldiers  who  were  at  Buffalo  spoke  with 
great  repugnance  to  firing  into  the  mob.  Many  of  them 
sympathized  with  the  strikers,  and  many  women  and 
children  followed  their  husbands  and  fathers  into  the 
crowds.  A  mail  train  for  Elmira  was  allowed  to  go 
out  on  the  Erie,  Tuesday  morning,  and  several  Canada 
Southern  passenger  trains  were  permitted  to  pass,  but  at 
a  late  hour  in  the  evening  everything  was  shut  tight. 

Hot  work  was  anticipated.  The  air  was  full  of  rumors 
of  an  attempt  to  burn  the  roundhouse  of  the  Lake 
Shore  Railroad.  General  Rogers  was  making  all  possible 
preparations.  Some  three  hundred  special  police  were 
sworn  in,  and  the  Board  of  Police  issued  the  following 
notice : 

"  The  Board  of  Police  desire  each  and  every  citizen  of 


THE    TUMULT    AT   BUFFALO.  157 

Buffalo  who  belives  in  the  supremacy  of  the  law,  to  call 
at  the  headquarters  of  the  Police  Department  and  take 
the  oath  and  responsibility  of  special  patrolman,  without 
pay,  for  the  maintenance  of  order  and  the  protection  of 
the  property  of  our  citizens.'" 

The  Sheriff  also  issued  a  call  to  over  five  hundred  cit- 
izens for  a  meeting  at  his  office.  The  citizens  were  fully 
aroused  to  the  urgency  of  the  case. 

A  mob  from  the  Lake  Shore  and  Erie  Railroad,  Tues- 
day morning,  took  the  firemen  and  brakemen  from  the 
New  York  Central  trains,  and  unloaded  the  stock  and 
warned  employes  from  further  work.  No  disposition 
was  shown  on  the  part  of  the  New  York  Central  em- 
ployes to  join  the  strikers. 

The  Lake  Shore  and  Erie  shops  were  closed.  The 
mob  was  in  quiet  possession  and  undemonstrative.  Lake 
Shore  live  stock  trains  were  stopped  at  Collingwood  and 
unloaded  indiscriminately.  Stock  was  being  received 
regularly  by  the  Canada  roads. 

At  seven  o'clock  Tuesday  evening,  the  mob  reinforced 
by  large  numbers,  called  at  the  car  shops  of  the  Lake  Shore 
and  Erie  Companies  and  ordered  all  workmen  to  quit, 
which  they  did  with  the  greatest  alacrity. 

About  four  in  the  afternoon  of  that  day,  a  Buffalo  and 
Jamestown  train,  which  departs  from  the  Erie  depot,  on 
arriving  at  Compromise  crossing,  two  miles  from  the 
depot,  had  the  passenger  coaches  blocked  and  stoned  on 
the  central  track,  and  the  fireman  forcibly  taken  from 
the  engine.  Superintendent  Doyle,  who  was  on  the 
train,  remonstrated  with  the  strikers,  stating  that  there 
had  been  no  reduction  of  wages  on  the  road  since  its  in- 
auguration.    The   effect   of  the   statement   resulted   in 


158  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

bringing  back  the  coach  by  the  strikers,  who  coupled  it 
on  and  assured  the  Superintendent  that  nothing  would 
be  done  in  any  way  to  interfere  with  the  working  of  his 
road. 

Early  in  the  afternoon  an  assault  was  made  by  nearly 
two  thousand  rioters  on  about  two  hundred  soldiers, 
who  were  guarding  the  Lake  Shore  roundhouse.  The 
military  were  obliged  to  leave  the  building,  which  was 
barricaded  by  the  mob,  who  proceeded  to  place  cars 
in  position  as  a  defence  against  attack.  Colonel  Flack, 
of  the  Sixty-fifth  Regiment,  with  about  thirty  men 
and  three  officers,  exhibiting  a  total  want  of  judg- 
ment, proceeded  to  the  roundhouse  to  retake  it 
from  the  mob.  They  were  met  with  yells  of  derision 
from  the  crowd,  and,  under  a  shower  of  stones,  were 
obliged  to  retreat  with  precipitate  haste  and  force  their 
way  through  an  angry  multitude  at  the  point  of  the  bay- 
onet. Some  soldiers  were  seriously  cut  on  the  hands 
with  knives,  and  many  others  were  clubbed.  Four  sol- 
diers lost  muskets,  which,  however,  were  afterward  recov- 
ered. Colonel  Flack,  who  was  severely  beaten  and  twice 
knocked  down,  fled  across  the  canal,  and  was  obliged  to 
take  refuge  in  the  Lake  Shore  paint-shop. 

The  engineers  of  the  Erie  and  Lake  Shore  roads  signed 
an  agreement  with  the  firemen  not  to  run  with  green 
hands  ;  New  York  Central  engineers  followed  by  agree- 
ing to  the  same  pledge  that  evening. 

During  the  night  the  excitement  in  Buffalo  was  very 
great.  The  situation  was  critical.  No  number  of  troops 
sufficiently  strong  to  contend  against  the  vast  multitude 
of  rioters,  was  within  easy  distance  of  the  city.  The 
experience  of  Pittsburgh,  had  the  effect  of  intensifying 


THE    TUMULT    AT    BUFFALO.  159 

the  general  feeling  of  apprehension.  All  business  wa8 
suspended.  Banks  refused  to  discount  drafts  on  New 
York,  and  the  consequence  was  a  stringency  in  the 
money  market,  which  had  a  most  depressing  effect  upon 
the  people.  Meanwhile  the  number  of  the  rioters  was 
increasing,  and  the  workingmen  in  other  industries  than 
railroad  operations  had  quit  their  employments.  The 
tramps  from  a  wide  section  of  the  adjacent  country,  were 
concentrating  in  the  city. 

The  managers  of  the  New  York  Central  and  Lake 
Shore  llailroads  declined  to  forward  the  mails  unless 
permitted  to  send  out  passenger  trains  also,  to  which  the 
strikers  objected,  and  a  deputation  of  strikers  visited  the 
postmaster  the  afternoon  of  the  24th,  and  asked  him  to 
forward  the  mails,  stating  that  they  would  see  them 
safely  through.  A  mail  car  was  sent  East  that  morning, 
and  another  went  the  next  morning  on  the  Erie  Road. 

The  citizens  organized  as  special  police,  and  arrange- 
ments were  made  for  the  protection  of  the  city.  The 
military  were  on  guard  at  the  Exchange  street  depots  all 
day,  and  notwithstanding  large  crowds  filled  the  streets 
in  the  vicinity,  no  serious  collisions  occured.  At  ten 
o'clock  Tuesday  evening  the  police  charged  upon  the 
mass  on  Michigan  street,  and  succeeded  in  clearing  an 
open  space.  A  gang  during  the  day  visited  many  of  the 
large  manufactories,  and  attempted  to  drive  out  the  work- 
men, but  in  only  a  few  places  were  they  successful. 
Whenever  the  police  found  them  in  force  they  were 
promptly  dispersed.  The  Westfield  company,  who  were 
set  upon  and  scattered  the  previous  night  by  the  strikers, 
came  into  the  city  Tuesday  morning  with  only  thirty-six 
men   and  seventeen   guns.      They  left  Westfield   with 


160  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

fifty  seven  men.  The  following  were  the  names  of  the 
wounded  belonging  to  that  company.  Corporal  James 
C.  Hale,  Privates,  Orville  Ogden,  William  Rickenbro, 
Dell  Barber,  George  Hursted,  W.  J.  Harvey  and  Walter 
H.  Dixon. 

The  members  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic 
residing  in  Buffalo,  numbering  about  one  hundred 
and  seventy-five,  organized  as  a  company,  and  ten- 
dered their  services  to  the  Mayor  for  the  protection 
of  the  lives  and  property  of  the  citizens.  Mayor 
Becker,  Tuesday  evening,  issued  his  proclamation 
ordering  all  saloons  to  be  closed  during  the  evenings,, 
until  order  could  be  restored.  He  also  called  upon  the 
citizens  to  enroll  as  special  police  for  the  protection  of 
the  city. 

The  arrest  of  B.  J.  Donohue,  who  was  apparently  the 
organizer  of  the  strikers  at  Buffalo,  as  well  as  Hornells- 
ville,  and  indeed  throughout  Western  New  York,  was 
an  episode  in  the  history  of  movements  in  that  section 
of  no  little  interest,  and  considerable  importance.  To 
this  man,  more  than  any  other,  was  due  the  complete- 
ness and  effectiveness  of  the  strike  on  the  Erie  and  Lake 
Shore  roads.  He  organized  it,  not  only  at  Hornellsville, 
but  throughout  the  Western  Division  of  the  Erie  Rail- 
road. He  managed  it  in  his  own  way,  establishing  his 
headquarters  with  all  the  confidence  of  a  military  chief- 
tain taking  command  of  his  forces.  His  orders  were 
the  law  of  the  strikers  and  possibly  the  cause  of  the 
strike.  He  showed  himself  as  much  a  favorite  among 
trackmen,  brakemen  and  firemen  on  the  road  as  was 
Jack  Kehoe,  the  King  of  the  Mollies,  among  the  miners 
of  the  anthracite  region.     And   as   Kehoe   was   not   a 


THE  CONSTRUCTION  GANG  REPAIRING  THE  TRACKS  UNDER  PROTECTION^OF  THE  MILITIA. 


THE    TUMULT    AT    BUFFALO.  161 

miner,  so  Donohue,  properly  speaking,  was  not  a  rail- 
roader. Sometimes  he  served  as  a  brakeman,  but  then 
only  as  a  substitute ;  and  once  he  kept  a  saloon.  His 
real  business  was  that  of  the  "  timer,"  or  "  buyer  of 
time,"  and  he  made  large  profits  out  of  the  people  whose 
champion  he  assumed  to  be,  by  advancing  them  money 
at  a  high  interest — as  much  as  fifteen  per  cent,  it  is 
asserted — in  anticipation  of  the  paymaster.  When  the 
strike,  which  impended  because  of  the  reduction  of 
wages  at  the  beginning  of  July  last,  was  ordered,  Dono- 
hue was  made  chairman  of  the  committee  having  the 
matter  in  charge.  In  this  way  he  naturally  became  the 
leader  when  the  strike  actually  came ;  and  more  than 
this,  it  may  be  said  that  the  strike  was  his  own  creation. 

At  Buffalo,  the  strike  had  almost  spent  its  force.  The 
failure  of  the  strikers  to  engage  the  employes  of  the 
New  York  Central  and  other  roads,  having  termini  at 
that  city,  prevented  a  thorough  organization  of  the  labor 
forces.  A  few  regiments  of  men  had  been  sent  to 
Buffalo  from  other  points,  but  their  services  were  not 
needed.  By  the  25th  of  July,  the  main  trouble 
was  over.  But  for  several  days  society  was  more  or  less 
disturbed.  The  police  authorities  made  numerous 
arrests — indeed  the  prisons  were  for  a  time  crowded,  but, 
as  in  other  cities,  they  were  nearly  all  subsequently  re- 
leased, and  even  those  against  whom  charges  of  overt 
acts  were  prefered,  were  enabled  to  secure  acquitals  and 
dismissals  in  the    courts. 

During  the  first  days  of  the  troubles  at  Horn  ells  ville 
and  Buffalo,  Governor  Robinson  of  New  York,  who 
had  gone  to  Elmira,  issued  the  following  proclamation : 


11 


162  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

Elmira,  N.  Y.,  July  22. 
In  the  name  of  the  State  of  New  York, 

A    PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas,  The  Receiver  appointed  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  this  State  to  take  care  of  the  management  of 
the  Erie  Railway  and  its  properties  has  made  known  to 
me  that  a  conspiracy  has  been  formed  to  prevent  his  dis- 
charging his  duty  as  such  receiver  under  the  orders  of 
said  court ;  that  the  business  of  said  road  and  the  run- 
ning of  trains  has  been  interrupted  by  violence,  which 
the  civil  authorities  are  unable  to  suppress,  and 

Whereas,  The  honor  and  good  faith  of  the  State 
require  that  it  should  protect  the  said  court  and  its 
officers  in  the  executions  of  its  order. 

Now,  therefore,  I,  Lucius  Robinson,  Governor  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  by  virtue  of  the  authority  imposed 
uponme  by  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  command  all 
persons  engaged  in  such  unlawful  acts  to  desist  there- 
from, and  I  call  upon  all  good  citizens  and  upon  all 
authorities,  civil  and  military,  to  aid  in  suppressing  the 
same,  and  in  preventing  breaches  of  the  peace. 

The  law  recognizes  and  protects  the  right  of  all  men 
to  refuse  to  work  except  upon  terms  satisfactory  to  them- 
selves. But  it  does  not  permit  them  to  prevent  other 
men  from  working  who  desire  to  do  so.  Unless  the 
State  is  to  be  given  up  to  anarchy,  and  its  courts  and 
laws  are  to  be  defied  with  impunity,  its  whole  power 
must  be  exerted  to  suppress  violence,  maintain  order, 
and  protect  its  citizens  in  their  right  to  work,  and  the 
business  of  the  country  from  lawless  interruption  within 


THE    TUMULT    AT    BUFFALO.  163 

our  borders.  It  is  no  longer  a  question  of  wages,  but  of 
the  supremacy  of  the  law,  which  protects  alike  the  lives, 
the  liberty,  the  property,  and  the  rights  of  all  classes  of 
citizens.  To  the  maintenance  of  that  supremacy  the 
whole  power  of  the  State  will  be  invoked  if  necessary. 
Given  under  my  hand,  at  the  City  of  Elmira,  in  the 
State  of  New  York,  this  twenty-second  day  of  July,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
seventy-seven. 

L.  Robinson. 

By  the  Governor, 

D.  C.  Robinson,  Private  Secretary. 

The  last  expiring  throes  of  the  mob-spirit  was  ex- 
hibited at  Buffalo  on  the  26th,  when  a  mob  of  idlers 
marched  through  the  streets,  visiting  manufactories  and 
other  establishments  where  large  numbers  of  men  were 
emploved,  for  the  purpose  of  inducing  the  laborers  to 
strike.  In  these  movements  they  were  unsuccessful,  and 
were  easily  dispersed  at  a  later  hour  in  the  day  by  a 
troup  of  mounted  policemen. 

By  the  close  of  the  day  on  the  26th  trains  had  re- 
sumed on  all  the  roads,  and  the  City  of  Buffalo  had  as- 
sumed its  ordinary  appearance,  the  people  having  re- 
turned to  their  customary  avocations.  The  days  of 
•excitement  were  past,  the  strike  had  ended. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


The  Fedeeal  Administration. 


P  recautionary  Measures — The  Rioter  Declared  to  be  in  a  State  of 
Insurrection — Indications  of  Trouble  in  Other  Regions — General 
Schofield  Ordered  to  Washington — Determination  to  Send  General 
Hancock  to  Pittsburgh — The  Rule  of  the  Mob  to  be  Overthrown 
by  the  Fiiends  of  Law  and  Order. 


The  tendency  to  complete  anaichy  had  become  so  mani- 
fest that  the  Government  at  Washington  began  to  look 
at  it  in  the  light  of  an  insurrection  of  a  most  formidable 
character — more  dangerous,  indeed,  than  would  be  a  re- 
volt of  State  governments, 

The  Cabinet  held  almost  daily  meetings  about  this 
time.  On  the  24th,  a  protracted  session  was  held.  The 
subject  discussed  was  the  situation  of  the  country,  and 
the  difficulty  experienced  by  the  Government  in  conse- 
quence of  the  strike. 

The  Treasury  Department  had  become  seriously  em- 
barrassed on  account  of  the  inability  experienced  in 
despatching  and  receiving  shipments  of  bonds  and  cur- 
rency. 

At  another  meeting  of  the  Cabinet  on  the  25th,  it  was 
formally  decided  to  treat  the  riotous  demonstrations  all 
over  the  country  as  an  insurrection,  and  to  suppress  it  in 
accordance  with  the  law  of  the  United  States  and  the  stat- 
utes in  such  cases  made  and  provided.  That  was  the 
temper  of  ihe  Cabinet  meeting.  It  was  ordered  that 
additional  troops  should  _be  stationed  along  the  line  of 


THE    FEDERAL    ADMINISTRATION.  165 

the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  for  the  purpose  of 
opening  at  once  the  entire  line  to  freight  and  passenger 
traffic.  The  troops  which  arrived  at  Washington  from 
the  South,  Thursday  night,  were  forwarded  to  Martins- 
btirg  and  Cumberland  to  re-enforce  those  already  there. 
Every  person  who  resisted  them  were  to  be  held  amen- 
able under  the  President's  proclamation,  and,  if  possible, 
were  to  be  promptly  arrested.  All  unlawful  gatherings 
were  to  be  dispersed.  It  was  also  determined  to  sus- 
tain Governor  Hartranft  in  his  proclamation,  open  the 
Pennsylvania  road,  and  suppress  the  resistance  elsewhere 
to  the  laws  in  Pennsylvania. 

Tiiere  had  been  such  a  concentration  of  the  regular 
army  and  marine  and  naval  forces,  that  no  doubt  was  en- 
tertained of  the  ability  of  the  Government  to  put  down 
the  rioters  and  place  the  railroads  in  running  order. 

Public  attention  had  been  directed  mainly  to  St.  Louis 
and  Chicago.  The  despatches  from  the  Eastern  States 
continued  to  be  reassuring,  and  the  opinion  at  the  War 
Department  was  that  there  would  be  little  or  no  trouble 
in  the  East  thereafter.  The  opening  of  the  Erie  road, 
•  the  persistent  refusal  of  the  New  York  Central  employes 
to  strike,  and  the  failure  of  the  Commune  meeting  in  New 
York,  had  contributed  to  that  belief. 

Major-General  Schofield,  of  the  regular  army,  arrived 
at  Washington,  Wednesday,  July  25th,  and  had  a  long 
conference  with  the  President  and  members  of  the  Cab- 
inet. He  subsequently  furnished  some  very  interesting 
statements  of  the  situation  in  the  States  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Hancock,  with  whom  he  was  co-opera- 
ting, and  of  the  intentions  of  the  Government.  He 
regarded  Pittsburgh  as  the  important  place,  and  said  the 


166  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

Government  was  resolved  to  suppress  every  vestige  of 
mob  violence  there  in  the  next  twenty-four  hours.  He 
feared  there  would  be  a  water  famine  in  that  city,  and 
did  not  believe  that  provisions  would  hold  out  there  be- 
yond three  days.  It  was  therefore  necessary  that  the 
men  should  return  to  work  on  the  railroads  and  on  the 
water  works. 

u  We  are  determined,"  he  said,  "to  operate  the  roads, 
re-open  the  shops,  and  to  restore  business  and  confidence. 
The  troops  which  go  to  Pittsburgh  under  General  Han- 
cock's orders  will  see  that  all  these  are  accomplished.  It 
will  show  the  rioters  in  the  West  and  New  York  that  the 
Government  is  of  the  people  and  with  the  people  in  re- 
storing law  and  order.'1 

General  Schofield  in  speaking  of  the  offers  from  the 
South  was  well  pleased  with  it,  and  said  that  from  what 
he  had  heard,  one  hundred  thousand  men  were  ready  to 
come  at  the  call  of  the  President  to  protect  the  Govern- 
ment and  State  from  insurrectionarv  movements.  He 
said  the  Government  had  removed  all  the  regular  troops 
from  the  South,  except  a  few  in  the  forts,  and  was  amply 
prepared  with  them  and  other  detachments  from  the 
East  and  West  to  protect  St.  Louis,  Chicago  and  other 
cities.  Referring  to  the  strength  of  the  regular  army, 
General  Schofield  said  that  when  General  Sherman  pub- 
licly spoke  in  New  York,  recently,  of  the  dependence  of 
the  Government  upon  it  he  knew  what  he  was  about,  for 
he  had  travelled  about  the  country  extensively  and  knew 
its  condition  and  the  trouble  likely  to  grow  out  of  it  and 
the  probability  that  the  Government  would  be  called 
upon  to  protect  the  people  from  them.  It  was  the  duty 
of  the  army,  General  Schofield  maintained,   to   aid   in 


THE    FEDERAL    ADMINISTRATION.  167 

suppressing  the  present  revolt,  and  the  duty  of  congress 
■and  the  legislatures  to  provide  legislation  to  prevent 
another  one  in  future.  General  Schofield  added  that  he 
found  the  President  fully  alive  to  the  situation,  and  de- 
termined in  his  purpose  to  restore  peace  at  once  and  that 
he  had  forces  sufficient  to  accomplished  it. 

Senator  Saunders,  of  Nebraska,  and  Kirkwood,  of 
Iowa,  called  on  the  President,  Wednesday  the  25th,  and 
informed  him  that  the  situation  in  the  West  and  North- 
west was  serious,  and  that  if  he  should  decide  to  call  an 
extra  session  of  congress,  they  would  be  among  the  first 
to  approve  his  course.  They  declared  that  the  public 
sentiment  of  their  section  was  against  mob-rule.  The 
President  replied  that  he  was  opposed  to  calling  congress 
together.  He  did  not  think  it  would  afford  any  imme- 
diate remedy  for  the  existing  troubles,  which  he  believed 
would  be  out  of  the  way  long  before  congress  could  be 
convened.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  question  of  call- 
ing an  extra  session  had  been  seriously  considered 
by  the  President  and  Cabinet  since  the  demonstrations 
began. 

Five  companies  of  the  Eighteenth  Infantry  arrived  at 
Washington,  on  the  25th  of  July,  from  South  Carolina, 
under  command  of  Colonel  Black,  and  three  of  the  com- 
panies left  early  the  next  morning,  under  command  of 
the  same  officer,  to  join  General  Getty's  command  at 
Cumberland,  Maryland.  The  other  two  companies  re- 
mained at  Washington,  ready  to  be  forwarded  to  any 
neighboring  point  should  their  services  be  needed.  The 
Eighteenth  Infantry  is  General  Roger's  regiment,  but 
that  officer  did  not  come  with  it,  he  being  in  command 
of  the  department  of  the  South.     General  Schofield,  ac- 


168  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

companied  by  his  aid,  Lieutenant  Michler,  arrived  from 
Philadelphia,  Tuesday  night.  He  had  returned  to  Wash- 
ington, at  the  request  of  the  President,  who  desired  a 
full  report  from  him,  he  having  been  sent  to  Philadel- 
phia to  confer  with  General  Hancock,  who  is  the  senior 
Major-General  in  command. 

The  troops  from  the  Department  of  the  Gulf  ordered 
to  Louisville,  Kentucky,  reached  that  city  Thursday,  as 
was  reported  to  the  War  Department. 

The  Cabinet  determined  that  General  Hancock  should 
proceed  to  Pittsburgh  with  a  large  force  of  troops,  and 
he  started  for  that  place  immediately.  The  principal 
object  in  his  going  over  the  line  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Railroad  to  Pittsburgh  was  to  aid  the  workingmen  in 
rebuilding  the  roads  that  supplies  might  be  sent  to  the 
various  cities  along  the  line,  and  to  establish  communi- 
cation between  Philadelphia  and  the  interior  of  the 
State. 

The  following  is  the  substance  of  the  order  which 
assigned  Major-General  Sjhofield  to  the  command  of  the 
troops  in  Washington. 

"  By  direction  of  the  President,  Major-General  Scho- 
field  is  assigned  to  temporary  duty  at  the  Headquarters 
of  the  Army,  dating  from  the  23d  instant,  in  addition 
to  his  command  of  the  Department  of  West  Point. 

The  forces  of  the  United  States,  including  the  Navy 
and  Marine  Corps  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  will  be 
reported  to  Major-General  Schofield  and  act  under  his 
command." 

Tuesday  afternoon  a  large  crowd  gathered  on  Virginia 
avenue,  South  Washington,  and  along  the  line  of  the 
Baltimore  and  Potomac  Railroad,  upon  which  was  stand- 


THE    FEDERAL    ADMINISTRATION.  169 

ing  a  locomotive  and  five  cars  rilled  with  soldiers  of  the 
Third,  Fifth  and  Second  Artillery,  who,  with  two  com- 
panies of  infantry,  were  about  to  depart  for  Philadel- 
phia. A  report  was  started  and  rapidly  circulated  that 
the  engineer  of  the  locomotive,  which  was  to  head  the 
train,  had  declared  that  he  would  carrv  no  "  troop  train  " 
out  of  Washington,  and  this  report,  coupled  with  other 
rumors  to  the  effect  that  the  cars  would  not  be  allowed 
to  leave,  quickly  stirred  up  considerable  excitement. 
The  crowd  was  composed  largely  of  laboring  men,  two- 
thirds  of  whom  were  colored.  It  did  not  appear  that 
any  railroads  hands  were  mingling  in  the  commo- 
tion. Several  of  them  were  at  work  at  the  scene  assist- 
ing loading  cars,  repairing  tracks,  and  performing  the 
respective  duties  with  fidelity  and  were  in  no  way 
molested,  but  held  themselves  aloof  from  any  exciting 
conversation.  "Major  Richards,  Chief  of  Police,  with  an 
efficient  detachment  of  the  police  force,  was  in  the 
midst  of  the  crowd,  having  promptly  responded  to  the 
reports  of  anticipated  trouble,  and  their  presence  un- 
doubtedly had  a  salutary  effect  in  preserving  order.  The 
soldiers  quietly  watched  from  the  car  windows  the  pro- 
ceedings on  the  streets.  In  addition  to  the  rifles  of  the 
troops,  two  Gatling  guns  and  two  caisons  were  shipped 
on  the  train.  About  4:30,  everything  being  in  readiness, 
the  bell  sounded,  and  the  train  moved  off  with  its  regular 
employes  attending  to  their  duties.  Some  of  the  crowd 
cheered  and  called  out  to  the  soldiers  not  to  shoot  at  the 
strikers,  and  several  of  the  men  in  the  cars  waved  hats 
and  handkerchiefs  from  the  windows.  The  crowd  soon 
scattered,  and  absolute  quiet  reigned.  It  was  the  inten- 
tion of  the  Government  to  throw  a  strong  force  along 


170 


THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 


the  line  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  as  far  west 
as  the  Ohio  river,  for  the  purpose  of  opening  and  keep- 
ing that  road  open  to  freight  and  passenger  trains. 

The  Post  office  and  War  Departments  were  thoroughly 
advised  of  the  situation  at  various  points.  A  telegram 
from  a  thoroughly  reliable  source,  received  from  Lynch- 
burgh,  Va.,  mentioned  that  the  Atlantic,  Mississippi  and 
and  Ohio,  the  East  Tennessee,  Virginia  and  Georgia,  the 
Memphis  and  Charleston,  and  the  Memphis  and  Little 
Rock  Railroad  Companies  had  no  trouble  on  their  lines, 
nor  was  it  believed  that  any  would  occur.  A  telegram 
received  at  the  War  Department  from  General  Pope,  an- 
nounced that  the  danger  of  mob  violence  at  St.  Louis 
was  lessening  hourly.  Another  subject  in  connection 
with  the  strike  which  was  discussed  at  length  in  the  Cab- 
inet meeting,  was  in  regard  to  the  United  States  courts 
sustaining  receivers  appointed  by  them  for  certain  roads. 
The  courts  were  to  issue  writs  to  the  Marshals',  instruct- 
ing them  to  see  that  the  roads  in  the  hands  of  receivers 
were  not  interfered  with  by  rioters,  and  the  Marshals 
had  the  power,  if  necessary,  to  summon  a  posse  to  en- 
force the  orders  of  the  courts.  This  order  brought  the 
rioters  in  direct  opposition  to  the  power  of  the  Federal 
Government  in  any  attempt  to  interfere  with  any  roada 
in  the  hands  of  receivers,  and  it  was  agreed  by  the  Cabi- 
net that  the  whole  power  of  the  Government  should  be 
brought  to  bear  to  sustain  the  United  States  Marshals, 
in  .case  of  necessity. 

General  Vincent  was  on  duty  at  the  War  Department, 
and  in  almost  constant  receipt  of  despatches  from  the 
military  commanders  at  the  various  points  of  disturb- 
ance. 


THE    FEDERAL    ADMINISTRATION.  171 

The  telegrams  were  promptly  sent  to  the  President  at 
the  Soldiers'  Home,  giving  him  information  as  to  the 
condition  of  affairs  in  the  various  cities.  The  regular 
troops  in  Chicago  were,  as  in  other  States,  under  the 
orders  of  the  Governor,  and  under  those  orders  they 
were  placed  subject  to  the  Mayor  of  Chicago,  for  the 
protection  of  property,  and  to  maintain  the  peace.  The 
forces  in  that  city  were  six  companies  of  the  Twenty- 
second  Infantry  and  six  companies  of  the  Ninth  Infantry. 

Colonel  Black,  in  command  of  three  companies  of  the 
Eighteenth  Infantry,  went  from  Washington  and  reached 
Cumberland,  and  then  proceeded  to  Grafton,  West  Vir- 
ginia. General  Pope  telegraphed  that  the  last  of  the 
fourteen  companies  ordered  from  the  West  to  St.  Lonis 
would  reach  there  Tuesday  morning.  He  considered  the 
public  property  at  St.  Louis  and  Chicago  secure.  Gen- 
eral Ruger  had  been  ordered  by  General  Hancock  to 
Louisville,  and  to  assume  immediate  control  of  the  troops 
at  that  point  and  at  Newport.  Batteries  D  and  I,  of  the 
Fifth  Artillery,  from  the  Department  of  the  South, 
reached  Baltimore  Tuesday  afternoon. 

The  forces  of  the  United  States  steamer  Tallapoosa, 
receiving  ship  Wyoming,  at  the  navy  yard  at  Washing- 
ton, were  kept  in  readiness  to  be  sent  to  any  point  upon 
brief  notice.  The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  also  gave 
orders  to  have  the  force  and  vessels  at  the  Philadelphia 
Navy  Yard  in  readiness  for  service,  to  protect  public 
property  in  that  city,  and  aid  the  civil  authorities  in  the 
maintenance  of  law  and  order. 

The  Adams  Express  Company  advised  the  Treasury 
Department  on  the  24th,  that  for  the  present  it  would  not 
transport  money  packages  between  New  York  and 
Washington,  considering  such  service  to  be  unsafe. 


172  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

The  situation  of  Pennsylvania  having  become  alarm- 
ing, the  Governor  of  that  State,  hastening  home  from 
the  West,  whither  he  had  gone,  called  out  the  military 
forces  of  the  State,  and  made  a  formal  call  upon  the 
President  of  the  United  States  for  assistance,  whereupon 
the  following  document  was  promulgated  : 

By  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

A    PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas,  It  is  provided  in  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  that  the  United  States  shall  protect  everj 
State  in  the  Union  on  application  of  the  Legislature,  or 
of  the  Executive,  when  the  Legislature  cannot  be  con- 
vened, against  domestic  violence ;  and     » 

Whereas,  The  Governor  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania 
has  represented  that  domestic  violence  exists  in  said 
State,  which  the  authorities  of  said  State  are  unable  to 
suppress :  and 

Whereas,  The  laws  of  the  United  States  require  that 
in  all  cases  of  insurrection  in  any  State,  or  of  obstruction 
to  the  laws  thereof,  whenever,  in  the  judgment  of  the 
President,  it  becomes  necessary  to  use  the  military  forces 
to  suppress  such  insurrections  or  obstructions  to  the  laws, 
he  shall  forthwith,  by  proclamation,  command  such  in- 
surgents to  disperse,  and  retire  peaceably  to  their  re- 
spective abodes  within  a  limited  time  ; 

Now,  therefore,  I,  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  President  of 
the  United  States,  do  hereby  admonish  all  good  citizens 
of  the  United  States,  against  aiding,  countenancing,  abet- 
ting, or  taking  part  in  such  unlawful  proceedings,  and  I 
do  hereby  warn  all  persons  engaged  in  or  connected  with 
the  said  domestic  violence  and  obstruction  of  the  laws, 


THE    FEDERAL    ADMINISTRATION.  173 

to  disperse,  and  retire  peaceably  to  their  respective  abodes 
on  or  before  twelve  o'clock  noon,  of  the  24th  day  of  July 
instant. 

In  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand 
and  caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  23d  day  of  July, 
in  the  year  of  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
seventy-seven,  and  of  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  of  America  the  one  hundred  and  second. 

R.  B.  Hayes, 
By  the  President  : 

William  M.  Evarts,  Secretary  of  State. 

Many  prominent  citizens  of  Washington  had  a  satis- 
factory interview  with  Secretary  McCrary  and  Secretary 
Thompson  in  regard  to  the  extent  and  character  of  the 
forces  at  hand  for  the  protection  of  the  capital  city,  in 
ease  of  emergency.  Both  the  Secretary  of  War  and 
of  the  Navy  were  prompt  in  giving  the  assurance 
that  the  force  of  the  Government  was  ample,  and 
in  a  position  to  be  readily  available  for  the  protection  of 
both  public  and  private  property  in  Washington.  They 
expressed  satisfaction  with  the  assurance  that  the  citizens 
of  Washington  would  be  ready  to  co-operate  with  the 
Government  authorities  in  the  maintenance  of  public 
order. 

The  War  Department  about  this  time  presented  a  scene 
of  unusual  activity,  numerous  telegrams  were  being  trans- 
mitted between  the  Department  and  various  military 
commanders,  especially  General  Pope,  commanding  the 
Department  of  the  Missouri,  and  General  Hancock,  com- 
manding the  Military  Division  of  the  Atlantic,  in  regard 


174  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

to  the  movements  of  troops  for  the  protection  of  public 
property.  Adjutant  General  Townsend,  with  a  corps  of 
assistants  remained  at  the  Department  throughout  the 
night. 

The  measures  taken  by  the  general  Government  for 
the  protection  of  Pennsylvania  were  bearing  good  fruits. 
About  this  time  a  despatch  was  received  at  Army  Head- 
quarters from  General  Hancock,  at  Philadelphia,  in  which 
he  reported  that  matters  were  comparatively  quite,  that 
citizens  were  organizing  for  the  purpose  of  preserving 
peace.  Information  in  the  hands  of  the  Government 
warranted  the  belief  that  affairs  were  less  threatening  in 
all  the  disturbed  districts,  with  the  exception  of  Reading. 
The  Government  had  no  available  troops  to  send  to 
Reading,  but  efforts  were  made  to  cover  that  point  at  an 
early  time.  The  Government  had  made  most  efficient 
arrangements  through  the  Signal  Office  for  communica- 
tion throughout  the  entire  country,  and  were  receiving 
despatches  regularly  every  hour,  giving  information  as  to 
the  condition  of  affairs.  Great  activity  prevailed  in  the 
Adjutant  General's  Office  and  Ordinance  Departments. 
The  President  and  Secretary  of  War  were  momentarily 
advised  by  telegraph  of  any  change  in  the  situation.  The 
Adjutant  General  prepared  a  statement  of  the  United 
States  forces  in  the  South,  and  if  necessary,  it  was  deter- 
mined to  order  North  the  remainder  of  the  troops,  save 
a  small  force  as  a  guard  to  Government  property. 

Orders  were  issued  from  the  Navy  Department  to 
have  the  various  iron-clads  at  Washington,  Philadelphia, 
and  elsewhere,  prepared  for  service  immediately,  and  en- 
gineer officers  were  ordered  to  report  on  board,  to  move 
them  without  delay  should  it  become  necessary  to  do  so. 


THE    FEDERAL    ADMINISTRATION.  175 

The  President  visited  both  the  War  and  Navy  Depart- 
ments, and  held  consultations  with  Secretaries  McCraiy 
and  Thompson. 

In  high  administration  circles  it  was  believed  that  the 
crisis  in  the  pending  strikes  was  past,  and  by  mutual 
concessions,  the  pending  differences  between  the  railroad 
companies  and  their  employes  would  be  satisfactorily 
adjusted.  It  was  not  believed  that  the  financial  question, 
as  had  been  alleged  in  some  quarters,  had  any  thing  to 
do  with  the  outbreaks  along  the  lines  of  the  railruads, 
but  that  they  were  entirely  of  a  local  nature.  It  was 
shown  in  fact,  that  at  Pittsburgh,  for  instance,  where 
there  is  an  arsenal  in  which  was  stored  a  large  supply  of 
arms  and  ammunition,  no  hostile  demonstrations  were 
made  which  might  be  construed  into  antagonism  to  the 
Government. 

Little  by  little  the  truth  leaked  out,  until  men  were 
well  informed  of  the  inner  councils  and  earlier  purposes 
of  the  Administration,  and  were  constrained  to  marvel  at 
the  facility  with  which  the  President  bent  to  the  orders 
of  Colonel  Thomas  A  Scott  and  men  like  Colonel  Scott. 
It  is  not  easy  to  understand  clearly  what  passed  in  the 
Cabinet,  but  it  is  possible  to  comprehend  that  the  emphatic 
declaration  of  Evarts — and  one  or  two  other  Secretaries 
used  the  same  phrase — in  detailing  the  Cabinet  decis- 
ions and  discussions  that  the  Government  should  not  and 
must  not  go  into  the  railroad  business,  presented  the 
weakness  of  the  National  Administration  in  a  manner  to 
be  deplored  by  every  patriotic  American. 

Three  Cabinet  meetings  in  twenty-four*  hours  gave  a 
very  fair  gauge  of  the  anxiety  of  the  administration  and 
the  perplexity  of  the  President.     The  late  war  saw  little 


176  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

like  this  quick  succession  of  councils,  and  fortunately 
nothing  like  the  lack  of  counsel.  The  Cabinet  sat  two 
hours  one  day  and  separated.  No  second  meeting  was. 
expected  during  that  day.  The  President  and  Secretary 
McCrary  drove  out  to  the  Soldier's  Home.  They  went 
five  miles  out  of  town  to  Edgemoimt.  All  the  afternoon 
messages  were  passing  over  the  long  unused  wire  to  the 
old  Presidential  cottage. 

The  President  grew  more  and  more  alarmed,  and  Col- 
onel Thomas  A.  Scott  pelted  him  with  despatches,  [per- 
emptory and  dictatorial.  The  whole  series  of  despatches 
from  railroad  chiefs  like  Garret  and  Scott  during  those 
days  of  trouble  would  give  the  public  a  curious  notion  of 
the  temper  in  which  these  men  regard  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott  demanded  ex- 
treme measures — all  but  commanded  them.  Pennsyl- 
vania must  be  declared  in  rebellion  ;  the  President  must 
call  for  volunteers ;  the  roads  must  be  protected  at  once 
by  the  general  Government.  And  the  despatches  were 
enforced  by  the  arrival  of  his  private  Secretary  in  a 
special  car.  The  text  of  these  despatches  are  known  to 
few,  but  they  were  read  at  the  Cabinet  meetings  and  left 
on  the  minds  of  one  or  two  of  the  Cabinet  Ministers  the 
impression  that  the  "railroads  wanted  to  run  the  Gov- 
ernment." What  and  how  much  this  means  will  hardly 
be  believed  on  any  thing  short  of  the  authority  of  a  Cab- 
inet Minister,  but  despatches  were  received  demanding 
not  only  the  preservation  of  the  peace,  but  the  movement 
of  the  trains  by  the  Government.  These  men,  speaking 
of  their  private  property  and  personal  interests  as  a 
national  enterprise,  declared  that  the  riot  could  not  be 
quieted  until  the  Government  had  enabled  them  to  run 


THE   FEDERAL    ADMINISTRATION.  177 

the  trains  which  lay  blockaded  by  supplying  men,  or  sup- 
plying force  to  get  men  for  the  purpose.  And  the  demand 
was  backed  by  the  declaration  that  the  Government  was 
bound  to  see  not  that  peace,' but  that  the  commerce  of 
the  country  was  re-established  in  its  usual  channels.  The 
President  gave  way  before  the  pressure  and  drove  to 
town  again  the  same  day,  with  confused  ideas  as  to  what 
should  be  done  at  the  conference  at  Evart's  house,  but 
with  clear  ideas  that  something  should  be  done  to  satisfy 
the  demands  of  the  roads.  The  story  that  only  Evarts 
prevented  rash  orders,  or  the  still  wilder  step  of  a  declara- 
tion of  insurrection  and  a  call  for  volunteers  is  probably 
not  far  from  the  truth.  True  or  false,  certain  it  is  that 
the  conference  met  in  that  nervous  uncertainty  which 
drives  together  men  too  much  alarmed  to  remain  apart. 
Although  called  to  take  some  signal  step,  the  Cabinet 
conference  adjourned  without  result. 

Two  hours  longer  the  Cabinet  talked  and  worried  over 
the  fear  of  a  great  disaster.  A  great  heap  of  despatches 
had  accumulated.  Scott's  messages  and  the  messages 
of  men  like  him  had  grown  sharp.  The  fond  hope  that 
the  strike  was  failing  was  overthrown  by  the  news  from 
Philadelphia  that  an  oil  train  was  on  fire. 

For  the  third  time  the  Cabinet  carefully  rehearsed  the 
forces  at  their  disposal,  and  this  discussion  the  Cabi- 
net went  over  time  and  again,  vaguely  estimating  the 
number  of  militia  regiments  on  whom  the  Government 
could  depend,  with  such  vague  data  as  existed  at  Wash- 
ington. The  fidelity  of  the  regiments  in  New  York  was 
discussed,  and  the  number  of  trustworthy  men  which 
Hartranft's  last  call  would  bring  to  the  field,  was  calcu- 
lated.    Some  purpose  of   pushing  the  general  Govern- 

13 


178  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

inent  to  the  front  as  the  chief  actor  in  suppressing  these 
riots,  instead  of  keeping  it  upon  the  safe  ground  of  an 
aid  to  Jhe  legitimate  State  authority,  appears  to  have 
divided  the  Cabinet,  it  having  been  very  pertinently 
agreed  that  no  Presidential  proclamation  would  insure 
the  fidelity  of  a  doubtful  regiment,  while  a  hasty 
attempt  to  enlist  and  arm  volunteers  was  not  to  be 
thought  of.  The  proclamation  concerning  '  Pennsyl- 
vania in  terms  like  the  two  which  preceded  it,  was  at 
last  agreed  upon,  but  not  before  the  Cabinet  reached  the 
conclusion  that  the  only  militia  on  which  full  reliance 
could  be  placed,  were  in  New  England  and  the  South, 
and  it  was  timidly  suggested  by  this  singular  council 
that  an  attempt  to  suppress  widespread  disorder  in  the 
Middle  States  by  marching  into  them  troops  of  the 
Southern  and  Eastern  States,  would  mean  more  than  a 
suppression  of  a  riot,  it  might  mean  sectional  war. 

The  position  assumed  by  the  railroad  companies  in 
regard  to  the  running  of  mail  trains  was  a  most  serious 
obstacle  to  the  proper  despatch  of  the  postal  service. 
The  gravest  trouble  was  at  Chicago,  from  which  place 
the  following  dispatch  was  received  by  the  Post-office 
Department  from  James  E.  White,  Assistant  Superin- 
tendent Railway  Transportation  : 

"  Companies  state  that  they  expect  strikers  to  take  pos- 
session of  mail  trains,  and  run  them.  1  have  been  asked 
by  such  companies  to  instruct  clerks  and  agents  to  allow 
none  but  authorized  agents  of  the  Companies  to  proceed 
with  mail  cars  in  case  attempts  are  made  by  strikers  to 
run  said  cars.  I  am  asked  to  instruct  clerks  and  agents 
to  place  the  mail  in  charge  of  the  nearest  post-office. 
I  cannot  issue  such  instructions,  and  believe  clerks  and 


THE   FEDERAL    ADMINISTRATION.  179 

agents  should  accompany  these  cars  and  distribute  the 
mails  no  matter  who  run  the  cars.  Am  I  right  ?  Please 
answer,  that  I  may  know  how  to  act.  A  fight  is  now  in 
progress  on  the  Burlington  road  exit  from  city." 

In  the  particular  matter  at  issue  the  Department 
appeared  to  have  no  definite  policy,  it  was  very  anxious 
to  move  the  mails,  and  it  did  not  wish  to  break  with  the 
roads.  To  the  above  despatch  the  following  answer  was 
sent  : 

"The  question  you  submit  as  to  what  the  Department 
will  do  if  strikers  take  possession  of,  and  propose  to  run 
mail  trains,  will  be  promptly  decided  when  an  actual 
case  shall  arise.  It  is  probable  the  Department  will  not, 
under  any  circumstances,  encourage  the  strikers  to  the 
extent  of  recognizing  their  right  to  carry  the  mails  on 
trains  forcibly  taken  from  the  railroad  companies." 

At  most  points  in  the  country  the  mails  were  moving 
with  reasonable  freedom.  At  Pittsburgh  the  Postmaster 
telegraphed :  "All  mails  are  forwarded  via  here,  with 
delay  of  only  twelve  hours,  caused  by  transfer.  Have 
received  despatch  saying  that  all  mail  trains  departed 
from  Cincinnati  on  time;  on  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi 
with  only  an  engine  and  postal  cars.  In  Indianapolis 
matters  were  by  no  means  so  favorable,  and  Postmaster 
Holloway  telegraphed  :  "  Strikers  now  say  that  they  will 
only  allow  one  passenger  train  each  way,  but  will  let 
mail  run  on  any  train.  I  do  not  think  roads  will  run 
unless  they  can  take  passengers.  There  is  great  indigna- 
tion at  the  failure  to  lift  the  blockade.  Our  Mayor  is  too 
weak,  and  our  Governor  will  do  nothing.  He  is  believed 
to  sympathize  with  the  strikers."  Some  political  feeling 
doubtless  suggested  the  remark  in  regard  to  Governor 


180  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

Williams.  The  situation  at  St.  Louis  appeared  to  have 
somewhat  improved.  Superintendent  Hunt  telegraphed 
from  there  :  "  Mails  are  running  regularly  upon  all  the 
roads  in  this  division,  and  upon  all  roads  out  of  St.  Louis 
except  Chicago  and  St.  Louis,  Evansville  and  St.  Louis, 
Quincy  and  St.  Louis,  and  Rock  Island  and  St.  Louis." 

By  the  29th  and  30th  of  July,  the  situation  had  great- 
ly improved.  At  the  National  Capital  popular  interest 
in  the  railway  strike  seemed  to  have  subsided  entirely, 
and  the  officers  of  the  Government,  whose  duty  it  had 
been  to  respond  to  the  numerous  calls  for  assistance  or 
advice,  received  from  the  disturbed  districts,  were  allowed 
to  spend  two  very  quiet  days.  Reports  received  bv  th& 
Administration  were  of  the  most  reassuring  character. 
No  trouble  had  been  announced  on  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Road' calling  for  any  action  on  the  part  of  the  Fed- 
eral military.  As  a  precaution,  a  force  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  marines  Mas  marched  to  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
depot,  in  Washington,  and  held  there  until  late  in  the 
evening  of  the  29th,  in  order  that  it  might  be  ready  for 
immediate  departure  to  any  point  of  difficulty,  in  case 
any  resistance  should  be  made  to  the  starting  of  freight 
trains,  which  was  to  be  attempted,  but  the  force  was  not 
required.  The  loss  of  perishable  freight  on  the  Balti- 
more and  Ohio  Railroad  was  reported  by  gentlemen  who 
arrived  from  Cumberland,  as  much  greater  than  had  been 
supposed.  The  Cabinet  was  in  session  about  an  hour.. 
Saturday  the  28th,  various  telegrams  were  read  in  regard 
to  the  troubles  received  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  all  of 
which  showed  a  decided  improvement  in  the  condition 
of  affairs. 

Two  companies  of  marines  from  the  headquarters  of 


THE    FEDERAL    ADMINISTRATION.  181 

the  corps  commanded  by  Captain  Bishop,  joined  those 
at  the  Washington  Arsenal  on  Friday,  and  Saturday  a 
battalion  under  Captain  James  Forney  reported  at  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  station,  by  order  of  General 
Schofield,  to  assist  in  moving  freight  trains  on  the  road. 
Considerable  guard  duty  was  being  done  by  the  marines. 
A  battalion  under  Colonel  Charles  Heywood  was  guard- 
ing the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  in  West  Philadelphia,  and 
a  third  battalion  was  at  the  Watervliet  Arsenal,  West 
Troy,  New  York.  One  company  was  held  in  reserve  at 
the  headquarters  at  Washington  and  others  were  at 
Brooklyn,  Boston,  and  League  Island  Barracks.  Norfolk 
Navy  Yard  and  the  ships  of  the  North  Atlantic  Squadron 
had  been  stripped  of  marines  on  account  of  the  labor, 
strikes.  Several  officers  who  were  at  home  enjoying 
their  usual  summer-leave  surrendered  it  voluntarily  and 
joined  their  battalions. 

The  company  which  marched  to  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  station  on  the  28th  stacked  arms  after  getting  there, 
and  remained  in  readiness  to  leave  for  Baltimore  at  a 
moment's  notice,  if  necessary,  until  late  in  the  afternoon 
despatches  were  then  received,  saying  that  trains  were 
moving  without  trouble,  and  the  marines  returned  to 
their  quarters.  General  Barry  reported  that  during  the 
departure  of  trains  from  Baltimore  large  crowds  were 
present,  and  some  little  demonstrations  were  made,  but 
no  disturbance  took  place.  He  had  five  hundred  men 
present,  with  two  field  pieces  in  position. 


CHAPTER  XT. 


Affairs  in  Philadelphia. 


The  Call  for  Troops — Gathering  the  Militia — Anxious  Days — Governor 
Hartranft  and  Mayor  Stokely — A  Street   Riot — Dispersing  a  Meet- 
ing— Colonel   Thomas  A.  Scott   and   the  Locomotive  Engineers — 
Philadelphia  a  Nicer  Place  than  Pittsburgh. 


The  call  for  the  mtlitia  to  go  to  Pittsburgh  created  the 
first  ripple  of  excitement  in  the  metropolis  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. There  were  a  number  of  largely  attended  meetings 
held,  but  these  did  not  serve  to  create  any  very  serious 
apprehensions  in  the  public  mind.  Meanwhile  the  strikes 
taking  place  all  over  the  country  became  the  topic  of 
conversation,  and  within  a  few  days  the  country  was  in 
a  feverish  state  of  mind.  Philadelphia  shared  in  all  this. 
The  large  number  of  railroad  men  in  the  city,  their 
evident  sympathy  with  the  strikers,  the  doubt  as  to  what 
direction  the  movement  might  take,  conspired  to  arouse 
the  citizens  of  Philadelphia  to  a  realizing  sense  of  the 
magnitude  of  the  dangers  which  threatened  their  city 
no  less  than  the  entire  Union.  In  Philadelphia,  as  else- 
where, the  Commune  began  to  raise  its  Gorgon  head  to 
the  terror  of  all  law-abiding  citizens.  There  were  tumul- 
tuous gatherings  and  one  or  two  lives  lost  and  many 
persons  wounded  before  the  difficulty  was  ended  in 
Philadelphia. 

During  the  evening  of  July  23d,  over  three  thousand 
people   assembled   around   the    Pennsylvania    Railroad- 


AFFAIRS    IN    PHILADELPHIA.  183 

depot,  where  Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott,  Mayor  Stokely, 
and  a  number  of  railroad  officials  were  in  consultation.  On 
the  arrival  of  a  train,  or  the  occurrence  of  the  slightest 
incident  which  could  furnish  a  pretence  for  excitement, 
the  crowd  would  rush  across  the  open  space  in  front  of 
the  depot,  and  throng  the  waiting  room  almost  to  suffoca- 
tion. The  saloons  in  the  vicinity  did  a  thriving  business, 
and  a  number  of  drunken  men  were  in  the  street. 

At  five  o'clock  the  crowd  in  the  depot  had  increased  to 
such  an  extent  that  the  Mayor  and  Chief  of  Police  were 
obliged  to  call  out  the  reserve  police,  and  clear  the  place 
of  all  idlers.  The  Mayor  also  drove  around  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  depot,  dispersing  the  crowds  that  were 
gathering  on  the  street  corners  and  in  vacant  lots. 

The  Mayor  declared  he  would  not  put  a  musket  into 
the  hands  of  his  police  until  an  actual  necessity  should 
arise  for  his  so  doing.  At  the  depot,  Colonel  Thomas  A. 
Scott  received  a  despatch  concerning  the  Governor  of 

Pennsylvania,  as  follows: 

"  Governor  Hartranft  is  en  route  for  Pennsylvania, 
and  has  telegraphed  ahead,  ordering  out  every  militia 
regiment  in  the  State.  He  has  also  telegraphed  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  calling  for  troops,  and 
suggesting  the  propriety  of  a  call  for  volunteers." 

The  Mayor  issued  the  following  proclamation  : 

Mayor's  Office,  Philadelphia,  July  22. 

To  all  whom  it  may  concern  : 

Whereas,  Violence,  tumult,  and  riot  exist  in  various 
portions  of  this  commonwealth,  to  the  great  injury  of 
domestic  industry  and  trade,  and  to  the  discredit  of 
American  institutions  and  form  of  government,  the  per- 


184:  THE   GREAT   STRIKES. 

fection  of  which  was  last  year  celebrated  in  this  city  of 
the  Republic's  birth  ;  and 

Whereas,  It  is  of  the  highest  importance  that  the  great 
name  which  Philadelphia  has  made  for  herself  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth  during  the  centennial  year  shall 
be  spared  the  horrible  scenes  enacted  in  our  sister  cities, 
Kow,  therefore,  I,  William  S.  Stokely,  in  the  name  of 
the  commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  and  by  virtue  of  the 
authority  vested  in  me  by  law,  do  appeal  to  all  citizens 
of  every  occupation  and  calling  to  render  it  unnecessary 
that  in  the  performance  of  my  duty  I  should  be  called 
upon  to  suppress  any  outbreak  and  violence,  which  I  as- 
suredly will  do  if  the  occasion  requires  it,  and  hand  over 
the  offenders  to  condign  punishment  ;  and  I  make  this 
appeal  in  the  firm  belief  that  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia 
appreciate,  as  I  do,  the  importance  of  maintaining  peace 
and  good  will  among  all  classes  of  society,  and  I  hereby 
pledge  myself  to  give  a  patient  hearing  and  impartial 
justice,  as  I  best  know  how,  to  all  persons  who  desire  it. 
Let  all  the  people  resume  and  continue  their  lawful  occu- 
pations, and  avoid  assembling  and  organizing  together 
for  discussion  or  otherwise  at  the  present  time.  This  is 
the  surest  and  best  means  of  preserving  the  honor  and 
fair  name  of  the  City  of  Brotherly  Love. 

(Signed)  Wm.  S.  Stokely,  Mayor. 

At  the  Pennsylvania  depot  on  Saturday,  a  colored  reg- 
iment presented  itself  for  transportation  to  Baltimore. 
After  occupying  a  number  of  cars  with  the  troops,  the 
hour  arrived  for  the  departure  of  the  train.  The  engi- 
neer refused  to  move  the  train.  Mr.  Lockhart,  who  wai 
in  charge  of  the  train,  tried  to  persuade  him,  but  in 


AFFAIRS    IN    PHILADELPHIA.  185 

vain.  He  said  he  would  take  any  number  of  white  men, 
but  the  company  was  foolish  to  attempt  to  forward  ne- 
groes, who  would  certainly  be  killed  on  sight  in  Balti- 
more, and  he  did  not  propose  to  be  killed  with  them. 
Mr.  Lockhart  unloaded  the  colored  troops. 

In  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  yard  at  West  Philadel- 
phia, Monday  evening,  while  one  of  the  shifting  engines 
was  preparing  to  move  an  oil  car,  the  engineer  was  com- 
pelled by  a  crowd  of  unknown  men  to  detach  his  engine, 
and  allow  the  cars  to  remain.  This  was  the  first  indi- 
cation of  any  interference  with  the  Railroad  Company  at 
Philadelphia. 

At  a  little  after  midnight,  July  24th,  1877,  about  four 
hundred  troops  of  the  regular  army  from  Washington, 
arrived  at  the  West  Philadelphia  depot,  half  of  whom 
were  immediately  posted  on  the  railroad  company's 
grounds,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  roundhouse,  while  the  re- 
mainder were  taken  to  the  City  Armory  at  Broad  and 
Race  streets.  The  men  were  all  provided  with  blankets, 
haversacks,  and  canteens,  and  were  prepared  for  auy  ser- 
vice, however  long  or  arduous.  The  detachment  was 
what  was  known  as  the  Tenth  Regiment  of  Artillery, 
Colonel  Franks  commanding. 

When  the  troops  arrived  and  marched  out  of  the  depot 
there  was  a  general  gathering  of  officials  and  citizens,  all 
of  whom  manifested  a  feeling  of  relief  and  security. 
Prom  an  early  hour  in  the  morning  until  midnight  their 
arrival  was  eagerly  looked  for,  and  when  they  made  their 
appearance  the  universal  sentiment  was  that  no  demon- 
stration could  possibly  be  made  by  the  strikers  that 
would  not  be  immediately  put  down. 

Peace  reigned  supreme,  and  no  disturbance  occurred 


186  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

that  night.  Such  a  strong  force  of  policemen,  marines, 
and  soldiers  were  on  duty  that  it  seemed  hardly  possible 
for  the  strikers  to  attempt  the  commission  of  any  out- 
rage. The  utmost  vigilance  was  exercised  by  all  the 
officials,  both  day  and  night,  and  every  night  after  the 
commencement  of  the  troubles,  Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott 
slept  at  the  depot.  Mayor  Stokely  was  present  at  the 
depot,  closely  watching  every  movement,  and  issuing 
orders  for  any  emergency  that  might  arise.  A  number 
of  the  regulars  were  conducted  to  the  old  stock-yards  at 
Belmont  and  Lancaster  avenues,  where  they  encamped. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Philadelphia  Commercial  Ex- 
change, on  the  25th  of  July,  the  following  preamble  and 
resolutions  were  adopted  : 

Whereas,  The  true  interests  of  the  country  and  the 
welfare  of  its  citizens  depend  wholly  upon  their  respect 
for  and  obediance  to  the  laws ;  and 

Whereas,  There  are  large  mobs  assembled  in  various 
places  who  have  been,  and  are  now  engaged,  in  disregard 
of  the  same,  in  destroying  both  life  and  property,  on  the 
security  of  both  of  which  all  labor  necessarily  depends  ; 
and 

Whereas,  These  mobs  have  obtained  such  control  of 
the  avenues  of  transportation  as  to  suspend  the  operating 
of  the  same,  therefore  restricting  our  commerce,  and 
leaving  our  steamers  laying  idle  at  our  wharves,  to  the 
very  serious  prejudice,  not  only  to  ourselves  as  mer- 
chants, and  to  our  correspondents,  but  also  to  our  respec- 
tive employes,  by  depriving  them  of  the  necessary  labor 
by  which  they  earn  their  livelihood  ;  therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be 
requested  to  use  such  force  by  the  increase  of  the  mili- 


AFFAIRS    IN    PHILADELPHIA.  18T 

tary  forces  of  the  nation,  if  necessary,  not  only  to  sup- 
press all  unlawful  violence,  but  also  to  secure  protection 
against  any  recurrence  of  the  same. 

Resolved,  That  the  earnest  thanks  of  this  association 
be  tendered  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  for 
what  he  has  done. 

Similar  resolutions  were  also  adopted  by  the  Maritime 
Exchange  and  Board  of  Trade. 

One  of  the  saddest  incidents  of  the  strike  was  wit- 
nessed at  Philadelphia  on  the  25th,  upon  the  arrival  at 
the  depot  of  four  dead  bodies  of  soldiers,  of  the  First 
Militia  Regiment,  killed  in  Pittsburgh.  Among  the  four 
was  the  body  of  Lieutenant  J.  Dorsey  Ash,  of  the  Key- 
stone Battery.  When  the  train  stopped,  there  stepped 
from  one  of  the  rear  cars  a  lady,  with  bowed  head  and 
grief-stricken  face,  supported  by  a  gentleman,  who  con- 
ducted her  tenderly  through  the  depot  to  a  carriage 
standing  at  the  entrance.  That  lady  was  the  widow  of 
Lieutenant  Ash. 

The  Philadelphia  police,  in  breaking  up  a  meeting  at 
the  corner  of  Berks  and  South  streets,  on  the  night  of 
the  26th,  were  stoned  by  a  crowd  of  about  twenty-five 
hundred  men,  and  had  several  shots  fired  at  them.  A  des- 
perate fight  ensued,  and  the  police  say  that  they  fired  in 
the  air ;  but  when  the  affair  was  over,  the  body  of  a  boy, 
about  seventeen  years  old,  was  found  dead,  with  a  bullet 
in  his  head.  Several  of  the  police  were  injured  by  fly- 
ing missiles. 

Governor  Hartranft,  and  his  entire  staff,  started  from 
the  West  Philadelphia  Station  at  two  o'clock  in  the  af- 
ternoon of  the  26th,  bound  West.  Orders  had  been  pre- 
viously issued  for  the  assembling  of  all  the  militia  re- 


188  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

maining  in  Philadelphia,  at  the  armory,  at  the  corner  of 
Broad  and  Race  streets,  at  one  p.  m.,  to  proceed  to  West 
Philadelphia,  and  on  the  same  train  with  the  Governor, 
■detatchments  of  the  Keystone  Battery,  State  Fencibles, 
and  the  Second,  First  and  Sixth  Regiments,  took  passage 
for  the  vicinity  of  Pittsburgh.  The  authorities  were 
reticent  about  the  movements  of  the  military,  but  every 
one  knew  they  were  destined  for  Blairsville,  where  the 
main  body  of  the  State  troops  were  stationed. 

The  Eleventh  Regiment,  made  up  of  men  from  Ches- 
ter, Westchester,  Media  and  other  points  in  that  vicinity, 
joined  the  detachments  from  Philadelphia  at  Paoli.  Bat- 
teries K  and  M  of  the  Second  Artillery,  and  Battery  I 
of  the  Fourth,  with  Companies  of  Engineers  from  Balti- 
more, arrived  at  the  Philadelphia  station,  and  also  pro- 
ceeded up  the  road.  There  was  no  excitement  or  stir 
about  the  station,  and  trains  to  New  York  were  running 
regularly. 

A  telegram  was  received  on  the  27th,  by  General  Sal- 
fridge  from  Governor  Hartranft  stating  that  the  latter 
would  accept  a  regiment  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Re- 
public men  at  once.  The  different  posts  were  organiz- 
ing companies,  and  the  regimental  organization  was  after- 
wards effected.  The  command  was  fully  one  thousand 
men,  all  veterans. 

Feeling  that  the  city  was  sufficiently  protected  by  re- 
gular troops,  General  Brannan,  by  direction  of  General 
Hancock,  forwarded  orders  to  the  commander  of  a  body 
of  soldiers,  expected  at  Philadelphia  from  Niagara,  to 
stop  at  New  York,  to  be  on  hand  in  case  of  any  uprising 
in  that  city. 

Before  leaving  Philadelphia,  the  evening  of  the  26th, 


AFFAIRS    IN    PHILADELPHIA.  189 

Governor  Hartranft  issued  the  following   order  to  the 
National  Guards  of  that  State : 

1.  During  the  existing  emergency,  in  all  cases,  troops 
are  to  be  moved  in  compact  bodies,  and  under  no  circum- 
stances is  firing  to  be  permitted  except  by  order  of  the 
officer  in  immediate  command. 

2.  All  other  means  of  quelling  riot  and  restoring 
order  having  first  been  exhausted,  the  officer  command- 
ing troops  shall  notify  rioters  that  they  will  be  fired 
upon  unless  they  disperse.  The  order  to  fire  will  then 
be  deliberately  given,  and  every  soldier  will  be  expected 
to  fire  with  effect.  Firing  will  continue  until  the  mob 
disappears. 

3.  Officers  in  command  of  troops  will  report  to  their 
headquarters  the  names  of  all  citizens  who  have 
attempted  or  may  attempt  to  dissuade  members  of 
the  National  Guard  from  the  discharge  of  their  duty. 
All  such  persons  should  be  arrested  if  possible. 

4.  Headquarters  after  two  o'clock,  p.  m.,  to-day,  will 
be  in  a  special  car  on  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad.  All 
communications  will  be  addressed  accordingly. 

5.  General  officers  will  publish  these  orders,  not  only 
to  their  troops,  but  to  the  public  generally. 

[Signed],  J.  F.  Hartranft, 

Governor. 
Commander  in-Chief  National  Guards  of  Penn. 

Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott  having  been  taunted  for  his 
failure  to  go  to  Pittsburgh  to  stay  the  strike,  thereby 
preventing  bloodshed  and  destruction,  Mr.  P.  M. 
Arthur,  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Engineers, 
being  his  tormentor,  he  paused  in  his  duty  of  watching 


190  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

movements  on  the  great  highway  which  he  controls,  to 
answer  the  innuendoes  of  the  Locomotive  Engineer,  Ar- 
thur. 

He  wrote  from  Philadelphia  as  follows  to  the  New 
York  Herald  newspaper,  on  the  25  th  of  Jul y  : 

"  I  see  an  account  of  an  interview  had  with  P.  M.  Arthur, 
of  the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Engineers,  in  which 
he  states  that  '  if  Thomas  A.  Scott  had  gone  himself  to 
Pittsburgh,  bloodshed  and  riot  would  have  been  averted. 
Whenever  the  officers  of  a  road  have  met  the  Brotherhood 
and  have  evinced  a  disposition  to  treat  with  us,  we  have  had 
no  strike  ;  it  is  only  whenever  they  have, refused  to  arbi- 
trate with  us  that  we  have  had  a  strike  as  the  only  means 
of  redress.' 

"  In  response  to  this  permit  me  to  say  that  this  whole 
statement  is  most  unfair  to  me  and  to  the  Company. 
The  first  intimation  of  this  strike  was  given  me  after  I 
had  retired  for  the  night  at  a  point  on  the  Delaware 
river,  twenty  miles  from  Philadelphia,  and  the  strike 
was  inaugurated  without  any  attempt  to  have  a  confer- 
ence with  the  officers  of  the  Company.  So  much  was 
this  the  case  that  the  Superintendent  of  the  Pittsburgh 
division  had  started  East  with  his  family,  and  was  on  his 
way  east  of  Altoona,  when  the  strike  took  place,  and  the 
trains  of  the  Company  were  stopped.  He  immediately 
came  to  the  office  in  West  Philadelphia  about  midnight, 
and  there  found  that  the  Mayor  of  Pittsbugh  and  the 
Sheriff  of  the  county  were  endeavoring  to  restore  law 
and  order.  They  had  found  themselves  unable  to  do  so, 
and  were  forced  to  make  an  appeal  to  the  Governor  for 
military  aid.  At  all  times,  and  under  all  circumstances, 
when  the  men  in  the  service  of  our  Company  have  come 


AFFAIRS    IN    PHILADELPHIA.  191 

to  meet  the  officers  of  the  road  for  conference  they  have 
been  promptly  and  courteously  met. 

"  It  is  not  more  than  a  month  since  a  large  delegation 
of  the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Engineers  had  a  con- 
ference with  me  at  the  office  in  this  city,  where  every- 
thing pertaining  to  the  question  of  reduction  was  fully 
discussed,  the  result  of  which  was  that  the  men,  represent- 
ing, as  they  stated  to  me,  the  engineers  and  firemen,  ad- 
dressed me  a  letter  stating  that  the  reason  given  for  the  re- 
duction, caused  by  the  great  depression  of  the  business  of 
the  country,  was  entirely  satisfactory  to  them,  and  that 
they  would  stand  thoroughly  and  firmly  by  the  Company. 
Neither  this  Company  nor  its  officers  are  in  any  way  re- 
sponsible for  the  combinations  that  have  been  made 
against  the  leading  business  interests  of  the  country, 
which  have  resulted  in  strikes,  riots  and  destruction  to 
life  and  property,  and  the  entire  suspension  of  all  the 
material  interests  of  the  country  by  taking  possession  of 
the  trunk  lines  of  railway  and  preventing  the  movement 
of  persons  and  property.  It  is  certainly  well  developed 
now  that  not  five  per  cent,  of  the  men  engaged  in  these 
strikes  and  combinations  have  ever  had  anything  to  do 
with  the  railway  service  of  this  Company,  including  the 
members  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Engineers, 
who  will  continue  to  stand  firmly  by  the  Company  and  by 
the  best  interests  of  the  country,  without  regard  to  the 
influences  brought  to  bear  upon  them  from  any  source. 

"  Thomas  A.  Scott." 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


The  Strike  on  the  Eeie  Eailkoad. 


The  Strike  at  Hornellsville— The  Road  Completely  Blockaded  at 
at  that  Point— The  Demand  of  the  Strikers— Action  of  the  Officers 
of  the  Road— The  Situation  at  the  Home  Office,  New  York— Ap- 
prehensions of  Further  Complications. 


The  strikes  were  extending  rapidly  all  over  the 
country.  The  railroads  in  Maryland,  West  Virginia, 
Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan,  New- 
York  and  New  Jersey  were  all  liable  to  be  blockaded  at 
almost  any  moment  by  the  action  of  the  employes. 

The  situation  on  the  Erie  road  was  far  from  reassur- 
ing as  early  as  the  17th.  The  next  day,  the  difficulty 
commenced,  the  firemen  and  brakemen  of  the  Western 
Division  of  the  Erie  Railway  decided  to  strike  at  one 
o'clock  the  morning  of  the  20th.  At  Hornellsville,  the 
night  express  leaving  there  at  midnight,  was  the  last 
train  permitted  to  pass.  All  trains,  both  ways,  were 
stopped  at  Hornellsville.  The  train  due  in  New  York 
at  eight  p.  m.,  left  Buffalo,  via  the  Rochester  division,  that 
morning,  but  went  no  further  than  Corning.  A  train 
was  made  up  at  Elmira  to  run  on  the  regular  time  to 
New  York.  No  intimation  that  there  would  be  a  strike 
was  had  until  the  action  of  the  men  was  made  known- 
Railroad  communication  was  cut  off,  only  telegraphic  com- 
munication being  had  with  the  place  up  to  a  late  hour 
Saturday.     About  four  hundred  men  were  in  the  strike. 


RIOTERS   TKARING  I'P  RAILS   AT  THE   BRILKJE. 


THE    STRIKE    ON    THE    EEIE   RAILROAD.  193 

They  demanded  that  the  pay  of  the  firemen  be  increased 
to  the  amount  received  before  the  late  reduction  ;  that 
brakemen  and  switchmen  receive  $2.00  and  head  switch- 
men $2.25  a  day  ;  that  $1.50  be  the  wages  of  yard  track- 
men, and  $1.40  for  section  trackmen  ;  that  monthly 
passes  be  given  firemen  and  brakemen,  and  passes  be 
issued  to  switchmen  and  trackmen,  and  that  the  Company 
give  a  free  lease  of  all  property  occupied  by  trackmen, 
a  large  majority  of  employes  of  that  class  being  squatters 
on  Erie  land.  These  demands  the  Company  emphatic- 
ally rejected. 

By  prompt  action  the  Erie  officials  struck  a  severe 
blow  against  the  strikers.  As  soon  as  the  news  of  the 
strike  was  received  they  ordered  all  trains  bound  for 
Hornellsville  to  stop.  Passenger  trains  were  sent  over 
other  divisions,  and  freight  trains  were  held  all  along  the 
line.  This  kept  hundreds  of  men,  ready  to  act  with  the 
strikers,  away  from  Hornellsville.  These  men  resorted 
to  various  means  to  get  there,  some  seizing  hand-cars 
and  thus  reaching  that  point.  A  fireman,  named  Pratt, 
risked  his  own,  with  the  lives  of  hundreds  of  passengers 
by  seizing  a  locomotive  at  Andover,  twenty  miles  west, 
and  running  it  in  the  face  of  advancing  trains  between 
that  place  and  Scio,  picking  up  men  to  run  them  into 
Hornellsville.  The  peril  of  the  undertaking  led  to  its 
abandonment,  although  Pratt  was  anxious  to  carry  out 
the  plan.  A  train  arrived  at  ten  p.  m.,  having  been  stop- 
ped at  Olean  by  the  Company,  thus  preventing  an  army 
of  sympathizers  from  joining  the  strikers.  The  train 
went  no  further.  The  train  that  left  New  York  at  9:15 
Saturday,  arrived  at  Hornellsville  the  same  evening. 
General  SuperintendentBowen,  and  O.  Chanute,  his  as- 


13 


194  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

sistant,  went  up  with  it.  Its  westward  passengers  were 
transferred  at  Corning  to  the  Rochester  division.  The 
train  went  to  the  yard  and  no  attempt  was  made  to 
move  it  further.  The  strikers  were  on  guard  in  large 
force. 

J.  S.  Beggs,  Superintendent  of  the  Western  Division, 
started  for  Dunkirk  to  proceed  to  Hornellsville  Satur- 
day morning.  At  Salamanca  he  found  the  men  had 
struck.  They  cut  the  locomotive  loose  from  the  train, 
but  finally  allowed  the  Superintendent  to  proceed.  He 
was  stopped  again  at  Andover,  when  the  train  was 
boarded  by  a  crowd  of  boisterous  sympathizers  with  the 
strikers,  but  was  permitted  to  go  on  its  way  after  some 
delay.  The  Sheriff  of  the  comity,  with  a  number  of 
deputies,  proceeded  to  Hornellsville  with  the  intention 
of  arresting  the  principal  leaders. 

Passengers  who  left  Buffalo  Saturday  evening  for 
New  York  on  the  Erie,  narrowly  escaped  detention  by 
the  strikers  at  Hornellsville.  The  train  was  within  a 
few  miles  of  that  station  when  the  conductor  was  notified 
by  telegraph  of  the  situation,  and  ordered  to  return  to 
Attica  with  the  train.  The  train  was  sent  over  the 
Attica  branch  to  Avon  and  thence  over  the  Rochester  divi- 
sion to  Corning  where  it  was  held  until  the  afternoon  of 
the  20th,  when  it  started  for  New  York  to  make  the 
stops  of  local  trains  held  at  Hornellsville.  General  Su- 
perintendent of  Transportation  Wright,  and  Division 
Superintendent  Cable,  were  at  this  time  in  Hornellsville. 
General  Superintendent  Bowen  was  on  his  way  to  that 
point.  There  were  fears  in  Elmira  that  the  strike  would 
extend  to  the  divisions  east  of  that  place.  The  demon- 
stration at  Hornellsville  was  not  crushed.     Traffic  was 


THE    STRIKE    OX    THE    ERIE    RAILROAD.  195 

■entirely  suspended  west  of  Hornellsville,  and  the  yards 
-of  everj'-  station  were  filled  with  freight,  stock  and  other 
trains. 

All  passenger  and  freight  trains  on  the  Erie  Railroad, 
except  on  the  Falls  branch,  had  been  abandonded.  Tickets 
issued  by  that  road  were  honored  by  the  New  York  Cen- 
tral, and  tickets  issued  by  the  Erie  road  over  the  Atlantic 
-and  Great,  Western  were  honored  by  the  Lake  Shore  and 
Michigan  Southern  and  the  Buffalo  and  Jamestown  road. 
Orders  were  sent  to  Buffalo  to  the  Erie  Railway  ship- 
ping office  to  take  no  stock  for  shipment  East  on  account 
of  a  railway  strike  in  the  vicinity  of  Hornellsville. 

It  was  late  Thursday  night  when  the  officials  of  the 
road  at  the  New  York  headquarters,  received  informa- 
tion that  a  riot  was  in  contemplation  by  the  iiremen  and 
-brakemen  of  one  of  the  Western  divisions  of  the  road, 
but  nothing  definite  as  to  the  extent  of  the  demonstra- 
tion,  or  the  demands  of  the  strikers  was  reported,  and 
business  was  resumed  Friday  morning  as  usual.  The 
regular  evening  express  from  Buffalo,  left  that  city  at 
9:45  Thursday,  and  ran  to  Hornellsville,  ninety-one 
miles  distant,  on  regular  time.  Hornellsville  is  the  point 
at  which  the  Buffalo  division  ends,  and  the  Susquehanna 
division  begins,  and  there  the  engineers,  firemen,  and 
other  train  hands  "  lay  off,"  and  are  replaced  by  another 
team,  who  take  the  train  to  the  end  of  the  division  in 
Susquehanua,  and  are  in  turn  relieved.  The  engineer 
was  on  hand  Friday  morning  to  take  the  regular  train  to 
Susquehanna,  but  the  fireman  and  brakemen  refused  to 
work,  and  the  train  was  kept  standing  on  the  track.  The 
switchmen  and  trackmen  joined  the  strike,  and  the  busi- 
ness of  the  road  was  at  a  complete  standstill  throughout 


196  THE    GEEAT    STRIKES. 

the  entire  length  of  the  division — one  hundred  and  thirty 
miles. 

After  four  hours'  delay  the  train  was  allowed  to  pass.. 
The  express  and  mail  train  was  also  stopped,  but  was- 
held  only  forty  minutes.  The  first  reached  New  York 
three  hours,  and  the  second  seventeen  minutes  late. 

The  express  which  left  New  York  on  Thursday  night, 
proceeded  as  far  as  Corning,  and  was  there  tied  up  by 
the  strikers,  but  the  passengers  were  brought  back  to 
Elmira,  and  were  sent  over  the  Northern  Central  Road 
to  Canandaigua,  and  thence  by  the  New  York  Central  to 
Buffalo. 

By  the  policy  adopted  by  the  strikers,  trains  were  per- 
mitted to  run  both  ways  as  far  as  Hornellsville,  but  none 
were  suffered  to  return  either  way,  and  in  the  course  of 
the  day  some  seven  hundred  freight  cars  were  blockaded, 
there,  the  strikers  taking  out  the  coupling-pins  and 
throwing  them  away,  as  soon  as  a  train  arrived.  Two 
or  three  passenger  trains  were  run  into  the  town  by  order 
of  the  railroad  officials,  for  the  purpose  of  demonstrating 
the  fact  that  they  could  not  get  through,  but  most  of  the 
passengers  were  sent  by  the  Central  Boad,  by  which  Erie 
through  tickets  were  received.  After  the  extent  of  the 
strike  was  known  in  the  Chambers  street  office,  in  New 
York,  orders  were  telegraphed  the  agents  of  the  road  to 
suspend  the  sale  of  through  tickets  until  further  notice. 

The  officers  of  the  Erie  Railway,  with  Mr.  Jewett,  the 
receiver,  included,  appear  to  have  made  a  mistake  in  re- 
gard to  the  nature  of  the  strike  at  Hornellsville.  They 
believed  that  the  strike  there  was  a  part  of  the  demon- 
stration inaugurated  at  Martinsburg,  and  continued  at 
Pittsburgh.     It  was  supposed  that  all  three  were  ordered 


THE   STRIKE    ON    THE    ERIE    RAILROAD.  197 

fry  the  supreme  authority  in  the  organization  of  brake- 
men  and  firemen,  to  which  nearly  all  the  employes  on  all 
the  great  lines  in  the  United  States  belong,  and  it  was 
feared  that  the  strike  would  spread  all  along  the  line 
from  Omaha  to  New  York,  and  that  the  Western  and 
Southern  roads  would  share  the  same  fate.  The  facts 
that  the  Hornellsville  strike  was  begun  without  due  no- 
tice, that  the  grounds  of  the  strike  were  not  presented  to 
the  Company  until  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  when  pre- 
sented, proved  to  be  the  old  issues  that  were  settled 
three  weeks  before,  strengthened  this  belief. 

In  the  Company's  yards  in  Communipaw,  the  men  pro- 
fessed entire  ignorance  of  the  affair.  They  declared 
that  they  did  not  know  the  causes  which  led  to  the 
strike,  and  pretended  that  the  organization  to  which  tke 
strikers  belong  had  no  existence  east  of  Port  Jervis. 

These  men  were  in  all  probability  right.  The  officers 
were  evidently  wrong.  If  the  strike  at  Hornellsville 
"had  been  the  part  of  a  great  movement  among  railroad 
men  all  over  the  country,  it  is  not  probable  that  the  dis- 
turbance on  the  Erie  Railroad  would  have  been 
confined  to  the  Western  division.  Simultaneously  with 
the  movement  at  Hornellsville,  the  firemen,  brakemen, 
and  switchmen  at  Salamanca,  on  the  Western  division, 
quit  work,  and  when  Mr.  Beggs,  the  Superintendent  of 
that  division,  who  had  started  out  from  Dunkirk  for 
Hornellsville,  arrived  at  Salamanca,  his  engine  was  cut 
loose  from  the  train  and  put  into  the  engine-house,  and 
the  strikers  notified  him  that  no  engine  or  train  would 
be  permitted  to  pass  Salamanca. 

It  was  claimed  by  the  officers  of  the  Company  that 
when  a  committee  of  the  train  men  visited  New  York, 


198  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

]ate  in  June,  in  relation  to  the  reduction  of  July  1st,, 
they  were  kindly  received  by  Receiver  Jewett,  and  the 
necessity  and  propriety  of  the  reduction  explained  to 
them,  which,  after  a  few  days'  deliberation,  they  appar- 
ently accepted,  and  the  men  continued  at  their  posts, 
with  the  exception  of  the  known  promoters  of  the  dis- 
content, who  were  discharged. 

It  was  also  claimed  that  all  classes  of  men  on  the  Erie 
Railway  had  been  treated  by  the  Company  with  consid- 
eration. Their  pay  was  not  only  reasonable  but  liberal 
for  the  times,  and  if  there  were  any  employes  expressing 
dissatisfaction,  the  receiver  was  ready  to  pay  them  off 
promptly  and  hire  other  men  to  take  their  places,  and 
expressed  his  determination  to  carry  out  the  order  of  July 
1st  to  the  letter. 

But  the  strike  had  assumed  formidable  proportions- 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  a  riot  existed  at  Hornellsville, 
and  that  the  rioters  had  things  for  a  time  pretty  much  in 
their  own  hands.  They  had  assembled  in  force  suffi- 
cient to  control  the  railroad  communications  at  Hornells- 
ville, and.  trains  were  not  allowed  to  pass  either  east  or 
west.  There  are  two  lines  between  Hornellsville  and 
Buffalo,  one,  the  main  line,  and  the  other  a  branch  line 
between  Hornellsville  and  Corning.  At  Corning  the 
branch  line  connects  with  the  Rochester  and  Buffalo 
division.  So  far  the  strikers  had  not  interfered  with  the 
movement  of  trains  on  the  branch  line,  but  they  could 
have  cut  off  communication  at  any  moment.  Practically 
as  far  as  the  traffic  on  the  road  was  considered,  intercourse 
was  cut  off  between  New  York  City  and  Buffalo.  Only 
a  small  portion  of  the  business  of  the  road  could  be  con- 
ducted over  the  branch  line  in  any  eveut,  and  in  the 


THE    STRIKE    ON    THE    ERIE    RAILROAD.  199 

present  case  it  might  as  well  be  left  out  of  consideration 
entirely.  If  the  strikers  considered  it  important  to  do 
so,  they  could  undoubtedly  have  blockaded  the  trains  on 
that  line  also. 

A  Brakeman  named  Donahue  was  understood  to  be 
the  chief  instigator  of  the  movement.  Donahue  was 
discharged  a  few  weeks  before  from  the  service  of  the 
Company,  and  he  had  been  going  about  secretly  since  to 
stir  up  the  brakemen  to  make  a  strike.  He  is  the 
brother  of  the  President  of  the  Brakemans'  Association, 
and  is  a  man  of  considerable  influence.  By  his  agency 
and  the  assistance  of  his  brother  the  strike  was  no  doubt 
organized.  It  was  the  opinion  of  Receiver  Jewett  that 
Mr.  Arthur,  the  President  of  the  Engineers'  Protective 
Union,  had  taken  an  influential  part  in  organizing  this 
as  well  as  the  strikes  on  other  lines.  He  had  not  been 
in  the  neighborhood,  but  the  movement  had  been 
probably  guided  to  some  extent  by  his  directions.  The 
engineers  were  not  inclined  to  unite  in  the  move- 
ment, at  least  directly.  The  only  support  they  would 
give  it  would  be  by  objecting  to  the  new  brakemen  and 
firemen  taken  on  in  the  place  of  the  strikers,  on  the 
ground  of  inexperience,  but  they  would  not  strike  them- 
selves. 

Already  an  informal  application  had  been  made  by 
the  officers  of  this  road  to  Governor  Robinson  of  New 
York  for  protection. 

During  the  morning  of  the  21st  an  effort  was  made 
by  the  Erie  officials  at  Hornellsville  to  start  a  train  East, 
carrying  a  mail  car.  The  strikers  on  guard  would  not 
permit  anything  to  leave  the  yard  but  the  mail  car. 
They  also  prevented  any  one  getting  aboard  but  the  mail 


200  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

agents  and  an  insane  woman,  who  was  being  taken  to 
Elmira.  Everything  was  quiet  after  that  till  a  later  hour 
in  the  day.  Then  the  Pacific  express,  which  left  ]S"ew 
York  the  previous  evening,  arrived  with  a  mail  car  and 
a  passenger  car.  The  sleeping  coaches  and  westward- 
bound  passengers  were  sent  over  the  Rochester  division 
at  Corning. 

The  strikers  took  possession  of  the  trains,  the  passen- 
gers had  to  get  out,  and  when  the  baggage  was  unloaded 
the  cars  were  pushed  to  a  siding  by  the  strikers.  The 
mail  car  was  permitted  to  start,  the  men  first  placing  a 
fireman  and  brakeman  of  their  own  on  the  engine 
and  car.  An  effort  was  made  by  the  Company  to  attach 
the  postal  car  to  the  passenger  coaches  at  the  lower  end 
of  the  yard.  The  strikers  suspected  a  move  of  this  kind,, 
and  two  hundred  rushed  to  that  part  of  the  yard  and 
took  possession  of  the  switch.  The  effort  was  thua 
defeated,  and  the  engine  and  postal  car  were  left  on  the 
side  track. 

The  Erie  officials  refused  to  recognize  any  of  the 
committees  of  the  men,  and  issued  orders  forbidding  B. 
J.  Donahue,  chairman  of  the  Brakemen,  Switchman  and 
Trackmen's  Committees  of  the  Buffalo,  Western  and  Sus- 
quehanna division,  and  leader  of  the  strike,  from  coming 
on  the  grounds.  He  established  headquarters  in  the 
Titusville  House  near  by,  and  directed  the  operations  of 
the  men.  The  great  grievance  the  men  complained  of, 
was  that  the  Company  broke  faith  with  them  in  discharg- 
ing from  its  employ  members  of  the  Grievance  Commit- 
tees sent  to  New  York  in  the  matter  of  the  reduction  of 
July  1st,  after  agreeing  not  to  do  so  if  the  men  accepted 
the  reduction.    General  Superintendent  Bowen  positively 


THE    STRIKE   ON    THE    ERIE    RAILROAD.  201 

denied  that  there  ever  was  such  an  agreement  made  in  the 
first  place,  and  insisted  that  no  man  had  been  discharged 
in  consequence  of  his  having  been  on  a  committee,  the 
Company  having  approved  of  the  men  waiting  upon  the 
manager  by  representatives  to  state  any  grievance  they 
might  have.  The  men  discharged  were  dismissed  for 
absenting  themselves  from  their  posts  without  leave,  and 
for  violating  the  discipline  of  the  Company.  Donahue 
declared  that  the  firemen  struck  because  the}r  were  pledg- 
ed to  the  brakemen,  and  that  the  engineers  were  pledged 
to  them,  too,  but  did  not  strike.  Representative  engineers 
denied  that  their  body  ever  made  any  pledges  to  the 
brakemen. 

The  proclamation  and  orders  of  Governor  Robinson, 
had  called  out  a  very  large  force  of  the  New  York  Na- 
tional Guards.  The  Erie  Company  knew  of  their  move- 
ments, the  fact  become  known  at  Hornellsville,  the  after- 
noon of  the  21st,  that  the  receiver  had  appealed  to  the 
state  authorities  for  military  assistance,  and  the  men 
held  a  secret  meeting.  They  believed  that  no  militia 
could  be  brought  to  that  place,  a  majority  of  whom 
would  not  be  in  sjmipathy  with  their  movement.  It  was 
not  generally  known  at  what  time  the  militia  ordered 
then  would  arrive,  but  the  Company  was  kept  informed 
of  their  progress.  The  Fifty-fourth  Regiment  New 
York  State  Militia,  Colonel  G.  E.  Baker  commanding, 
left  Rochester  in  the  morning,  and  marched  four  hun- 
dred strong,  arriving  at  Hornellsville  during  the  evening. 
The  approach  of  the  train  was  so  quiet  that  few  of  the 
strikers  were  at  the  depot,  but  in  a  brief  time  the  yard 
was  blocked  with  men  shouting  and  deriding  the  sol- 
diers.     Immediately  after  the  arrival  of  the  train  another 


202  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

came  in  from  Elmira  with  two  hundred  men  from  the 
One  Hundred  and  Tenth  Regiment,  Colonel  Smith  com- 
manding, and  Battery  A  of  the  Twentieth  Brigade,  Cap- 
tain Walker.  Great  excitement  prevailed.  The  men 
affected  to  treat  the  matter  as  a  joke  and  loudly  ridiculed 
the  idea  of  the  movement  being  suppressed  by  a  few 
soldiers  with  empty  guns.  The  Elmira  troops  were 
formed  in  line  and  marched  through  the  yard,  driving 
out  all  with  whom  they  came  in  contact.  The  Roches- 
ter troops  were  subsequently  formed,  and  lines  were 
placed  all  about  the  Company's  yards.  Every  approach 
was  guarded.  No  one  could  enter  without  a  countersign. 
The  battery  of  two  guns  was  planted  in  Loder  street,  and 
commanded  the  yard  and  surroundings.  The  excitement 
was  intense.  No  attempt  was  made  by  the  Company  to 
move  trains. 

The  strikers  held  meetings  and  unanimously  resolved 
to  resist  the  Company  even  in  the  face  of  the  bayonet. 
They  were  in  receipt  of  telegrams  from  Elmira,  Susque- 
hanna, Port  Jervis,  Corning  and  other  places  calling  on 
them  to  be  firm,  and  saying  that  meetings  were  being 
held  that  would  i-esult  in  the  men  in  these  places  joining 
in  the  strike.  The  leaders  in  the  movement  threatened 
a  bloody  time  next  day. 

B.  J.  Donahue,  the  leader  of  the  strike,  warned  all 
engineers  against  going  out  with  trains,  as  they  would 
go  at  their  own  peril,  the  track  having  been  "  fixed '"  by 
the  strikers.  In  spite  of  the  guards,  the  strikers  had 
disabled  all  the  switch  engines  in  the  yard.  Two  demon- 
strative strikers  were  arrested  and  quickly  rescued  by 
their  friends.  There  was  great  familiarity  between  the 
militia  and  the  strikers.     General  Brinkerhoff  and  W.W. 


THE    STRIKE    ON    THE   ERIE    RAILROAD.  203 

MacFarland,  counsel  of  the  Erie,  arrived  from  New 
York  in  a  special  train.  They  held  a  consulation  with 
D.  C.  Robinson,  the  Governor's  Private  Secretary,  to 
which  they  were  escorted  by  a  guard  of  soldiers. 

All  was  quiet  at  Port  Jervis.  There  was  considerable 
excitement  among  the  employes  of  the  Erie  road,  but 
nothing  to  indicate  that  a  strike  would  occur  on  the 
Eastern  or  Delaware  division.  All  trains  on  these  divi- 
sions were  moving  regularly,  no  stoppages  occuring  on 
that  side  of  Hornellsville. 

A  second  special  train,  in  charge  of  General  Wylie, 
with  ammuniton  and  camp  equipage  arrived  before 
morning. 

Three  reasons  existed  why  Hornellsville  should  have 
been  selected  as  the  scene  of  the  origin  of  the  strike: 
First,  it  is  the  most  important  junction  on  the  road ; 
second,  it  is  far  from  the  large  cities  where  unemployed 
labor  is  plenty  and  the  municipal  authorities  are  strong, 
and  third,  it  is  filled  with  bad  and  dangerous  men.  It 
is  purely  a  railroad  town,  although  it  contains  some 
seven  thousand  inhabitants,  and  a  considerable  amount 
of  business  is  done  there.  It  is  the  termini  of  three 
divisions  of  the  road — the  Susquehanna,  Buffalo  and 
Western — and  consequently  there  have  congregated  and 
settled  there  a  large  number  of  the  worst  class  of  men,, 
those  who  have  been  employed  on  railroads — chiefly  the 
Erie — in  various  capacities,  and  discharged  for  many 
causes.  They  comprised  the  best  possible  material  for 
strikes,  riots  and  violence  of  all  kinds,  partly  because  of 
their  natural  predilection  to  disorder,  partly  from 
motives  of  revenge  for  their  dismissal,  and  partly  to  get 
the  men  employed  discharged,  so  as  to  make  room  for 


204  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

themselves,  the  Company  had  evidence  that  some  men, 
not  connected  with  the  road,  were  secretly  inciting  train- 
hands  to  strike  in  the  expectation  that  the  Company 
would  he  forced  to  reinstate  them  in  the  positions  from 
which  they  were  formerly  dismissed. 

But  two  cases  of  violence  on  the  road  had  yet  occured. 
Some  Buffalo  fireman  stole  a  locomotive  and  ran  out  to 
the  junction  of  the  Falls  hranch  at  East  Buffalo,  with  the 
intention  of  blockading  the  trains  arriving  from  TJtica, 
but  a  squad  of  police  was  sent  out  from  Buffalo  and  the 
firemen  were  quickly  dispersed.  The  other  case  occurred 
at  Hornellsville,  where  General  Superintendent  Bowen 
made  a  personal  attempt  to  take  out  a  mail  train,  but 
was  stopped  by  the  strikers. 


CHAPTEK  XVII. 


Reckless  Slaughter  at  Reading. 


The  Fourth  Pennsylvania  Militia  at  Reading — General  Frank  Reeder 
Undertakes  to  Restore  Order — Bold  Rioters  Tantalize  the  Citizen 
Soldiery — Without  Orders  They  Fire  into  a  Crowd  of  Peaceable 
Citizens — Thirteen  Killed  and  Twenty-seven  Wounded — Not  a 
Rioter  Hurt — A  Boy  Horribly  Mangled — Five  Police  Officers 
Victims  of  the  Bullets — A  Lady  Shot  While  Engaged  at  Her 
Sewing  Machine — Terrible  Anger  of  the  Citizens  and  Rioters — 
Threats  of  the  Mob — General  Reeder's  Sworn  Statement. 


Baltimore  and  Pittsburgh   had   not   been   forgotten. 
The  great   strikes  continued.     There  was   still    in    the 
minds  of  men  disquieting  thoughts:     "When  would  the 
troubles  end?     How    would   the    difficulty    conclude? 
What  was  to  be  the  result  of  all  the  turmoil,  the  bitterness, 
the  hate  aroused  ?     These  were  questions  present  in  the 
minds  of  men,  and  for  them  there  were  no  answers. 
Nearly  a  hundred  lives  had  already  been  extinguished, 
five  times  a  hundred  human  beings  had  been  maimed 
and  mangled  since  the  strikes  began.     Property  worth 
millions    of    dollars    had    vanished    amid    smoke   and 
flames.     The   country   was   in   a    feverish  state  of    ex- 
citement from  Boston  to  San  Francisco  ;  from  the  Lakes 
to  the  Gulf.     Men  lived,  thought,  and  acted  more  in  a 
day,  than  they  ordinarily  do  in  a  week.     Since  the  first 
European    landed  on    the  shores  of  America,  no  such 
scenes  as  those  transpiring  had  ever  before  arrested  the 
attention  of  the  whole  people  of  the  country.     It  was  a 


206  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

time  of  fear  and  anxiety.  Who  would  be  the  next 
victim,  what  city  next  be  given  over  to  devouring  flames, 
and  the  rapacity  of  a  lawless  mob  ?     Who  could  tell  ? 

It  was  on  the  23d  day  of  July,  1877 — just  seven  days 
lifter  the  commencement  of  the  first  strike  on  the  Balti- 
more and  Ohio  Railroad,  at  South  Baltimore  and  Mar- 
tin sburg.  Already  momentous  events  had  happened. 
Baltimore,  Pittsburgh,  and  Cumberland  had  successively 
attracted  the  attention  of  those  who  cared  to  observe  the 
course  of  the  remarkable  movement  anion?  the  working 
classes.  Hornellsville,  Harrisburgh,  Phillipsburg,  and 
Buffalo  had  been  the  scene  of  actions,  startling  in  their 
nature.  Where  would  the  next  center  of  interest  be 
located  ?  It  was  not  necessary  to  wait  long  for  an  an- 
swer  to  this  question.  For  some  clays  there  had  been 
trouble  on  the  Philadelphia  and  Reading  Railroad,  and 
among  the  miners  in  that  vicinity.  Reading  was  favor- 
ably situated  to  become  the  central  point  of  the  move- 
ment in  that  region. 

At  this  time  Pennsylvania  was  in  arms,  from  the  Del- 
aware to  the  Monongehela.  There  were  many  militia 
officers  who  were  anxious  to  immortalize  themselves  by 
the  performance  of  some  heroic  action.  The  Knight 
of  La  Mancha  has  imitators  in  this  age,  and  in  this  land. 
Up  to  the  22nd,  no  trouble  had  occurred  at  Reading. 
There  were  some  men  on  a  strike,  and  trains  had  been 
stopped,  but  the  crowds  that  gathered  about  the  stations, 
were  citizens  drawn  to  those  places  to  satisfy  an  idle 
curiosity. 

But  the  scene  was  destined  to  change.  There  was  in 
that  division  of  Pennsylvania  a  notable  military  com- 
mander,   Major-General  William  J.  Bolton,  who  com- 


RECKLESS    SLAUGHTER    AT    READING.  207 

manded  the  Second  Division  of  the  National  Guards  of 
Pennsylvania.  To  this  puissant  warrior  the  railroad 
authorities  appealed,  and  he  sent  one  of  his  trusted  Lieu- 
tenants, Brigadier-General  Frank  Reeder,  to  Heading, 
with  the  Fourth  and  Sixteenth  Regiments.  These  war- 
riors, even,  according  to  the  sworn  statement  of  their 
commander,  succeeded  in  making  for  themselves  an 
odious  record  ere  they  left  Reading — at  least,  may  this 
be  said  of  the  Fourth  Regiment,  and  particularly  of  the 
•"  Easton  Greys."  Reading  mourns  the  folly  of  the 
militia  yet. 

On  account  of  the  unmilitary  conduct  of  some  com- 
panies of  General  Reeder's  regiment,  we  are  compelled 
to  add  another  story  of  slaughter  to  the  bloody  records 
of  Baltimore  and  Pittsburgh.  Without  one  word  of 
warning,  these  militia  fired  upon  an  assembled  crowd  of 
citizens,  in  the  very  heart  of  the  city  of  Reading,  and 
killed  thirteen  people,  shot  five  policemen,  and  altogether 
severely  wounded  twenty-seven  persons. 

Night  had  just  settled  upon  the  city,  and  North 
Seventh  street,  for  two  squares,  was  lined  with  people, 
sitting  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  cool  air  of  evening,  in 
front  of  their  homes.  The  main  line  of  the  Philadelphia 
and  Reading  Railroad  Company's  road  passes  through 
the  city  on  Seventh  street.  Penn  street  is  the  main  thor- 
oughfare, running  in  an  opposite  direction  from  the 
course  of  the  railroad,  and  crosses  Seventh  street  at  right 
angles.  From  Penn  street  northward  for  two  squares, 
two  lines  of  track  are  laid,  leading  to  the  new  depot. 
These  are  laid  through  a  deep  cut,  with  a  heavy  stone 
wall,  twenty  feet  high  on  either  side.  On  this  section 
of  track  the  bloody  work  was  done.     At  ten  minutes 


208  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

after  eight  o'clock  the  military  marched  in  toward  Perm 
street,  through  the  cut,  from  the  depot.  They  were 
about  three  hundred  and  fifty  strong,  aud  they  marched, 
to  the  tap  of  a  few  drums  that  could  not  be  heard  a 
square  away.  Few  people  were  aware  of  their  arrival 
in  the  city,  and  fewer  still  knew  they  were  advancing 
upon  the  crowd. 

Steadily  they  approached,  when  suddenly  three  hun- 
dred rifles  were  discharged  in  volleys,  and  five  men 
dropped  to  the  pavements.  The  report  that  the  troops 
had  shot  blank  cartridges,  of  course,  was  incorrect. 
When  the  troops  fired  their  first  volleys,  they  were  given 
broadsides  of  rocks  and  stones  from  the  tops  of  the  walls. 
Quite  a  number  of  revolver  shots  were  returned  by  par- 
ties in  the  crowd.  The  troops  continued  their  firing,  and 
men,  women  and  children  fled  in  fear.  They  had  assem- 
bled on  Seventh  street  to  look  at  the  train  that  had  been 
stopped,  and  they  were  recklessly  and  indiscriminately 
shot  by  the  militia.  The  citizens  were  almost  universal  in 
their  condemnation  of  these  proceedings.  In  five  minutes 
the  streets  were  cleared,  stores  were  closed,  and  hotels  and 
restaurants  were  locked  up.  Business  had  been  proceeding 
as  usual,  and  just  before  the  firing,  not  a  single  merchant, 
or  business  man  was  aware  of  the  coming  of  the  mili- 
tary. The  streets  resembled  a  small  battle  field,  and  the 
pavements  were  stained  with  many  pools  of  blood.  It 
was  absolutely  dangerous  for  men  to  come  from  the 
alleyways  and  from  behind  the  brick  walls,  to  go  to  the 
assistance  of  the  dying.  The  heroic  militia  stood  to 
their  guns,  and  were  valiantly  disposed  to  shoot  down 
any  citizen  who  might  cross  the  line  of  their  vision. 
Finally  the  sufferers,  groaning  and  shrieking  for  water, 


- 

o 
> 


h 
a 

a 

w 
z 
« 


RECKLESS    SLAUGHTER   AT    READING.  209 

were  carried  to  the  drug  stores  to  have  their  wounds 
dressed. 

Among  the  policemen  who  were  on  duty  at  Seventh 
and  Penn  streets,  keeping  the  payments  and  sidewalks 
clear,  five  were  shot  down,  as  follows :  Officer  Abner 
Jones,  shot  through  the  back,  the  ball  penetrating- 
through  his  body ;  officer  Ludwig  JRupp,  shot  twice 
through  the  right  leg ;  officer  Orden  Weller,  shot  in  the 
leg ;  officer  Hart,  shot  through  the  thigh ;  officer  Hag- 
gerty,  shot  through  the  ankle. 

These  policemen  were  shot  with  rifle  balls.  They  re- 
ceived no  word,  of  whatever  kind,  warning  tTiem  of  what 
was  to  happen.  Officer  Rupp,  one  of  the  best  men  in 
the  force,  was  dangerously  hurt  and  died  of  his  wounds 
two  days  afterwards.  The  officers  had  their  wounds 
dressed  at  the  drug  stores  and  were  taken  home. 

Chief  of  Police,  Peter  Cullen,  who  was  on  duty  near 
Seventh  and  Penn  streets,  had  a  rifle  ball  penetrate  his 
coat,  and  officer  Werdner  also  had  his  coat  ripped  with 
a  ball. 

Officer  Culp  narrowly  escaped  death,  a  minnie  ball 
whistling  past  his  head,  just  grazing  his  ear. 

But  two  of  the  military  were  badly  hurt,  so  far  as 
was  reported. 

Private  Stienberger,  of  the  Allen  Rifles,  of  Allentown, 
was  shot  in  the  left  side  of  the  neck. 

Private  Slatington,  of  Company  F,  was  struck  in  the 
abdomen  by  a  brick  or  rock.  Both  of  these  men  were 
conveyed  to  one  of  the  rear  apartments  of  the  Mansion 
House,  where  their  wounds  were  attended  to. 

Several  more  of  the  military  were  struck  with  stones, 
but  not  seriously   hurt.     After  the  firing  was  over  the 

14 


210  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

soldiers  formed  along  Penn  street,  with  their  left  rest- 
ing on  Seventh,  and  subsequently  they  marched  to  Penn 
Square,  and  from  there  proceeded  to  the  depot  of 
the  Philadelphia  and  Heading  Railroad  Company, 
which  was  strongly  garrisoned.  That  evening  a  large 
number  of  special  police  was  sworn  in  and  ordered  on 
duty,  armed  with  seven -shooters,  and  the  depot  was 
transformed  into  a  military  post.  Pickets  were  out  and 
sentinels  were  guarding  all  the  train  galleries  and  en- 
trances. On  their  march  through  the  streets  the  militia 
were  followed  but  by  few  persons,  who  jeered  and 
shouted  in  an  unpleasant  manner. 

That  night  the  railroadmen,  who  were  at  war  with  the 
Philadelphia  and  Heading  Railroad  Company,  were  en- 
gaged in  taking  counsel  as  to  future  movements.  Mean- 
while all  the  tramps  from  a  wide  range  of  country  had 
come  into  the  city  on  the  first  intimation  of  trouble. 
On  the  night  of  the  24th,  it  is  supposed  they  burned 
down  the  Lebanon  Yalley  Bridge,  which  spanned  the 
Schuylkill  at  Reading,  and  which  was  built  at  a  cost  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars.  Reading's  direct 
railway  communication  with  Harrisburg  and  the  West 
was  thus  cut  off,  freight  cars  were  burned  and  tracks  in- 
terfered with.  The  24th  of  July  was  one  of  the  most 
trying  periods  known  in  the  annals  of  railroading  in 
Pennsylvania.  All  day  long  Reading  was  in  a  state  of 
wild  riot  and  disorder. 

There  were  three  alarms  the  night  after  the  fight, 
and  each  time  the  Fourth  Regiment  formed  under  arms. 
The  rioters  contented  themselves  with  tearing  up  part  of 
the  track  below  Penn  street,  cutting  down  a  long  line  of 
railroad  telegraph  poles,  and  robbing  freight  cars.     Six 


RECKLESS    SLAUGHTER    AT    READING.  211 

"men,  identified  as  rioters,  got  into  the  depot.  They 
were  put  under  arrest ;  three  of  them  were  storekeepers 
in  Reading.    All  were  heavily  armed  and  very  audacious. 

Before  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  23d,  a  locomo- 
tive glided  into  the  depot  at  Reading.  She  brought 
from  Auburn  six  thousand  rounds  of  ball  cartridges. 
At  six  o'clock  in  the  morning,  five  companies  of  the 
Sixteenth  Regiment  arrived  at  the  break  in  the  track 
below  the  city  and  were  marched  up  to  the  depot. 
They  were  under  Colonel  Sch oil.  These  militia-men  de- 
clared they  would  not  fire  on  the  rioters,  and  the  crowd 
cheered  them.  Some  of  these  men  said,  "  We  will  not 
shoot  workingmen,  whatever  the  Easton  Greys  may  do. 
They  are  our  brothers,  and  the  only  one  we'd  like  to  pour 
our  bullets  into  is  that  damned  Frank  B.  Gowen."  Mr. 
Gowen  is  Superintendent  of  the  Philadelphia  and  Read- 
ing Railroad.  The  officers  denied  that  their  men  used  this 
language,  but  hundreds  of  persons  in  the  crowds  heard 
the  expressions.  At  eight  o'clock  a  number  of  police  who 
had  been  wounded  were  started  on  a  slow  local  train  to 
get  to  Allentown  and  Easton.  Some  were  very  seriously 
hurt,  one  mortally. 

At  half -past  eight,  the  two  regiments,  marching  by  the 
flank,  with  General  Reeder  at  their  head,  started  out  of 
the  depot  and  towards  the  cut  where  the  conflict  of  the 
preceding  night  took  place.  The  Sixteenth  Regiment 
had  the  right,  and  as  it  was  recognized,  the  crowd 
cheered  it,  when  the  Easton  Greys  and  other  companies 
of  the  Fourth  Regiment  came  along  the  air  was  rent 
with  yells  of  "  Give  'em  hell,"  "  Go  for  'em,"  etc.  Instead 
of  repeating  the  last  night's  error  in  going  down  the  cut 
they  marched  in  the  streets,  above  and  along  side  it,  a 


212  THE    GEE  AT    STRIKES. 

movement  which  disconcerted  the  riotous  crowd,  never- 
theless a  hrisk  flight  of  stones  was  kept  up  hy  the  mob 
upon  the  Fourth  Kegiment.    The  Easton  Greys  suffered 
most,   having    Sergeant    Hanmann,    Corporal    Perdoe, 
Privates  Mack   and    Vail   severely   wounded.      Young 
Surtz,  of  Easton,  was  sun- struck  and  came  near  dying. 
No  member  of  the  Sixteenth  Kegiment  was  hurt.     It 
was  expected  the  soldiers  would  cover  the  restoration  of 
the  track  by  a  working  party,  but  after  they  had  reached 
the  ground  the  workers  did  not  appear.     After  waiting 
half  an  hour,  they  marched  through  Penn   and    Fifth 
streets  back  to  the  depot.     Men  could  not  be  found  to  do 
the  dangerous  work  proposed.     From  the  mob  following 
the  soldiers  came  a  deafening  storm  of  curses,  threats, 
and  insults   hurled    at   the  Easton   Greys.     Many  men 
carried  great  stones  and  bricks  wishing  to  throw  them, 
yet  fearing  to  get  close  enough.     They  regretted  loudly 
that  the  soldiers  had  not  come  down  the  track  again  in  the 
cut,  so  they  might  have  been  stoned  from    the   ramparts 
twenty  feet  above.     In  the  cut  one  could  see  the  ground 
covered    with    stones,    fragments    of  iron,  and    bricks, 
hurled   down    the    previous   evening.      As   the   troops 
marched  along  a  volley  of  stones  from  the  windows  on 
the  route  fell  upon  them.     From   time  to  time,  sudden 
fear  of  retaliation  seized  the  mob,  and  wheeling  they 
dashed  into  open  doors.    Finding  the  soldiers  did  not  fire, 
their  assailants  grew  bolder,  and  there  was  good  reason 
to  belive  that  if  the  return  march  had  not  been  made 
when  it  was,  another  combat  must  have  taken  place. 

The  rioters  openly  threatened  to  burn  the  railroad 
property,  notwithstanding  the  presence  in  the  city  of 
nearly  one  thousand  soldiers.     They  also  threatened  to 


RECKLESS    SLAUGHTER    AT    READIXG.  213 

massacre  the  Easton  Greys.  The  animosity  against  that 
company  was  greatest  because  the  volley  of  the  Greys 
did  more  deadly  execution  the  previous  evening,  than 
all  the  regular  tiring  of  the  other  companies. 

The  terrible  effects  of  the  fusilades  was  now  made 
apparent,  thirteen  killed  and  thirty-seven  wounded  was 
the  result.  The  corpse  of  a  boy  was  found  during  the 
morning,  with  the  abdomen  shot  wide  open.  A  woman 
was  shot  at  her  sewing  machine,  but  not  seriously  hurt. 
A  German  came  about  the  depot  crying  for  vengeance, 
because,  he  said,  his  wife  had  been  killed  by  the  soldiers. 

The  town  was  full  of  excitement.  The  rioters  con- 
gregated in  masses  on  the  street  corners,  but  the  excess- 
ive heat  of  the  day  seemed  to  prevent  overt  acts. 

The  five  companies  of  the  Sixteenth  Regiment  at  Read- 
ing were  almost  all  Irishmen.  They  slipped  away  from 
the  depot  into  the  town  singly  and  by  twos  and  threes, 
and  gave  thejir  ammunition  to  the  rioters,  by  whom  they 
were  everywhere  hailed  as  brethren,  and  with  whom 
they  engaged  in  drinking.  They  were  repeatedly  heard 
to  swear  that  not  only  would  they  not  fire  upon  the  mob 
in  any  event,  but  that  if  the  Easton  Greys  did  so  they 
would  tire  upon  them,  and  help  the  rioters  to  clean  them 
out  and  burn  the  railroad  property.  The  rioters  were 
greatly  encouraged.  The  Fourth  Regiment,  feeling  itself 
in  momentary  danger  of  betrayal,  and  of  being  put  be- 
tween two  fires,  wanted  to  go  home. 

General  Frank  Reeder  telegraphed  all  the  time,  and 
shrouded  himself  in  mystery.  He  did  not  care  to  show 
himself  to  the  people  of  Reading. 

Meanwhile  the  most  unsoldierly  lack  of  discipline  pre- 
vailed among  the  military.     There  were  sentries  at  each 


214  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

entrance  to  the  depot,  yet  the  platforms  were  crowded 
with  persons  who  openly  avowed  their  fixed  purpose  to- 
rout  the  militia  and  burn  the  property  of  the  Railroad 
Company.  They  expressed  a  determination  to  kill  some 
of  the  companies  of  the  Fourth  Regiment. 

The  presence  of  the  military  did  not  curb  the  spirit  of 
the  rioters.  On  the  contrary  they  grew  bolder  and  more 
threatening.  For  some  days  after  the  fight  open  attacks 
on  the  trains  were  made. 

The  strikers  mounted  a  passing  loaded  coal  train,  put 
on  the  brakes,  stopped  the  train  and  pushed  back  the 
caboose  and  several  loaded  cars,  thus  virtually  blockad- 
ing the  down  track.  One  of  the  eight-ton  cars  was- 
dumped  on  the  rails.  At  ten  minutes  after  four  o'clock, 
July  25th,  the  down  express  train  came  along  slowly  on 
the  other  track.  The  strikers  were  led  by  a  large  man 
wearing  a  dark  shirt  and  dark  pants.  His  hair  looked, 
as  if  it  had  been  recently  shaved  from  his  head. 

Fully  two  hundred  strikers  would  rush  right  up 
squarely  to  the  front  of  the  approaching  locomotive,, 
wave  their  hands,  shake  their  clenched  fists,  and  by  many 
devices  intimidate  and  threaten  the  engine  driver  and 
train  employes.  An  up  freight  train  was  compelled  to 
go  back,  and  the  crew  made  to  desert  the  cars.  At  one 
time  it  was  feared  they  would  run  the  engine  into  the 
river  below  the  city.  The  up  passenger  and  express 
train  came  through  the  city  at  a  fearful  speed,  with  the 
engine  whistling  lustily.  As  she  sped  through  the 
crowd,  Engineer  Saracool  bent  low  in  his  cab  and  gave 
the  engine  full  stroke,  in  order  to  successfully  pass  the 
enraged  men. 

The  freight  up  from  Philadelphia  and  the  market  train. 


RECKLESS    SLAUGHTER    AT    READING.  215 

were  compelled  to  halt  and  go  no  further.  At  this 
point  the  passenger  train  down,  was  stopped  in  the  cut, 
where  the  fighting  took  place.  The  crew  were  compelled 
to  desert  and  the  passengers  were  obliged  to  leave. 
These  high  handed  proceedings  continued  until  about 
seven  o'clock,  when  nearly  all  the  strikers  left  the 
ground  for  parts  unknown.  Not  one  of  the  rioters  was 
either  killed  or  wounded. 

The  majority,  in  fact  all  the  unfortunates,  were  law- 
abiding,  peaceable  citizens,  who  had  assembled  at  Seventh 
and  Penn  streets  simply  to  gratify  their  curiosity. 

A  large  body  of  Coal  and  Iron  Police,  from  the  coal 
regions,  were  quartered  at  the  Company's  mammoth  car 
6hops,  which  works  the  strikers  threatened  to  burn.  A 
large  crowd  of  the  friends  of  the  railroad  men  procured 
about  fifty  muskets  for  the  strikers,  and  there  was  immi- 
nent danger  of  a  desperate  conflict. 

The  military  companies  engaged  in  the  fight  were  the 
Hamburg  Rifles,  Slatington  Rifles,  Allentown  Continen- 
tals, Company  I,  infantry,  of  Catasqua,  Easton  Greys, 
and  a  company  from  Portland,  Northampton  county. 
They  arrived  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening.  A  number 
of  the  military,  after  their  bloody  work  was  done,  threw 
down  their  arms,  and  asked  for  citizens'  clothes. 

At  a  quarter  after  eleven  o'clock,  the  night  of  the  25th, 
the  strikers  had  torn  down  the  watch  boxes  at  the  street 
corners,  and  proceeded  down  the  road  to  tear  up  the 
tracks.  They  signalized  their  departure  by  a  perfect 
hurricane  of  yells  and  cheering,  as  they  proceeded  in 
their  onward  march  of  ruin  and  destruction.  The  city 
had  become  turbulent  again,  and  the  outlook  indicated 
desperate  work.  The  cry  among  the  men  was,  "  Wages 
and  revenge." 


216  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

The  Sheriff  issued  his  proclamation,  and  Mayor  Evans 
returned  home  from  Ocean  Grove,  on  a  special  train,  in 
answer  to  an  urgent  telegram.  Town  meetings  were  held 
to  take  steps  to  prevent  any  repetition  of  the  dark  deeds 
which  had  cast  a  gloom  over  the  whole  community  at 
Heading. 

Before  the  militia  were  withdrawn  from  Reading, 
there  was  a  narrow  escape  from  a  bloody  scene.  It  was 
the  night  after  the  horrible  fusilades.  Large  crowds  had 
gathered  at  the  scene  of  that  conflict,  and  about  the 
same  time  several  companies  of  the  Fourth  Regiment 
marched  down  Seventh  to  Penn  street.  Here  they  met 
a  company  of  the  Sixteenth  Regiment,  and  a  fight  be- 
tween the  military  seemed  imminent.  The  crowd  treated 
the  Easton  Greys  to  a  shower  of  stones.  This  company 
immediately  levelled  their  pieces,  when  they  were  noti- 
fied by  Colonel  Scholl  of  the  Sixteenth  Regiment  that  no 
indiscriminate  slaughter  would  be  permitted.  All  the 
troops  then  passed  down  Penn  and  out  Fifth  street,  fol- 
lowed by  the  mob,  who  fairly  threw  insults  in  the  teeth 
■of  the  soldiery. 

The  Morristown  company  of  the  Sixteenth  Regiment 
subsequently  stacked  their  arms,  and  refused  absolutely 
to  operate  against  the  rioters.  Some  of  them  threw 
their  guns  away,  and  distributed  the  cartridges  among 
the  crowd.  The  company  left  for  home  shortly  after- 
wards, as  did  all  the  militia  engaged  in  the  firing  on  the 
citizens.  Mayor  Evans  issued  a  proclamation,  calling  for 
one  thousand  volunteers  to  do  patrol  duty  in  the  city, 
until  quiet  and  order  was  restored.  A  special  force  of 
policemen  were  sworn  in,  and  other  measures  taken  to 
preserve  order  in  the  city. 


RECKLESS    SLAUGHTER    AT    READING.  217 

On  the  day  after  the  fight,  Coroner  Goodhart,  of  Read- 
ing, summoned  a  jury  of  inquest,  and  proceeded  to  in- 
vestigate the  circumstances  attending  the  shooting  of 
peaceable,  unarmed  citizens.  A  summons  was  issued  for 
General  Frank  Reeder,  who  had  disappeared  from  Read- 
ing, in  obedience  to  orders,  and  had  established  his  head- 
quarters at  Allen  town,  to  which  place  the  Coroner  sent 
a  notification  to  him.  On  the  30th,  seven  days  after  the 
f  usilades,  General  Reeder  submitted  the  following  sworn 
statement,  in  relation  to  the  affair : 

Headquarters  Fifth  Brigade, 
Second  Division,  N.  G.  P., 
Allentown,  Fa.,  July  30. 

Geo.  S.  Goodhart,  Reading,  Pa. 

Dear  Sir:  Your  notification,  dated  July  27,  covering 
certain  inquiries  to  which  you  desire  replies,  was  duly 
received  by  me.  While  I  do  not  for  one  moment  con- 
cede your  right  to  demand  such  replies  from  me  at  this 
time,  while  I  know  perfectly  well  that  my  official  report 
of  the  occurrences  at  Reading,  on  the  23d  inst.,  to  my 
superior  officers,  is  the  only  account  which  I  can  at  this 
time  be  required  to  make.  I  am,  nevertheless,  quite 
willing  to  furnish  you  with  whatever  information  is  in 
my  possession ;  calculated  to  throw  light  upon  the  sub- 
ject matter  now  under  official  investigation  by  you.  To 
that  end  I  reply  categorically  to  your  questions,  as  fol- 
lows : 

Q.  Who  ordered  your  command  to  this  place  ?  A.  I 
was  ordered  to  Reading  with  the  Fourth  Regiment  of 
my  brigade,  by  Major-General  William  J.  Bolton,  com- 


218  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

manding   Second  Division,  National  Guards  of  Penn- 
sylvania. 

Q.  Who  gave  you  orders  to  march  through  the  cut  to 
Seventh  and  Penn  streets  ?  A.  I  received  no  orders  to 
march  through  the  cut,  but  I  was  requested  to  march 
into  the  cut  to  liberate  a  train  in  the  possession  of 
the  rioters,  by  an  official  of  the  Reading  Railroad  Com- 
pany. 

Q.  Who  ordered  you  to  fire  upon  the  crowd  ?  A.  No 
person  ordered  me  to  tire,  neither  did  I  fire,  nor  direct 
any  other  person  to  lire  upon  the  crowd. 

Q.  Which  of  the  companies  discharged  their  guns,  and 
how  often  ?  A.  All  the  companies  did  firing,  but  no 
living  creature  can  give  the  further  information  desired. 

Q.  Did  you  acquaint  the  High  Sheriff"  of  this  county 
with  your  coming  and  presence  in  the  city  ?  If  not, 
why  not  ?  A.  I  did  not ;  it  was  not  ray  duty  to  acquaint 
him  with  my  coming,  and  it  was  while  I  was  proceeding 
in  the  direction  of  the  High  Sheriff's  house  that  my 
command  was  attacked  by  the  mob ;  upon  receiving  or- 
ders to  repair  to  Reading,  I  took  cars  with  my  command 
at  Allentown,  and  proceeded  without  incident  to  Temple, 
where  the  train  was  boarded  by  Messrs.  Eltz  and  Paxon, 
Railroad  officials ;  these  gentlemen  informed  me  that 
the  Reading  depot  was  in  possession  of  a  mob,  number- 
ing from  two  to  three  thousand ;  I  desired  them  to  stop 
the  train  just  outside  of  sight  of  the  depot,  which  being 
done,  I  disembarked  the  troops,  and,  having  formed,  we 
marched  to  the  depot,  finding  it  in  the  hands  and  under 
the  protection  of  the  Coal  and  Iron  Police ;  I  was  then 
requested  to  release  a  train  from  the  hands  of  the  strikers, 
and  was  informed  that  this  cut  was  the  direct  road  to  the 


RECKLESS    SLAUGHTER    AT   READING.  219 

Penn  street  crossing,  which,  it  was  necessary  to  clear  to 
permit  the  running  of  trains.  I  moved  my  command  in 
the  direction  of  the  cut,  but  before  reaching  it  we  were 
met  by  a  large  body  of  men,  whose  violent  gestures, 
coarse  insults,  unspoken  threats,  and  general  bearing, 
suggested  the  idea  of  halting  the  regiment,  loading  the 
pieces,  and  moving  the  musicians  to  the  rear.  Before 
entering  the  cut  we  were  saluted  by  the  crowd  with  a 
volley  of  stones  and  some  pistol  shots.  We  moved  down 
the  cut,  stoned,  at  every  step,  by  a  yelling  mob,  without 
firing  a  shot,  or  speaking  a  word  in  reply  to  the  shouts 
which  almost  deafened  us,  until  we  reached  the  second 
bridge.  During  this  march  I,  seconded  by  all  the  other 
officers  of  the  command,  constantly  cautioned  the  men 
not  to  fire,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  every  step  was 
being  marked  by  the  blood  of  the  men,  and  that  many 
of  the  troops  had  been  knocked  down  by  the  flying 
stones.  Near  the  second  bridge  a  single  shot,  fired 
without  orders,  was  the  signal  for  a  dropping  fire,  which, 
while  doing  little  or  no  damage  to  the  mob  of  rioters, 
served  to  check  the  fast-falling  shower  of  stones.  Press- 
ing  on,  the  command  reached  Penn  street,  and  was  con- 
fronted by  a  large  crowd  of  persons,  who  met  us  by 
hurling  stones  and  firing  pistols  at  the  regiment,  which 
was  only  stopped  by  what  I  have  since  learned  was  a 
very  effective  volley,  which  entirely  dispersed  them. 
Not  a  single  shot  was  fired  by  us  on  Penn  street,  either 
up  or  down,  nor  was  there  a  single  shot  fired  after  the 
last  halt  was  made  by  us  on  Seventh  street.  Of  all  the 
five  cart-loads  of  stones,  which  I  heard  next  day  were 
collected  in  the  cut,  very  few  were  thrown  after  the 
first    shot    was    fired.     Most    of    the   stones    were   of 


220  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

such  size  and  weight  that  it  is  almost  certain  strong  arms 
were  employed  in  the  work  ;  upon  reaching  Penn  Square, 
I  inquired  for  the  Mayor,  and  was  told  he  was  at  the  sea- 
shore ;  I  also  inquired  for  the  High  Sheriff,  but  could 
learn  no  tidings  of  his  whereabouts ;  I  thereupon  re- 
turned to  the  depot,  which  I  had  been  asked  to  protect 
from  the  mob.  Later  in  the  night,  the  Mayor  having 
returned  to  the  city,  I  was  requested  by  him  to  send  a 
company  of  troops  into  the  cut  to  drive  off  the  mob, 
then  alleged  to  be  engaged  in  tearing  up  the  railroad 
track.  This  I  declined  to  do,  principally  because  I  was 
short  of  ammunition,  having  had  but  fifteen  hundred 
rounds. 

I  am  led  to  supplement  this  narrative  with  a  word  or 
two  in  defense  of  the  military  propriety  of  moving  into 
the  cut  by  the  strictures  which  your  District  Attorney 
and  one  of  your  daily  papers  have  been  pleased  to  make 
upon  me  for  having  selected  that  route  for  my  advance 
into  the  town.  Raw  recruits  run  greater  risks  from 
having  their  formation  destroyed  and  the  confusion  inci- 
dent upon  broken  alignments  than  from  any  other  cause, 
had  the  mob  succeeded  in  breaking  its  formation,  the 
Fourth  Regiment  might  itself  have  degenerated  into  a 
mob,  and  would  have  been  completely  at  the  mercy  of 
the  rioters.  This  might  have  been  accomplished  had  we 
been  on  a  wide  street  where  the  mob  could  press  upon 
our  flanks,  but  in  the  cut  it  was  impossible,  as  our  flanks 
were  clear,  our  formation  was  preserved  and  the  men 
had  room  to  use  their  rifles  with  reasonable  effect,  and 
we  emerged  from  the  cut  without  the  loss  of  a  single 
soldier.     I  think  I  can  safely  rely  upon  the  result  of 


RECKLESS    SLAUGHTER    AT    READING.  221 

the  battle  with  the  mob  as  the  most  unanswerable  argu- 
ment against  the  theory  of  a  military  blunder. 

In  accordance  with  your  request  I  send  this  letter  as  a 
sworn  statement. 

(Signed)  Frank  Reeder, 

Brigadier-General. 

The  admission   of  General   Frank  Eeeder  in  the  re- 
markable statement  given  above,  is  sufficient  evidence 
that  the  destruction  of  life  at   Reading  was  a  reckless 
and  wanton  sacrifice.     Even  admitting  that  his  men  had 
been  badly  treated  by  a  mob  of  roughs,  that  they  had 
suffered  from   the   vigorous   attack   of  a  mass  of  men 
armed  with  stones  and  pieces  of  iron,  and  other  missiles, 
the  fact   that   not  a  single  rioter  was  either  killed  or 
wounded,  goes  far  to  reflect  upon  the  indiscretion  of  the 
soldiers,  in  firing  into  a  company  of  innocent  people,  for 
it  shows,  what  was  true,  that  the  mob  of  rioters,  who  had 
stoned   the   marching   militia   in    the  railway   cut,  had 
already  vanished.    The  feeling  against  the  Fourth  Regi- 
ment both  among  law  abididing  citizens  and  the  rioters, 
was  intensely  bitter.    The  result  of  the  Coroner's  inquiry 
into  the  circumstances  served  to  increase  the  animosity, 
and  there  is  no  doubt  that  at  one  time  the  members  of 
the  Easton   Greys  were  in  actual  danger  of  being  mas- 
sacred in  a  mass  by  the  enraged  populace.    Some  of  them 
obtained   citizens   clothes,    disposed  of  their  guns  and 
accoutrements  in  some  manner,  and  quietly  stole  away. 

The  Fourth  Regiment  received  orders  to  depart  from 
Reading  with  lively  satisfaction.  The  Sixteenth  Regi- 
ment was  composed  of  workingmen,  and  sympathized 
with  the  strikers,  and  for  that  reason  were  withdrawn 


222  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

A  detachment  of  United  States  regulars  subsequently 
came  to  Reading,  but  their  services  were  not  called  into 
requisition.  They  did  not  fire  on  crowds  of  citizens 
because  of  "unspoken  threats,"  hence  there  was  no  fur- 
ther trouble.  Then  the  Mayor  and  Sheriff  undertook  to 
restore  and  preserve  order,  and  they  accomplished  it.  In 
a  few  days  Reading:  had  become  the  same  quiet,  plodding 
town  it  had  been  before. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


Jersey  Trainmen. 


Threatened  Riot  at  Phillipsburg — The  Trainmen's  Strike — Intense 
Excitement  at  Trenton — Governor  Bedle  Takes  Decisive  Action — 
Disagreeable  Demonstrations  at  Jersey  City — Militia  at  Hoboken — 
Governor  Bedle  Goes  to  Newark  and  Jersey  City — Guarding  a 
Bridge  at  Brunswick — Soldiers  Sympathizing  with  Strikers — The 
Jersey  Central  Railway — Relieved  Soldiers  Rejoicing. 


On  Wednesday,  July  23d,  187T,  the  Mayor  of  Phil- 
lipsburg, New  Jersey,  issued  his  proclamation  calling 
upon  persons  "  to  desist  from  making  threats  against  or 
intimidating  such  persons  as  desired  to  follow  their  usual 
avocations,"  and  warning  all  good  citizens  from  gather- 
ing on  streets,  and  asking  them  to  aid  him  in  preserving 
the  peace  of  the  town,  and  notifying  all  strangers  bear- 
ing unmistakable  evidence  of  idle  wanderers,  that  they 
would  be  arrested  by  officers  on  duty. 

The  firemen  and  brakemen  of  the  Central  Railroad  of 
New  Jersey  joined  iD  a  strike  on  the  23d  of  July,  and 
would  allow  no  train,  except  a  locomotive  with  a  mail  car 
attached,  to  pass  over  the  road.  Deputy-Sheriff  Shaffer 
and  Dispatcher  Harris  endeavored  to  start  a  passenger 
train  for  New  York  from  Phillipsburg,  New  Jersey,  but 
were  unsuccessful,  as  no  engineer  could  be  found  who 
would  risk  his  life  to  run  it,  and  in  consequence  no  train 
started  until  evening.  The  railroad  men  were  consider- 
ably surprised  when  they  saw  the  train,  consisting  of 


224  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

two  baggage  and  one  passenger  car,  and  censured  the 
men  at  the  other  end  of  the  road  for  allowing  it  to 
start. 

The  Deputy-Sheriff  had  a  conference  with  the  leaders 
of  the  strike.  He  told  them  that  the  laws  of  the  State 
would  be  enforced  at  any  hazard,  and  advised  them  to 
go  to  their  homes  and  remain  quiet,  assuring  them  that 
their  rights,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Company,  would  be 
protected.  He  proposed  to  start  all  trains  on  time,  and, 
if  the  strikers  did  not  interfere  all  would  be  well ;  but 
if  they  molested  the  men  who  run  the  trains  they  must 
expect  the  consequence.  One  of  the  leaders  replied 
that  they  were  willing  that  a  locomotive  and  mail  car 
should  run,  but  they  would  not  allow  any  other  cars  to  be 
attached,  and  then  the  mail  agent  must  do  the  braking. 
The  strikers  seemed  determined  that  no  trouble  should 
arise  from  any  fault  of  theirs,  and  requested  the  Chief 
of  Police  to  arrest  all  tramps  found  around  the  road. 

The  engineers  drove  away  about  twenty  tramps  from 
the  Morris  and  Essex  roundhouse. 

The  firemen  and  brakemen  of  the  Lehigh  and  Susque- 
hanna road  struck  in  the  morning  of  the  same  day,  and 
no  train  was  allowed  to  leave  Easton.  The  men  on 
that  road  were  very  orderly. 

R.  H.  Say  re,  of  the  Lehigh  Valley  Eailroad,  issued 
orders  that  in  case  there  should  be -a  strike  on  that  road, 
all  of  the  shops  should  be  shut  down,  and  not  started  again 
until  the  difncultv  was  settled. 

A  mail  car  attached  to  a  locomotive  left  Phillipsburg 
in  the  morning.  All  trains  arriving  at  New  York  over 
the  Central  Eailroad  of  New  Jersey,  consisted  of  a  bag- 
gage   car    and    locomotive;    the    passenger    cars    were 


= 

w 

W 


JERSEY   TRAINMEN.  225 

brought  to  Bloomsburg  and  left  there.  The  mail  train' 
over  the  Morris  and  Essex  Railroad  for  New  York  run 
on  time.  When  the  train  was  about  to  leave  Phillips- 
burg,  on  its  return,  the  fireman  left  the  engine  and  re- 
fused  to  fire  up,  when  the  chairman  of  the  strikers 
ordered  him  to  resume  his  post  and  take  the  cars  left  at 
Bloomsburg  to  the  Washington  side  where  they  would 
be  in  no  danger,  a6  it  was  not  the  wish  of  the  strikers  to 
have  any  damage  done  to  the  Company's  property. 

The  proprietors  of  the  Warren  Foundery,  at  Phillips- 
burg,  were  compelled  to  shut  down  the  26th,  as  they 
could  not  ship  their  pipe,  and  had  no  place  to  store  it. 
This  threw  over  three  hundred  men  out.  The  Company 
had  a  very  large  contract  on  hand,  and  the  strike  proved 
a  great  damage  to  them. 

A  large  number  of  boatmen  and  tramps  were  in  Phil- 
lipsburg  and  it  was  feared  they  would  endeavor  to  incite' 
a  riot. 

On  the  morning  of  July  24th,  Jersey  City  presented 
an  exciting  scene,  as  laboring  men  were  on  their  way  to 
work,  little  knots  of  men  were  gathered  on  every  corner 
of  the  principal  streets  exchanging  speculations  as  to 
the  cause  of  the  sudden  advent  of  the  military.  They 
had  been  summoned  on  Saturday  to  be  at  their  armories 
in  the  evening,  but  they  did  not  appear  in  their  uniform 
then,  as  on  Sunday.  Monday  morning  they  were  in 
squads  here  and  there,  in  search  of  absentees.  One 
squad  stood  at  each  ferry  to  detain  such  members  as, 
through  not  being  notified  of  the  latest  order  from 
headquarters,  or  from  whatever  reason,  sought  to  cross 
to  New  York.  Inquiry  at  the  regimental  armory 
revealed  the  fact  that  Governor  Bedle,  who  had  spent 
u 


226  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

Sunday  at  Long  Branch,  had  issued  an  order,  by  tele- 
graph, at  midnight,  to  the  commandants  of  all  the  regi- 
ments to  collect  their  men  at  the  armories,  and  uniform, 
arm  and  equip  them.  The  regiments  which  had  already 
been  ordered  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness,  were  under 
arms  all  over  the  State  by  daylight  Monday  morning. 

Brigadier-General  Plume,  of  Newark,  arrived  to  as- 
sume command,  and  Surgeon-General  Varick,  of  Jersey 
City,  and  Inspector-General  Fay,  of  Elizabeth,  were 
soon  in  attendance.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Marvin,  Major 
Howard,  Brigade-Surgeon  Hitchcock,  and  Captains 
Meeker  and  Ward  well,  all  of  Newark,  and  of  General 
Plume's  staff,  accompanied  him.  Of  Governor  Bedle's 
staff,  Messrs.  Charles  S.  Gregory,  W.  H.  Yredenburg, 
A.  Q.  Garretson,  William  Douglas  and  John  Eamsey, 
were  in  attendance  during  the  entire  day.  Upon  Gov- 
ernor Bedle's  arrival  it  was  learned  that  his  order  was 
based  on  a  despatch  that  he  had  received  from  Philadel- 
phia, to  the  effect  that  the  Pennsylvania  Company's  build- 
ings there  were  in  the  hands  of  the  mob,  and  another  from 
Major-General  Mott,  in  Trenton,  saying  that  trouble 
was  anticipated  there. 

Governor  Bedle  established  his  headquarters  in  the 
apartments  of  the  Chief  of  Police,  Jersey  City,  Tues- 
day morning,  and  assumed  the  duties  of  Commander-in- 
Chief  in  fact.  At  Elizabeth  and  elsewhere,  regiments 
had  not  a  round  of  ammunition,  but  it  was  ordered  on 
from  Trenton  at  once.  Lieutenant  Ellis'  Battery,  in 
Jersey  City,  was  ordered  to  be  in  readiness,  but  they 
had  only  one  gun ;  the  Hoboken  Battery  was  in  the 
same  condition.  The  Battery  at  Guttenburg  had  two, 
and  one  was  ordered  from  there  to  each  of  those  cities. 


JERSEY    TRAINMEN.  227 

The  first  detachment  of  several  batteries  of  United 
States  Regular  Artillery,  ordered  to  Philadelphia  to 
protect  Government  property,  crossed  from  Fort  Hamil- 
ton to  Jersey  City,  and  marched  up  several  squares 
through  Montgomery  street,  before  they  turned  towards 
the  depot,  where  the  cars  lay,  near  "Washington  street.  At 
this  point  an  ugly  crowd  had  gathered.  It  was  noticed 
throughout  the  day  that  there  were  a  good  many  strangers 
in  Jersey  City,  mysterious  men,  who  assembled  in  little 
knots  and  talked  together,  or  drew  near  to  any  collection 
of  people  seen  in  conversation,  as  though  feeling  the  pulse 
of  the  public.  The  soldiers  were  jeered  and  threatened  as 
they  passed.  About  this  time  a  conductor,  named 
Wright,  sauntered  along  the  track,  when  the  following 
colloquy  occured  between  him  and  one  of  the  crowd : 
"Are  you  going  to  take  the  train  out  with  these  sogers  ?" 
"I  guess  so."  "Well,  then,  by  God!  you  won't  go 
above  Grove  street."  And  the  speaker  turned  away 
and  Wright  went  on  towards  his  train.  Another  man 
called  after  him:  "Say,  young  fellow,  don't  make  no 
mistake.  If  you  have  any  regard  for  yourself  you 
won't  give  nobody  any  chance  to  lay  you  out."  Jack 
Wikley,  the  engineer  of  the  same  train,  was  standing  at 
the  Glayne  street  crossing  a  few  minutes  later,  when  he 
was  accosted  by  another  man,  and  asked :  "  Are  you  the 
engineer  of  this  train,  taking  out  the  sogers  ?"  He  said 
■"  Yes."  "  If  you  attempt  to  take  that  train  out  we'll 
kill  you  before  you  go  six  blocks."  Superintendent 
Barker  walked  along  just  then,  and  found  that  both  con* 
•ductor  and  engineer  were  so  badly  alarmed  that  they 
refused  to  take  the  train  out.  Warren  Hawk,  con- 
ductor of  another  train,  consented  to  go  if  his  engineer, 


228  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

McMichael,  would  go,  although  he  felt  sick.  The  en- 
gineer said  that  he  would  not  take  out  the  train.  Mr. 
Barker  asked  him  whether  he  would  take  it  out,  pro- 
vided the  militia  dispersed  the  crowd.  He  replied  that 
he  would. 

Mr.  Barker  laid  the  facts  before  Governor  Bedle,  who 
thought  that  it  would  needlessly  excite  the  people  to  call 
out  the  militia,  and  that  it  would  be  best  to  send  a  police 
force.  A  strong  reserve  had  been  called  out  early  in  the- 
morning,  and  fifty  of  them,  under  Captain  Mullany, 
were  sent  to  the  scene  of  disturbance.  They  took  pos- 
session of  the  crossings  and  kept  back  the  crowd.  The 
engineer  then  consented  to  start,  and  the  artillerymen,, 
including  another  detachment  of  about  equal  numbers,, 
armed  with  muskets,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  in  all, 
got  away  about  six  o'clock.  Other  detachments  arrived 
from  Fort  Adams,  Boston,  and  departed  later. 
Altogether,  about  eight  hundred  went  by  the  Bennsyl- 
sylvania  Railroad  for  Philadelphia. 

About  two  hundred  and  fiftv  men  of  the  Ninth 
Regiment  were  encamped  on  Elysian  Fields,  Hoboken, 
to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  protect  the  Morris 
and  Essex,  or  the  Erie  Railroads.  Nearly  one  hundred 
extra  watchmen  were  guarding  the  property  of  the 
Eastern  Division  of  the  Erie  Railroad. 

No  indication  of  trouble  on  the  New  Jersey  Southern 
Railroad  were  reported  during  the  strike.  There  Had  been 
no  cutting  down  of  wages  since  last  winter.  The  pay  of 
some  of  the  men  had  been  increased. 

George  Doremus,  conductor  of  the  Midland  Railroad, 
while  going  home  with  his  cash  box  was  attacked  by 
four  men,  one  of  whom  struck  him  on  the  head  with  % 


JERSEY    TRAINMEN.  229 

piece  of  lead  pipe.  His  wounds  were  considered  serious. 
His  assailants  escaped  without  any  plunder. 

Hundreds  of  men  lounged  about  the  Newark  depots  all 
day  the  23d.  General  Plume  received  an  order  from 
Governor  Bedle  to  hold  the  First  and  Fifth  Kegiments 
in  readiness  to  move.  At  noon  six  hundred  men  were 
assembled  at  the  armory,  under  command  of  Colonels 
Barnard  and  Allen,  and  rations  were  dealt  out.  Several 
of  the  men  declared  that  they  would  throw  down  their 
.guns  rather  than  shoot  at  the  strikers.  The  entire  police 
force,  with  the  exception  of  the  men  on  patrol,  was  held  in 
reserve.  The  police  were  ordered  to  take  all  of  the  guns 
in  the  gun  shops  to  the  police  stations.  They  were  in 
full  sympathy  with  the  railroadmen,  and  openly  said 
they  would  not  fire  upon  any  strikers.  The  passenger 
trains  ran  on  time  all  day  ;  but  few  freight  trains  passed. 
The  brakemen  and  firemen  sneered  at  and  guyed  the 
soldiers  when  passing  the  armory.  The  employes  at 
the  depot  feared  to  say  anything,  but  they  were  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  strikers  on  the  other  railroads.  The 
.miners  at  Dover  were  ready  to  help  the    railroadmen. 

The  publication  of  a  call  for  a  mass  meeting  of  citizens 
at  Turn  Hall,  Newark,  Tuesday  evening,  excited  a  tumult- 
nous  feeling,  and  hundreds  of  men  gathered  on  street 
corners  and  talked  over  the  situation.  It  was  signed  by 
the  United  "Workingmen's  Party  and  the  Communist 
Committees.  Many  of  them  were  in  the  Paris  Commune. 
The  societies  there  number  nearly  eighteen  hundred  men. 
The  call  had  aroused  the  laborers  and  mechanics,  and 
.alarmed  the  city  officials.  Sheriff  Harrison  summond  all 
the  constables  in  the  county  to  meet  at  the  court  house,  and 
fswore  in   a  large  number  of  deputy  marshals.     Mayor 


230  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

Yates  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  people  to  abstain  from 
public  gatherings. 

An  attempt  was  made  to  destroy  the  new  bridge  at 
Bergen  Tunnel,  and  President  Sloan,  of  the  Delaware 
Lackawanna  and  Western  Railroad,  caused  two  constables 
and  forty  armed  men  to  be  posted  there.  The  train  from 
Scranton  brought  ten  or  twelve  men  of  a  delegation  from 
the  United  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Engineers  to 
Newark. 

The  excitement  at  Trenton  was  greater  than  any  time 
since  the  strikes  began.  It  was  expected  that  the  train 
hands  on  the  New  York  and  Belvidere  divisions  would 
strike,  and  there  was  not  a  soldier  in  the  citv  that  could 
be  depended  on.  The  members  of  Companies  A,  B  and 
D,  Seventh  Regiment,  were  kept  in  their  armories  all 
day.  Companies  B  and  D  were  workingmen,  and  many 
of  them  refused  to  turn  out.  Guards  were  sent  out,  and. 
the  men  had  to  be  brought  under  guard  to  the  armories.. 
One  hundred  and  twenty  men  of  the  Trenton  companies 
were  ordered  to  go  to  the  Clinton  street  depot,  where 
they  took  the  train  to  New  Brunswick  to  guard  the  rail- 
road bridge  there.  A  guard  of  old  soldiers  was  at  the 
State  Arsenal  under  General  Truex,  and  the  battery  load- 
ed with  grape  and  canister  was  in  a  position  commanding 
the  approaches  thereto. 

Seven  companies  of  the  State  National  Guards  left 
Trenton  to  concentrate  at  New  Brunswick.  They  num- 
bered nearly  three  hundred  men.  Of  these  a  part  went 
to  Jersey  City  and  a  part  remained  in  New  Brunswick 
to  guard  the  railroad  bridge  at  that  place.  Ammunition 
had  been  forwarded  to  Jersey  City. 

Four  guns  and  a  battery  from  Fort  Hamilton,   and  a. 


JERSEY    TRAINMEN.  231 

battery  from  New  London,  acting  as  infantry,  passed 
through  Trenton,  en-route  for  Philadelphia. 

At  night  the  excitement  at  Trenton  was  gradually 
rising.  The  State  authorities  ordered  the  Seventh  Reg- 
iment to  be  ready  at  a  moments  notice,  and  Company  A 
took  charge  of  the  State  Arsenal. 

Governor  Bedle  issued  the  following  proclamation  : 

To  the  People  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey  : 

In  the  present  State  of  the -public  mind  I  warn  all 
citizens  to  keep  at  their  homes  and  places  of  business, 
avoiding  all  gathering  in  the  streets,  so  as  to  give  en- 
couragement by  their  presence  to  evil  disposed  persons. 
Let  every  good  citizen  now  by  word,  act,  and  sentiment 
aid  the  authorities  in  securing  perfect  peace.  Sheriffs 
and  officers  of  cities  are  particularly  requested  to  exert 
all  their  power  in  a  calm,  judicious,  but  effectual  way 
to  protect  life  and  property  from  all  lawlessness,  and 
thereby  save  counties  and  cities  from  any  liabilities  un- 
der the  statute  for  destruction  of  property  by  mobs. 
The  whole  power  of  the  State  will  be  used  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  law.  I  caution  every  person  disposed  to 
disturb  the  peace  to  desist  at  once,  and  thereby  prevent 
any  necessity  for  the  use  of  the  State  force. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  the  city  of  Trenton,  this  23d 
day  of  July,  A.  D.,  1877. 

By  the  Governor.  J.  H.  Bedle. 

(Signed.)  John  A.  Hall,  Private  Secretary. 

At  Elizabeth,  General  De  Hart  sent  Colonel  Morrell  a 
second  order  to  have  the  Third  Regiment  ready  for 
marching  orders.     Companies  A,  B  and  C  assembled  at 


232  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

the  Market  Hall  Armory,  Elizabeth.  Companies  from 
Rahway,  New  Brunswick,  and  Keyport  were  en-route  to 
that  city.  A  large  crowd  collected  in  the  streets  around 
the  armory,  but  there  was  no  disturbance.  The  compa- 
nies rested  on  their  arms  that  night. 

Mayor  Townly  and  Sheriff  Thompson  received  official 
notices  from  the  receiver  of  the  Central  Railroad  and 
from  the  Delaware,  Lackawanna  and  Western  Company, 
that  they  feared  riots  in  that  city  and  county  from 
strikers.  The  Third  Regiment  received  orders  to  go  to 
Hackensack  Bridge  to  protect  it.  Hundreds  of  people 
surrounded  the  Pennsylvania  main  depot  and  Market 
Hall,  and  some  threatened  the  militia. 

Sheriff  Bill's,  of  Hunterdon  County,  arrested  a  num- 
ber of  strikers  on  the  25th,  who,  it  was  thought,  would 
cause  some  trouble  if  they  had  been  allowed  to  remain 
at  large.  He  sent  them  to  Hunterdon  County  jail.  At 
Phillipsburg  there  were  thirty  strikers  arrested. 

At  Easton  the  trains  running  had  guards  on  each 
engine.  Eight  hundred  Pennsylvania  militia  were  or- 
dered to  Easton,  though  all  was  quiet  there.  The  New 
Jersey  troops  were  in  camp  at  Phillipsburg. 

Several  trains  arrived  at  Hoboken  from  Scranton, 
Washington,  and  Phillipsburg,  with  passengers.  Among 
them  were  some  United  States  Marshals,  who  had  in 
their  custody  the  somewhat  noted  Jack  Gallagher,  who, 
during;  the  strike,  had  detained  the  United  States  mails. 
He  had  also,  it  was  charged,  threatened  to  take  the  life 
of  any  man  who  would  run  the  mail  train.  Gallagher's 
arrest  was  delaved  for  the  reason  that  it  might  have 
caused  trouble  had  it  been  made  while  the  excitement 
was   at   its    height.     The    prisoner   was    taken    before 


JERSEY   TRAINMEN.  233 

United  States  Commissioner  Muirhead,  at  Jersey  City, 
and  committed  for  trial. 

Detective  Killcauly,  of  Jersey  City,  arrested  Frank 
McCleary,  Financial  Secretary  of  the  Brotherhood  of 
Brakeman,  on  a  charge  of  conspiracy  to  create  a  riot  at 
Communipaw,  (New  Jersey  Central  Railway.)  He  was 
locked  np. 

The  Jersey  City  Police  Board,  in  a  private  consultation 
-on  the  25th  of  July,  decided  that  as  the  three  hundred 
and  eighty  special  policemen  on  duty  were  costing  the 
city  $3.75  per  day  each,  and  as  there  was  no  further  use 
for  their  services,  it  was  necessary  to  discharge  them, 
which  was  accordingly  done. 

The  Vice  Chancellor  of  New  Jersev  had  issued  orders 
to  all  Sheriffs  along  the  line  of  the  New  Jersey  Central, 
directing  them  to  summarily  arrest  for  contempt  of 
court  all  persons  obstructing  the  running  of  the  road  by 
the  receiver. 

Governor  Bedle  issued  orders  on  the  26th,  for  the  dis- 
bandment  of  the  Ninth  Regiment,  stationed  at  Elysian 
Fields,  Hoboken.  The  soldiers  immediately  deserted 
their  camp,  where  they  had  been  for  ten  days,  and 
marched  to  Odd  Fellows'  Hall.  Colonel  Hart  thanked 
them  for  their  obedience  at  the  hour  of  need  and  gen- 
eral good  behavior.  He  also  read  a  despatch  from  the 
Governor,  complimenting  the  troops.  Yociferons  ap- 
plause followed,  and  amid  the  tumult  a  soldier  shouted, 
"  Three  cheers  for  Pills,"  and  there  was  load  laughter  and 
hurrahs.  The  men,  during  their  encampment,  had  to 
doctor  themselves  pretty  energetically. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


New  York  Agitated. 


The  Excitement  in  the  Great  City — "The  Dangerous  Classes  "  Care- 
fully Watched — Getting  Ready  for  Contingencies — Numerous  Regi- 
ments of  Militia  Ordered  Out — No  Strikes  but  Serious  Apprehen- 
sions Felt — The  Internationals  Active — A  Great  Communistic 
Meeting  in  Tompkins  Square — What  They  Demanded  of  Society — 
Gay  Times  at  the  Armories — Ready  Warriors  without  Foes  to  Face 
— Escaped  the  Danger. 


In  New  York,  as  elsewhere  in  the  country,  there  was 
a  deep  rooted  and  widespread  hostility  toward  the  lead- 
ing managers  of  the  great  railway  lines.  Nor  was  this 
feeling  confined  only  to  railroad  managers.  In  the  great 
metropolis  are  hundreds  of  wealthy  manufacturing  com- 
panies, which  have  been  gradually  forcing  down  the 
wages  of  their  employes,  until  it  was  no  longer  possible 
for  them  to  live.  As  to  the  railroad  managers,  people 
very  generally  believed  that  they  had  conducted  the 
business  intrusted  to  them  too  much  for  their  own  pri- 
vate advantage.  But  this  afforded  no  excuse  for  destroy- 
ing property  and  stopping  trains  by  mobs. 

The  conviction  was  universal  that  the  four  trunk  rail- 
ways from  the  seaboard  to  the  West  had  seriously  crip- 
pled themselves  by  carrying  on  a  cut-throat  war  against 
each  other  in  regard  to  the  rates  of  freights  and  fares,, 
especially  the  former,  and  that  this  was  the  chief  imme- 
diate reason  why  they  found  themselves  obliged  to 
diminish  the  wages  of  employes  down  to  the  mere  living 


NEW    YOKE    AGITATED.  235 

point,  if  not  below  it.  But  even  if  the  railway  mana- 
gers were  highly  censurable  for  these  facts,  their  conduct 
afforded  no  justification  for  riots  that  ended  in  incen. 
diarism,  bloodshed,  and  robbery  in  a  number  of  cities. 

The  sudden  reduction  of  the  wages  of  the  railway 
employes,  combined  with  the  fact  that  even  at  the  new 
rates  they  could  only  get  work  part  of  the  time,  fell 
heavily  upon  a  vast  number  of  honest,  hardworking  men  ; 
but  even  this  was  no  ground  for  riots  or  violence  of  any 
kind,  which  always  aggravate  the  evils  they  are  designed 
to  cure. 

The  city  was  full  of  men  who  were  out  of  employment 
or  working  at  low  wages.  Tens  of  thousands  of  them 
were  very  poor,  and  the  families  of  many  were  suffering 
for  lack  of  daily  food. 

It  was  a  time  for  cool,  calm  reflection  on  all  sides. 
The  poor,  who  were  suffering,  showed  excellent  sense  in 
refraining;  from  threats  to  retaliate  on  those  who  were 
better  off,  or  who,  perchance,  refused  to  hire  them  at  the 
price  they  demanded.  Less  prudence  and  justice  were 
shown  by  the  wealthy  and  well-to-do  classes  who  talked 
too  much  about  shooting  down  every  one  who  did  not 
think  as  they  did,  or  act  to  suit  them. 

It  was  not  a  good  time  for  people  to  lose  their  heads. 

It  was  not  surprising  therefore  that  the  startling 
events  occurring  elsewhere,  should  cause  the  people  of 
New  York  no  little  uneasiness,  by  a  reflex  influence  on 
the  vast  hive  of  human  beings  who  were  scarcely  able  to 
obtain  a  bit  of  bread  to  appease  their  gnawing  hunger. 

A  careful  canvass  of  the  feelings  and  views  of  the  em- 
ployes of  the  New  York  Central  and  Hudson  Kiver  Kail- 
road  Companies,  made  on  Sunday,  the   22nd  of  July, 


236  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

1877,  revealed,  the  fact,  that  there  was  a  decided  disposi- 
tion to  join  in  a  strike.  Great  dissatisfaction  was  caused 
by  the  ten  per  cent,  reduction  of  wages  on  the  roads, 
which  went  into  effect  on  the  first  of  Julv.  The  reduc- 
tion  applied  to  the  wages  of  all  employes  except  those 
whose  pay  would  be  lowered  by  it  to  less  then  ten  per 
cent,  an  hour,  a  dollar  a  day,  or  thirty  dollars  a  month. 
A  hope  was  entertained  that  a  compromise  would  ulti- 
mately be  made  with  Mr.  Yanderbilt,  by  which  the  re- 
duction would  be  modified  in  regard  to  the  engineers. 
In  such  an  event,  of  course,  there  would  be  no  trouble. 
At  any  rate  the  strike  would  not  commence  at  the  New 
York  end  of  the  line.  The  New  York  Central  was 
looked  to  for  a  beginning.  The  Hudson  River  and  Har- 
lem men  were  dissatisfied  enough  to  strike,  but  the  New 
York  Central  men  must  do  the  striking.  An  employe 
of  the  Harlem,  about  this  time,  ridiculed  the  idea  of  any 
attempt  at  a  strike  anywhere  on  either  of  the  three  roads. 
The  Company  was  evidently  prepared  to  spend  millions 
rather  than  yield,  while  the  employes  were  too  much  dis- 
organized to  carry  on  a  concerted  or  effective  action. 
"  With  the  National  and  State  Governments  against  us," 
he  said,  "  and  the  troops  and  militia  called  out  to  defend 
rich  corporations,  there  are  no  chances  for  us  poor  men. 
Under  any  circumstances,"  he  continued,  "  a  strike  on 
the  Harlem  road  would  be  futile,  as  it  '  ran  nowhere,' 
and  it  didn't  make  any  difference  whether  the  trains  con- 
nected or  not." 

A  reduction  of  the  wages  of  the  engineers  and  fire- 
men  made  a  short  time  before,  was  accepted  with  great 
dissatisfaction  by  some  of  the  men  on  the  Morris  and 
Essex  Division  of  the  Delaware  and  Lackawanna  Rail- 


NEW    YORK    AGITATED.  237 

road.  A  further  reduction  would  cause  trouble,  but  the 
Company  had  not  intimated  a  desire  or  intention  to  cut 
down  the  wages  any  lower. 

On  the  New  Jersey  Southern,  everything  was  running 
smoothly,  and  the  men  seemed  disposed  to  accept  what 
the  officials  were  able  to  pay  them. 

One  of  the  most  intelligent  engineers  on  the  Erie 
declared  that  the  engineers  had  received  no  instructions 
whatever  from  the  officers  of  the  Brotherhood,  regarding 
the  attitude  they  were  expected  to  maintain  during  the 
present  difficulties. 

Mayor  Ely,  of  New  York,  held  two  conferences  with 
the  Police  Commissioners  the  evening  of  the  23rd,  pro- 
ceedings of  which  were  kept  secret.  It  is  now  known 
however,  that  the  conference  had  reference  to  the  proper 
preparations  for  any  possible  breach  of  peace  in  that 
city,  consequent  upon  railroad  riots. 

The  National  Guardsmen  of  New  York  looked  for  or- 
ders all  day  Monday,  the  23rd,  however,  nothing  was 
heard  from  Albany,  and  at  the  several  armories  all  was 
dark  and  silent,  and  General  Shaler  was  at  his  home  in 
Jersey  City.  It  was  deemed  best,  in  case  of  a  call,  to 
summons  the  larger  regiments,  and  regiments,  too,  the 
members  of  which  would  not  have  any  close  feeling  for 
the  rioters.  The  first  call  was  for  the  Seventh,  Eighth, 
Twenty-second,  Seventy-first  and  Twelfth. 

At  the  arsenal,  Colonel  Wylie's  aids  were  in  readiness 
to  prepare  supplies  and  ammunition  in  such  quantities 
as  might  be  called  for.  The  opinion  of  the  officers 
seems  to  be  that  the  troops  ordered  out  at  Buffalo  and 
Rochester  would  be  ample  for  all  emergencies  likely  to 
arise  along  the  western  part  of  the  Erie  line. 


238  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

The  departure  of  the  Twenty-third  Regiment,  National 
Guards  of  the  State  of  New  York,  from  Brooklyn,  for 
Hornellsville,  created  considerable  commotion,  both  in 
that  city  and  New  York. 

An  effort  to  force  a  strike  among-  the  cabinet-makers 
of  New  York  and  vicinity  was  not  very  successful. 

One  prominent  manufacturer  reduced  the  rates  of  his 
employes  who  work  at  "  piece  work,"  seven  and  a  half 
per  cent.,  last  Autumn.  During  the  Spring  the  rates 
were  increased,  but  recently  a  reduction  was  again  made. 
The  workmen  employed  in  the  manufactories,  excited 
by  the  strikers  on  the  railroads,  became  greatly  dissatis- 
fied, and  nearly  three  hundred  of  them  resolved  that 
they  would  work  no  longer,  unless  they  M'ere  given  an 
increase  of  twenty-five  per  cent,  on  the  rates  being  paid 
them.  Accordingly  these  men  struck.  Mr.  Herman, 
the  proprietor,  was  in  Europe,  and  his  manager,  Mr. 
Lippert,  told  the  strikers  he  could  do  nothing  until 
he  heard  from  his  principal.  This  was  not  satisfactory 
to  all  parties,  and  a  meeting  of  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  of  the  workmen  was  held  at  Harmony  Hall,  in  Es- 
sex street,  to  consider  the  situation.  Meanwhile  a  large 
number  of  workmen,  principally  carvers  and  machine 
men,  returned  to  work,  determined  to  wait  for  an  answer 
from  Mr.  Hermann.  The  meeting  at  Harmony  Hall 
appointed  committees  to  wait  on  workmen  at  the  various 
establishments  in  New  York,  Brooklyn,  and  Williams- 
burg, to  induce  them  to  join  in  the  movement.  Later  a 
meeting  of  the  strikers  was  held  at  Harmony  Hall  to 
receive  the  reports  of  committees,  which  showed  that 
but  little  success  had  attended  their  efforts,  the  men  at 
work  in  nearly  every  instance  refusing  to  strike. 


NEW    YOKK    AGITATED.  239 

On  Tuesday  evening,  July  24th,  "The  Bread  Winners 
League,"  an  organization  of  laboring  men,  met  in  New 
York,  and  adopted  a  series  of  resolutions,  in  which  they 
eet  forth  that  while  labor  is  the  foundation  of  national 
prosperity,  and  represents  two-thirds  of  the  population 
of  the  United  States,  it  was  powerless  in  the  protection 
of  its  rights  and  interests.  Flattered  by  the  two  politi- 
cal parties,  it  had  been  betrayed  by  both,  and  legislative 
and  executive  power  had  been  employed  in  either  for  the 
perpetuation  of  official  patronage  and  enormous  salaries, 
or  the  creation  and  maintenance  of  railroad  and  other 
corporate  monopolies.  They  condemned,  as  well  as 
lamented,  the  destruction  of  life  and  property,  but  be- 
lieved that  officers  of  gigantic  railroad  corporations  were 
responsible  for  the  acts  deplored,  by  their  oppressive  and 
unjust  conduct  toward  their  employes. 

They  believed  that  the  last  reduction  of  ten  per  cent., 
simultaneously  made  through  every  section  of  the  Union, 
indicated  a  combination  among  railroad  companies  to 
pauperize  labor,  since  they  made  no  reduction  whatever 
in  the  fares  of  passengers,  nor  did  they  lessen  the  enor- 
mous compensation  enjoyed  by  their  chief  officers.  That 
the  lives  and  comfort  of  travellers  depended  upon  the 
intelligence  and  fidelity  of  engineers  and  brakemen,  and 
the  exposure  and  danger  connected  with  their  duties  en- 
titled them  especially  to  public  sympathy. 

They  further  declared,  that  if  the  industrial  and  labor- 
ing classes  desire  to  protect  their  just  interests  and  polit- 
ical independence,  they  must  be  emancipated  from  party 
vassalage,  and  secure  direct  and  honest  representations 
in  the  councils  of  the  nation.  State  and  municipal  au- 
thorities were  in  conspiracy  and  union  with  monopolies ; 


240  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

even  the  judiciary  were  under  their  influence.  The  instru- 
ments of  corporations  notoriously  become  the  Judges  of 
the  country  or  the  leaders  of  political  organizations.  Au- 
gustus Schell,  Grand  Sachem  of  Tammany  Hall,  was  the 
treasurer  of  the  New  York  Central  Railroad,  and  its  ac- 
credited counsel  was  a  member  of  the  Republican  Gen- 
eral Committee.  The  Directors,  who,  by  negligence  or 
crime,  steal  the  earnings  of  the  poor  from  savings  banks, 
and  render  life  insurance  companies  bankrupt,  invariably 
escape  punishment,  and  under  existing  laws  and  their 
administration  afforded  no  adequate  protection  for 
either  depositors  or  the  insured. 

They  regretted  that  some  of  the  newspapers  of  New 
York  insisted  that  the  industrial  classes  should  refrain 
from  any  expression  of  opinion  on  the  subjects  then 
virtually  affecting  the  rights  and  interests  of  labor. 
Such  a  sentiment  subjugated  labor  to  capital,  and  pro- 
voked hostility  and  distrust,  and  by  reflecting  on  the  in- 
telligence, integrity  and  patriotism  of  workingmen,  de- 
served and  should  receive  their  united  condemnation. 

A  company  of  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  men  and 
boys  assembled  in  front  of  the  Seventh  Regiment  armory, 
at  Tompkins  Market,  at  about  ten  o'clock  on  the  night  of 
the  24th.  They  commenced  to  jeer  and  shout  at  the 
members  of  the  regiment,  and  a  sergeant,  in  uniform, 
attempting  to  pass  through  the  crowd,  was  rather 
roughly  handled.  He  retreated  to  the  barracks  and  pro- 
cured a  suit  of  citizens'  clothes.  At  the  time  he  was 
attacked  he  was  going  for  powder  to  load  the  guns  that 
had  been  placed  in  positition  in  the  armory  during  the 
day.  Captain  McCullogh,  of  the  Seventeenth  Precinct, 
with  a  platoon  of  men,  succeeded  in  dispersing  the  mob. 
There  were  no  arrests  made. 


NEW    YORK    AGITATED.  211 

Some  time  later  the  mob  gathered,  about  fifty  strong, 
at  the  corner  of  Third  street  and  the  Bowery.  It  was 
thought  that  they  intended  to  break  into  the  Dry  Dock 
Savings  Bank.  On  the  approach  of  the  police  they  were 
again  dispersed  without  any  great  trouble. 

A  committee  of  engineers  of  the  Long  Island  Rail- 
road, had  a  conference  with  E.  B.  Hindsdale,  the  General 
Manager,  in  reference  to  the  proposed  ten  per  cent,  re- 
duction of  their  wages.  The  meeting  was  of  quite  an 
amicable  character.  On  the  part  of  themselves,  and  the 
employes  generally  of  the  Company,  the  engineers  re- 
monstrated against  any  further  cutting  down  of  the 
present  rates  of  compensation.  The  engineers  also  ex- 
pressed their  dissatisfaction  at  the  irregular  way  in  which 
their  salaries  had  been  paid.  They  had  not  been  paid  for 
the  previous  month,  and  they  complained  that  two  months 
frequently  elapsed  before  they  got  the  money  due  them. 
The  conference  resulted  in  nothing  of  a  very  positive 
nature,  but  it  was  understood  that  the  ten  per  cent,  re- 
duction would  not  take  effect  for  the  present  and  that 
the  Company  would  endeavor  to  make  arrangements 
providing  in  future  for  a  fixed  day  in  every  month  upon 
which  to  pay  the  engineers  and  other  employes. 

Alfred  K.  Fisk,  the  General  Superintendent  of  the 
road,  said  that  whatever  difficulties  existed  between  the 
Company  and  its  employes,  were  sure  to  be  settled  in  a 
manner  satisfactory  to  all  parties. 

On  the  24th,  President  Martin,  of  the  Park  Depart- 
ment, called  upon  Mayor  Ely,  to  consult  him  relative  to 
a  request  made  by  a  committee  of  laborers  to  hold  a 
mass  meeting  in  Tompkins  Square,  on  Wednesday  even- 
ing, the  25th.     It  was  understood  that  this  gathering  had 


242  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

been  arranged  for  the  purpose  of  expressing  sympathy 
with  the  strikers.  Police  Commissioner  Smith  was  also 
present  at  the  consultation.  The  Mayor  said  he  had  no 
objection  to  the  assemblage,  as  he  anticipated  that  it  would 
pass  off  in  a  peaceable  and  orderly  manner.  Mr.  Smith 
stated  that  he  would  make  all  necessary  preparations  so 
as  to  prevent  any  disturbance  upon  that  occasion. 
Mayor  Ely  was  under  the  impression  that  the  trouble 
would  be  over  in  a  very  short  time,  and  no  danger  what- 
ever need  be  apprehended  in  the  city. 

A  very  large  assemblage  of  workingmen,  sympathizers 
with  the  railroad  strikers,  met  at  the  German  Assembly 
Rooms,  in  the  Bowery,  the  evening  of  the  24th.  The 
place  was  noted  as  the  resort  of  the  disturbing  element  in 
the  city  ;  the  Communists  having  held  frequent  meetings 
there.  At  the  meeting  that  evening  there  were  some 
three  hundred  people  present,  mostly  Germans,  who 
gathered  for  the  purpose  of  giving  expression  to  their 
sentiments  on  the  pending  troubles  on  the  lines  of  our 
railroads.  These  assembly  rooms  were  kept  by  a  brother 
of  Alderman  Sauer.  They  were  also  the  headquarters 
of  the  Liquor  Dealers'  Association  of  the  city,  who  hold 
meetings  about  once  a  week  if  emergencies  require  them 
to  come  together. 

Justus  Schwab  was  one  of  the  leaders  in  the  move- 
ment. There  were  no  leaders  from  other  societies  pre- 
sent. It  was  comparatively  a  spontaneous  demonstra- 
tion on  behalf  of  the  suffering  men  on  the  lines  of  the 
railroads.  Schwab  declared  that  if  anybody  talked 
about  a  man  with  a  family  living  on  seventy  cents  a  day 
he  was  a  damned  fool.  "  Whoever  says  so,"  to  use  Mr. 
Schwab's  expressive  language,  "  I  knock  his  brains  out 
right  away." 


NEW    YORK    AGITATED.  243 

He  thought  the  strikers  perfectly  right. 

As  to  his  own  financial  condition,  Mr.  Schwab  was  in 
<doubt  whether  he  was  worth  much  money  or  not. 

As  to  those  who  sympathized  in  the  movement  of  the 
strikers,  there  were  many  respectable  men.  They  did 
not  want  any  fights.  They  wanted  the  railroad  men  to 
have  their  rights.  That  was  all.  With  seventy  cents  a 
day  to  live  on  they  must  starve  or  steal. 

The  audience  was  at  times  inclined  to  be  disorderly, 
but  the  officers  suppressed  indications  of  a  tumult. 
David  Conroy  was  elected  Chairman,  and  J.  E.  Hall, 
Secretary. 

Mr.  Conroy,  who  belongs  to  the  Ilorseshoers'  Union, 
■on  taking  the  chair,  said  they  were  called  upon  to  per- 
form a  duty  to  their  suffering  brethren  of  the  West.  It 
was  a  struggle  between  exacting  capital  and  impoverished 
labor.  Thomas  A.  Scott,  of  Pennsylvania,  had  re- 
duced the  wages  of  his  poor  employes  ten  per  cent. 
That  man  said,  that  ninety  cents  a  day  was  enough  to 
support  a  man  and  his  family.  Mr.  Hayes  did  not  repre- 
sent the  working  classes  of  America.  Let  no  man  obey 
the  mandates  issued  by  him.  He  was  not  President  by 
the  voice  of  the  people,  but  by  chicanery  and  fraud. 
Therefore  the  people  should  not  obey  his  proclamations. 
If  he  attempted  to  call  out  seventy-five  thousand  men, 
they  would  all  enlist,  and  then  let  the  President  take 
■care  that  he  did  not  have  to  leave  Washington  as 
.Louis  Philippe  left  France  in  1844. 

Speakers  were  nominated  for  the  mass  meeting  on 
Wednesday  night,  and  the  following  were  choosen :  Mr. 
Cashman,  of  theTailors'  Union,  McLander  Thompson, 
and  Mr.  Winters  to  speak  in  English ;    Mr.  Alexander 


244:  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

Jonas,  Otto  Wallstein,  editor  of  the  Arbeiter  StimmeT 
and  Justus  Schwab  to  speak  in  German,  and  Demorest,. 
the   Paris    Communist,  to  make  a  French  address. 

Wednesday,  July  26th,  was  a  day  fraught  with  anxiety 
to  the  people  of  New  York.  The  great  demonstration 
of  the  Internationalists  was  to  take  place  in  the  evening,. 
and  what  the  result  might  be,  no  one  could  foretell. 
The  Tompkins  Square  meeting,  was  a  theme  in  everyone's 
mouth. 

All  knew  that  the  request  of  the  restless  and  semi- 
communistic  classes  to  improve  the  occasion  and  hold  a 
public  meeting  in  the  densest  quarter  of  New  York,  had 
been  acceded  to  by  the  Park  and  Police  Commissioners. 
The  relative  importance  of  New  York  to  the  rest  of  the- 
Union  could  have  received  no  better  testimonial  than  the- 
telegraphic  dispatches  which  flashed  into  the  city  from 
every  joint  of  the  compass,  saying,  in  effect,  "If 
New7  York  gives  way  before  the  mob,  when  will  this 
thing  end  ?"  "¥e  are  all  looking  to  Wednesday  night 
in  New  York,  to  know  whether  this  strike  is  a  spasmodic 
affair,  or  a  rebellion  from  underneath."  "  The  immense 
population  of  New  York  is  looked  to  by  all  the  disor- 
derly elements  for  a  final  outbreak.  Can  it  be  pre- 
vented ?  Why  do  your  Police  Commissioners  allow  such 
a  meeting  at  this  crisis?" 

Such  were  the  contents  of  despatches  received  by 
merchants  and  other  business  and  professional  people  in 
New  Yoik,  and  they  attested  the  power  of  such  a  city 
for  good  or  evil  upon  the  whole  country.  Smaller  cities 
trembled  in  appiehension  of  New  York's  vast  popula- 
tion rising  np  against  law  and  property  :  but  in  that 
ci  ty,  as  a  general  rule,  the  heads  of  men  were  not  turned. 


NEW    YORK    AGITATED.  24:5 

ISTobody  left  town.  Although  the  trains  were  embar- 
rassed on  all  sides  of  New  York,  the  Paris-like  life  of 
the  city  was  illustrated,  as  every  day  in  the  week,  by  the 
presence  of  children  out  of  doors,  and  carts  and  omni- 
buses were  running  to  and  fro.  The  beautiful  "Wednes- 
day morning  broke  upon  a  bay  as  lively  with  shipping, 
-•as  full  of  ferry  boats,  and  as  streaming  with  national 
flags  as  at  any  time  in  the  history  of  the  metropolis  of 
the  Western  Hemisphere.  Some  thousands  of  daily  vis- 
itors to  New  York,  who  came  in  late  at  the  ferries,  ban- 
tered eaeh  other  when  they  landed,  and  ascended  to 
Broadway.  They  looked  about  them  and  said,  "  There 
is  no  look  of  riot  here.".  But  others,  more  timid, 
responded,  "  The  mornings  are  never  riotous.  We  must 
wait  until  night  to  find  our  destiny  out." 

Even  in  Wall  street,  that  seat  of  gamblers,  lofty  or 
low,  the  general  inquiry  was,  "What  will  happen  at 
Tompkins  Square  to-night  ? "  Men  answered  this  ques- 
tion according  to  their  temperaments,  and  it  was  notica- 
ble  that  the  ordinary  business  American  did  not  bother 
himself  about  prevention,  trusting  to  luck  that  every 
offense  against  the  law  would  redress  itself.  Yet  the 
stock  market  tumbled  underneath.  Bluff  was  the  game 
in  that  quarter  of  the  town,  and  he  would  be  a  cheap 
man  who  effected  to  shrink  before  the  possibilities  of  a 
communistic  mass  meeting. 

At  night,  the  lights  began  to  gleam  and  glimmer  in 
the  quadrangle  of  tall  brick  tenements  surrounding 
Tompkins  Square.  The  windows  were  all  up.  Out  of 
them  hung  women  and  children,  and,  in  some  instances, 
men,  viewing  with  eager  interest  the  gathering  of  the 
crowds  below.     The  enthusiasm  was  not  very  great,  but 


246  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

now  and  then,  in  guttural  German  accents,  or  the  more? 
melinuous  tones  of  "  Old  Ireland,"  came  expressions 
laudatory  of  the  workingmen's  cause.  From  none  of 
the  houses  were  any  banners  exhibited,  and  the  tops  of 
the  adjacent  buildings  presented  no  signs  of  life  what- 
ever. But  the  sidewalks  everywhere  were  crowded  with 
infantile  treasures,  adolescent  youth  of  both  sexes,  and 
mature  and  indifferent  people  of  all  ages  and  of  all  na- 
tionalities. It  was  generally  remarked  that  a  more 
peaceable  assemblage  of  people  had  never  come  together. 

The  hurrying  hundreds  gathered  in  the  naked,  sandy 
square  before  dark.  A  few  societies  inarched  im  with  red 
ribbons  at  their  buttonholes,  but  the  trade  societies  gen- 
erally kept  away.  So  did  the  tramps  and  bummers.  A 
genial  public  opinion,  the  outcrop  of  the  out-of-door 
hearty  society,  protected  New  York  from  alii  forms  of 
dead-beats  and  bummerism.  The  working  people  were 
particular  about  their  company. 

On  the  gates  and  bars  about  Tompkins  Square  were 
posters  printed  in  large  letters,  which  admonished  the 
assembling  crowds  to  stand  still  where  they  were,  and, 
think  before  going  further  in  the  troubles  around 
them.  An  hour's  work  may  cost  millions  of  money  and 
hundreds  of  lives.  All  the  lives  lost  will  not  be  on  one- 
side  only,  and  the  money  will  come  back  on  the  people 
to  be  paid  out  of  the  taxes  to  be  imposed  on  all.. 
Powder  burns  more  than  one  hand  when  it  is  used. 

Keep  on  the  side  of  law,  and  keep  the  law  on  the  side 
of  laborers.  If  they  wanted  to  right  their  wrongs,  they 
must  keep  in  the  path  of  right. 

There  was  a  great  deal  of  talk  about  capital  being  the 
enemy  of  labor.     That  was  not  true.     Capital  and  labor 


NEW    YORK    AGITATED. 


247 


must  work  together.  The  capitalist  and  the  laborer 
were  partners  in  business,  and  it  required  good  faith  on 
both  sides  to  make  business  profitable.  Neither  can 
prosper  alone. 

They  should  beware  of  men  who  talk  violence,  riots 
and  bloodshed.  Such  were  their  worst  enemies.  All 
the  expenses,  and  losses,  and  damages  will  be  paid  by 
the  city  or  State,  and  only  add  so  much  more  to  taxes. 
Every  workingman  who  talks  about  riots  is  preparing  to 
lay  more  taxes  on  his  own  shoulders.  Times  were  hard. 
Would  they  make  them  harder  ?  The  best  way  was  to 
go  to  work,  keep  the  wheels  moving  in  all  branches  of 
business,  and  avoid  everything  that  makes  an  unfriendly 
feelino;  with  those  who  have  all  the  risks  of  the  busi- 
ness,  both  for  themselves  and  for  workingmen. 

Turn  away  from  bad  advisers,  and,  above  all,  "  DonH 
unchain  the  tiger" 

The  meeting  proved  to  be  a  very  orderly  and  a  very 
decent  one.  Mr.  John  Swinton,  who  is  in  point  of  edu- 
cation and  culture  entitled  to  the  rank  of  leader  of  the 
New  York  Communists,  made  a  speech  characteristic 
of  the  man  and  the  occasion.  He  said  that  gazing 
over  a  sea  of  honest  and  intelligent  faces,  gave  him  as- 
surance that  he  was  addressing  no  mob.  "  You  are," 
said  he,  "as  good  as  Henry.  Ward  Beecher's  congrega- 
tion, and  I  think  the  comparison  is  rather  in  your  favor. 
I  think  the  Police  Commissioners  did  well  and  wisely  in 
permitting  this  meeting  to  take  place,  and  Mayor  Ely 
has  won  imperishable  laurels  by  saying  there  was  no 
power  in  the  constitution  to  prevent  a  meeting  like  this 
from  taking  place.  I  speak  to  you  in  presence  of  eight 
thousand  rifles  and  eight  hundred  clubs  that  cover  you. 


248  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

And  now  (here  the  speaker  raised  his  voice  to  its  loudest 
tones)  what  is  this  social  volcano  that  has  brought  us  here 
together, — this  power  that  has  one  hundred  thousand 
Americans  and  one  billion  dollars  within  its  grasp  ?  " 

"  On  one  side,"  continued  the  speaker,  "  we  see  the 
movement  of  workingmen  anxious  only  to  restore  the 
rate  of  wages  to  which  they  are  justly  entitled ;  put 
back  to  where  it  was  before  the  1st  of  Julv  :  and  on  the 
other  hand  we  see  the  steady  and  relentless  disposition  on 
the  part  of  capital  to  cut  men's  wages  down  so  low  as  to 
make  life  a  choice  between  starvation  and  suicide. 
Glory  to  the  militia  who  refused  to  fire  on  the  strikers. 
(Great  applause.)  Glory  to  the  Sixteenth  Pennsylvania, 
that  refused  to  be  the  accomplices  of  the  murderers  of 
the  innocent  men,  women  and  children  at  Pittsburgh. 

There  were  perhaps  ten  or  twelve  thousand  persons 
present.  The  declarations  coming  from  this  meeting, 
were  drawn  by  the  ablest  representatives  of  the  Com- 
mune in  the  country,  and  are  therefore  to  be  regarded  as 
the  authoritative  utterances  of  that  element  in  America. 
For  this  reason  they  are  reproduced  here.  They  read  as 
follows : 

1.  That  the  Workingmen's  Party  of  the  city  and 
county  of  New  York  tender  their  heartfelt  sjmipathies  to 
the  railroad  men  now  on  a  strike  in  different  localities  in 
the  country. 

2.  That  we  consider  all  legalized  charter  corporations, 
such  as  railroad,  banking,  mining,  manufacturing,  gas,  etc., 
under  the  present  system  of  operation,  as  the  most  des- 
potic and  heartless  enemies  of  the  working  classes.  That 
their  acts  of  tyranny  and  oppression  have  been  the  cause  of 
demoralizing  thousands  of  honest  workingmen,  thereby 


NEW    YOKK    AGITATED. 


249 


driving  them  to  acts  of  madness,  desperation  and  crime 
that  they  would  not  otherwise  have  been  guilty  of  had 
they  been  justly  dealt  by. 

3.  That  as  these  chartered  companies  have  been  the 
primal  cause  of  their  employes'  miseries  and  of  ther  con- 
sequences, we  hold  them  morally  responsible  for  all  acts 
of  violence  that  proceed  from  and  are  the  legitimate  re- 
sults of  their  tyranny  and  oppression. 

4.  That  we  view  with  alarm  the  growing  influence 
and  power  of  these  corporations  over  the  legislation  of 
the  State  and  nation,  and  believe  if  that  influence  con- 
tinues, the  executive,  judicial  and  legislative  branches  of 
the  government  will  become  totally  demoralized,  the 
rights  of  the  masses  destroyed,  and,  instead  of  the  voice 
of  the  people,  the  power  of  the  almighty  dollar  will  be- 
come absolute  and  supreme. 

5.  That  we  do  earnestly  request  and  advise  all  the 
working  classes  throughout  the  country  to  unite  as 
speedily  as  possible  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  political 
party,  based  on  the  natural  rights  of  labor.  Let  us  make 
common  cause  against  a  common  enemy.  That  nothing 
short  of  a  political  revolution,  through  the  ballot  box, 
on  the  part  of  the  working  classes  will  remedy  the  evils 
under  which  they  suffer.  That  it  is  the  purpose  of  the 
Workingmen's  Party  to  confiscate,  through  legislation, 
the  unjustly  gotten  wealth  of  these  legalized  and  char- 
tered corporation  theives  that  are  backed  by  the  Shylocks 
and  moneyed  syndicates  of  Europe  and  this  country. 
That  we  love  law  and  order,  peace  and  tranquility,  jus- 
tice and  righteousness  above  all  else,  and  deprecate,  any- 
thing and  everything  that  will  pervert  them,  and  that 
we  are  ever  ready  to  give  our  lives  in  defence  of  the  in 
herited  rights  of  man. 


250  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

The  meeting  also  moved  an  address  to  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  which,  because  of  the  part  this  element 
is  attempting  to  act  in  American  politics,  we  place  here 
in  order  all  may  know  the  spirit  and  purpose  of  the  In- 
ternationalists. 

To   Rutherford   B.  Hayes,    President    of   the   United 
States  : 

■  Sir: — We,  the  workingmen  of  the  City  of  New  York, 
in  mass  meeting  assembled,  acting  from  a  sense  of  duty, 
and  prompted  by  true  feelings  of  humanity  and  a  sincere 
desire  for  peace  and  harmony  in  society,  do  earnestly  and 
respectfully  call  your  attention  to  the  serious  condition 
of  affairs  now  existing  and  which  have  existed  for  some 
time  past,  between  the  operatives  and  the  officials  of 
the  mining  and  railroad  corporations  in  several  States  of 
the  Union.  The  crimson  tide  of  the  life  blood  of 
citizens,  soldiers  and  hardy  workmen,  have  already 
mingled  in  sanguinary  strife.  The  heavens  have  been 
lit  up  with  the  lurid  glare  of  incendiary  tires  that  have 
reduced  to  ashes  millions  of  property.  Men  have  fallen 
beneath  deadly  blows  dealt  by  unseen  and  unknown 
hands,  until  it  seems  that  if  evil  days  had  fallen  upon 
us  as  a  nation.  Three  millions  of  the  bone  and  sinew 
of  the  country  converted  into  wandering  vagabonds,  and 
a  large  portion  of  those  employed  on  the  verge  of 
starvation.  Do  these  evils,  that  have  assumed  such 
magnitude  and  proportions  as  to  necessitate  the  issuance 
of  a  proclamation  on  your  part  to  preserve  the  peace, 
come  within  the  scope  or  jurisdiction  of  national  legis- 
lation ?  Whatever  may  be  the  cause  of  these  evils,  the 
only  remedy  applied  so  far  has  been  the  hangman's  rope 


NEW    YORK    AGITATED. 


251 


and  soldier's  bullet.  Think  you,  Mr.  President,  these 
are  effectual  and  permanent  remedies  that  will  insure 
henceforth  peace  and  good  order  in  society  ?  We  think 
not.  Whatever  cause  produces  these  antagonistic  rela- 
tions between  employer  and  employe  must  be  sought 
out  and  removed. 

We  address  you,  Mr.  President,  because  you  are  one 
having  great  power  and  authority  conferred  upon  you  by 
the  Constitution.     You  are  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
armed  forces  of  the  United  States,  and  during  the  recess- 
of  Congress  they  are  at  your  absolute  disposition.     Need 
we  suggest  to  you  the  wisdom  of  extreme  caution  in  the 
exercise  of  you  national  military  power,  lest  the  breach 
of  the  peace  be  widened,  class  feeling  intensified  and  public- 
safety  more   endangered  ?      We  think,   Mr.  President, 
that  the  situation  of  affairs  is  of  such  an  important  and 
alarming  character   that  they  justify  on   your  part  the 
immediate   calling   of    an    extra    session    of    Congress. 
These  terrible  occurrences  and  disturbances  between  the 
employers  and  employes   of  mining  and  railroad  com- 
panies that  have  startled  and  shocked  the  community  of 
late,  involve,  as  you  well  know,  what  is  termed  the  rela- 
tions  between  labor   and   capital.      Many   are    of    the 
opinion  that  any  interference  or  action  on  the  part  of 
the  government  to  adjust  these  relations  are  contrary 
and  inimicable  to  the  genius  and  spirit  of  modern  civil- 
ization and  republican  institutions  ;  that  the  function  of 
the  government  is  simply  to  prevent  any  violent  collisions 
in  society  resulting  from  the  antagonistic  relations  of 
these  two  elements  performing  such  important  functions 
in  the  affairs  of  human  society,  and  that  throughout  the 
history  of  the  world  so  far  have  been  eternally  at  sword's, 
points  with  each  other. 


252  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

LABOR    IGNORED    IN    LEGISLATION. 

Those  who  take  this  view  of  the  matter  seem  to  over- 
look the  great  fact  that  legislation  has  always  dealt  with 
at  least  one  of  these  factors — namely,  capital ;  and  has 
almost  entirely  ignored  the  other — namely  labor;  which 
is,  in  our  opinion,  the  primal  cause  of  the  present  dif- 
ficulties. Had  legislation  afforded  the  same  oppor- 
tunities and  guaranteed  the  same  rights  and  privileges 
to  labor  that  it  has  to  capital,  these  evil  days  would  not 
have  befallen  us.  When  railroad  kings  can  build  palaces 
to  live  in  costing  millions,  and  others  die  bequeathing 
hundreds  of  millions  to  their  children,  and  boast  while 
living  that  they  never  troubled  themselves  about  the 
election  of  representatives,  but  bought  them  up  after 
they  were  elected,  and  used  them  as  a  means  to  enrich 
themselves  at  the  expense  of  their  employes  and  the 
general  public,  it  seems  about  time  to  consider  whether 
or  not  legislation  cannot  confer  some  justice  and  rights 
upon  labor  as  well  as  privileges  to  capital. 

We  have  always  considered  that  law  should  be  the 
synonym  of  justice.  Has  not  Congress  the  power  under 
the  constitution  to  govern  and  control,  for  the  benefit  of 
the  whole  people,  the  high-ways,  and  water-courses  of 
the  nation,  and  regulate  its  internal  commerce  and  trade  ? 
Is  there  any  constitutional  law  that  prohibits  the  State 
or  general  government  from  controlling  or  supervising 
the  mineral  resources  of  the  nation  ?  Should  not  also 
the  telegraph  system  be  connected  with  our  postal  de- 
partment ?  and  last,  but  not  least,  a  government  mone- 
tary system  established  that  would  supercede  the  present 
individual  corporate  banking  institutions,  that  are  noth- 


NEW    YORK    AGITATED.  253 

ing  more  nor  less  than  parasites  on  the  body  politic. 
All  of  these  chartered  institutions  exist  by  a  system  of 
dividends  of  profits  that  proceed  directly  from  the  labor- 
ing classes.  In  their  efforts  to  make  those  dividends,  the 
blood  and  marrow  are  extracted  from  labor,  until  finally, 
maddened  and  desperate  by  the  exacting  tyranny  of  cap- 
ital, rendered  ignorant  and  brutish  by  poverty,  it  resorts 
to  brute  force  and  violence  to  redress  its  wrongs.  It  can- 
not be  expected  that  men  acting  under  the  impetus  of 
starvation  should  act  wisely  or  well,  or  adhere  to  moral 
principle.  The  very  individuals  who  are  most  loud  in 
their  denunciation  of  the  acts  of  the  strikers,  placed  in 
their  situation,  might  do,  possibly,  if  they  had  the  cour- 
age, far  worse. 

We,  as  a  class,  view  with  alarm  the  growth  and  power 
of  these  gigantic  corporations.  Wielding  thousands  of 
millions  of  dollars  capital  as  a  power  they  are  fast  de- 
moralizing and  corrupting  the  executive,  judicial  and 
legislative  branches  of  the  govermcnts  of  both  State  and 
nation  ;  and  the  rights  of  labor  and  the  liberties  of  the 
common  people,  if  we  continue  on  in  this  course,  will  soon 
be  swept  away,  (and  here  let  us  state  that  W.  M.  Evarts, 
a  member  of  your  Cabinet,  has  recommended  as  a  meas- 
ure of  political  reform  in  this  State  the  restriction  of 
suffrage  on  a  basis  of  a  moneyed  qualification,  thereby  of- 
fering a  direct  insult  to  every  workingman  in  this  State) ; 
and  when  they  are  gone,  the  revolution  commences,  and 
the  emancipation  of  the  white  wages  slaves  of  the  North 
will  cost  the  Republic  more  blood  and  treasure  than  ever 
the  emancipation  of  the  black  chattle  slaves  of  the 
South  did,  and  God  knows  that  cost  enough. 

We  look  to  you,  Mr.  President,  to  be  vigilant  in  re- 


254  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

spect  to  our  interests  and  welfare,  for  the  prosperity  and 
perpetuity  of  this  nation  rests  upon  the  principal  of  jus- 
tice to  labor.  Class  legislation  is  the  ruin  and  eventual 
downfall  of  any  nation.  Hoping  you  will  reply  to  us 
through  the  columns  of  the  public  press,  expressing 
somewhat  your  views  upon  the  situation, 

We  remain  with  great  respect, 

JB.  Kaufman, 

G.  WoNTER, 

A.  Walster, 
J.  Schwab,    • 
E.  Hall, 

Leander  Thompson, 
On   behalf  of  the  workininnen   of  the  citv  of   New 
York. 

While  the  socialists  were  thus  giving  expression  to 
opinions,  at  Tompkins  Square,  another  class  of  working- 
ingmen  had  assembly  at  Battery  Park,  in  vast  numbers, 
and  took  part  in  an  open  air  meeting  which  was  held 
there,  under  the  direction  of  Eeverend  William  II. 
Acres.  After  a  short  discussion  on  a  text  from  the  Bible, 
Mr.  Acres  addressed  the  workingmen  present  as  to  their 
duty  in  this  present  crisis. 

He  began  his  remarks  by  deprecating,  in  the  strongest 
language,  the  present  contest  between  capital  and  labor, 
saying  it  would  ultimately  recoil  upon  the  shoulders  of 
the  workingmen,  who  almost  invariably  had  to  suffer  the 
brunt  of  such  battles.  He  believed  that  the  strike  was 
a  foolhardy  proceeding,  that  it  was  exceedingly  ill-timed, 
and  had  alreadv  caused  the  shedding  of  a  great  deal  of 
innocent  blood,  and  might  yet,  for  all  that   then    could' 


NEW    YORK    AGITATED.  255 

be  said,  cause  the  whole  country  to  swim  in  rivers  of 
gore.  Men,  he  said,  had  entered  the  strike,  some  with 
the  best  of  reasons,  and  some  without  any  reason  at  all, 
but  merely  to  give  loose  rein  to  the  unruly  passions 
within  them.  As  far  as  these  latter  were  concerned  he 
felt  convinced  that  the  entire  blame  for  the  loss  of  life 
already  occasioned,  as  well  as  the  immense  destruction 
of  property  that  had  been  made,  was  solely  attributed  to 
their  lawlessness,  and  he  regretted  that  these  offenders 
•could  not  readily  be  called  to  account  for  their  misdeeds. 
Mr.  Acres  then,  in  very  feeling  language,  implored  his 
auditors  not  to  suffer  themselves  to  be  inveigled  into 
any  falsely  styled  sympathy  with  the  present  strike,  and 
besought  them  to  keep  away  from  meetings  gotten  up 
during  the  present  agitation.  These,  meetings,  he  said, 
were  only  forces  which  certain  unprincipled  men  were 
using  as  a  means  to  foist  themselves  upon  notice  in  order 
that  they  might  make  political  capital  out  of  it.  The 
projectors  of  the  meeting  which  at  that  moment  was 
•convening  in  Tompkins  Square,  were  not,  according  to 
his  idea>  honest  and  sincere  men.  He  believed  their  object 
was  to  foment  discord  and  disatisf action  among  the  work- 
ingmen  of  New  York,  and  to  gain  a  wide  recognition  of 
their  abominably  communistic  doctrine,  and  he  begged 
that  all  there,  honest  workingmen,  would  not  give  the 
slighest  countenance  to  the  movement. 

Mr.  Acres  then  made  a  very  fervent  prayer,  during 
which  he  implored  Heaven  to  protect  the  city  of  New 
York  from  the  power  of  the  ruthless  men  that  were 
seeking  to  destroy  its  peace,  that  it  would  kindly  extend 
Its  all-powerful  aid  to  the  police  and  help  them  to  main- 
tain order  and  quiet,  and  that  it  would  soon  cause  the 


256  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

present  difficulties  to  melt  away  like  snow  before  the 
beams  of  the  sun. 

The  wisdom  of  the  course  pursued  by  the  Mayor  and 
Police  Commissioners  of  New  York,  granting  permis- 
sion to  hold  a  meeting  was  signally  vindicated  by  the 
results  of  the  Tompkins  Square  gathering. 

From  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  meeting  there 
was  not  the  slightest  exhibition  of  a  dangerous  purpose 
on  the  part  of  the  people,  and  incendiary  remarks, 
whether  in  English  or  German,  fell  upon  the  ear  still- 
born. The  orators  had  apparently  lost  heart.  The 
stands  were  thronged  by  many  boys,  and  there  was  an 
utter  want  of  the  vim  and  snap  that  characterizes  an 
ordinary  political  meeting.  It  is  not  likely  that  all  this 
result  was  due  to  the  fact  known  to  every  person  on  the 
ground,  that  while  not  a  policemen  showed  his  uniform 
in  the  crowd,  or  invited  the  slightest  antagonism,  five 
hundred  sturdy  men,  armed  to  the  teeth,  were 
within  ear-shot,  ready  to  sweep  down  on  the  instant,  at 
any  point  where  a  disturbance  might  occur,  and  nearly 
a  thousand  more  were  in  reserve  waiting  with  ready 
hands  to  preserve  peace  and  maintain  the  fair  name  of 
the  metropolis.  The  utmost  good  nature  prevailed, 
the  sidwalks  of  the  square  rang  with  the  cries  of  huck- 
sters, women  and  children  lined  the  steps  of  the  adjacent 
houses,  or  innocently  elbowed  their  way  among  the  mul- 
titude, and  faces  generally  wore  anything  but  the  expres- 
sion of  excitement  or  anxiety  which  might  be  expected 
to  attach  to  the  occassion. 

Of  the  ten  or  twelve  thousand  thus  assembled,  prob- 
ably not  more  than  three  thousand  were  actively  identi- 
fied with  the  trades  unions  and  International  societies. 


NEW    YORK    AGITATED.  257 

.and  many  of  the  former  openl}'  expressed  their  condem- 
nation of  the  attempt  of  a  few  men  to  create  further 
trouble  and  distress  at  this  time.  The  bulk  of  the  crowd 
was  composed  of  people  who  curiously  desired  to  see 
what  was  going  on,  and  took  good  care  to  be  sufficiently 
near  the  highways  to  make  an  early  exit  in  case  of  a 
demonstation  by  the  police  or  military.  The  beer-sellers 
of  the  neighborhood  were  evidently  the  only  part  of  the 
community  benefited  by  this  "great"  meeting,  while 
the  surgeons  at  the  several  stations,  who  doubtless  ex- 
pected an  abundance  of  work,  quickly  folded  away  their 
probes  and  sticking  plaster  and  laid  down  to  pleasant 
dreams. 

This  meeting  over,  New  York  became  quiet.  About 
the  armories  the  militia-men  were  enjoying  life  in  a 
very  agreeable  manner.  In  two  days  afterwards  the 
soldiers  were  dismissed,  and  the  great  Metropolis  was 
restored  to  its  wanted  condition,  happy  in  having  escaped 
domestic  convulsion  during  the  great  strikes. 


17 


CHAPTER  XX. 


Away  Fkom  the  Metropolis. 


Rochester's  Wave  of  Trouble — A  Slight  Shock  at  Albany— Syracuse 
Seriously  Threatened— Other  Places  Experience  Some  Uneasiness 

The  Conclusion  of  the  Blockade  at   Hornellsville — The   Empire 

State  Comes  Out  of  the  Great  Strikes  Almost  Unscathed. 


The  momentous  occurrence  of  the  days  of  the  strikes 
overshadowed  every  other  topic,  and  agitated  the  public 
mind  to  its  profoundest  depths.  So  sudden  and  terrible 
was  the  struggle  between  capital  and  labor — so  wide- 
spread and  so  disastrous  to  some  of  the  most  gigantic 
railroads  in  the  world — that  the  public  mind  was  wholly 
unprepared  for  the  events  which  took  place,  and  the 
stoutest  hearts  were  appalled  at  the  scenes  of  arson,  pil- 
lage and  murder,  which  were  enacted  in  two  of  the  most 
prominent  manufacturing  cities  in  the  country.  The 
daily  press  was  never  more  actively  employed  in  gather- 
ing up  the  stirring  news,  and  reporting  fully  the  exciting 
events  that  occurred  during  those  dark  days,  so  that  the 
public  has  been  made  familiar  with  all  the  details  of  the 
great  and  desperate  struggle. 

What  this  struggle  was,  every  man,  woman  and  child 
in  the  land  understood,  who  was  capable  of  reasoning. 
It  is  proper  to  show  how  this  conflict  was  viewed,  and 
however  widely  diversified  opinions  were  expressed, 
in  the  main,  the  strikers  enlisted  a  large  share  of  public 


AWAY    FROM    THE   METROPOLIS.  259' 

sympathy.  All  overt  acts,  however,  were  severely  con- 
demned. 

It  has  been  noticed  how  quick  the  American  people 
can  emerge  from  a  period  of  excitement.  They  not  only 
allow  the  events  of  such  a  crisis  to  pass  out  of  mind 
with  remarkable  celerity,  but  seem  to  abandon  just  as 
readily  the  theories  and  plans  which  absorbed  their  at- 
tention completely,  during  the  entire  time  these  were 
uppermost.  Their  passions  subside  so  rapidly  and  com- 
pletely that  they  become  oblivious  of  the  very  nature  of 
an  exciting  cause  almost  as  soon  as  it  has  ceased  to  mas- 
ter them.  This  may  be  due  to  a  trait  of  national  char- 
acter, or  it  may  arise  from  the  fact  that  no  class  among 
us  have  for  any  great  length  of  time  labored  under  the 
sense  of  an  intolerable  grievance.  The  American  peo- 
ple are  quick  to  forget  and  forgive.  Those  in  thewron<>- 
generally  own  up  when  beaten,  and  the  victors  are  will- 
ing to  let  the  dead  past  bury  its  dead.  But  it  is  also 
quite  as  true  that  no  considerable  fraction  of  our  citizens, 
as  such,  inherit  the  memory  wrong  and  oppression  sys- 
systematically  continued  from  one  generation  to  another. 
It  is  only  recently  that  any  appreciable  number  of  our 
people  have  been  brought  face  to  face  with  suffering 
not   caused  by  themselves. 

For  these  reasons  we  are  inclined  to  believe  that  the 
causes  which  produced  the  turmoil  of  this  year  will 
leave  ft  j  ankling  source  of  future  disorder  behind  it. 
The  striking  and  disaffected  railway  employes  will  not 
forget  thai  1  hey  avowed  opinions,  and  entered  upon  a 
course  sub vci  si ve  of  the  existing  vicious  system  in  the 
distribution  of  wealth — the  production  of  labor.  The 
g  eneral  public  will  forgive  the  attack  upon  its  peace  r 


260  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

when  the  principle  on  which  that  attack  was  based  is 
discovered  to  be  after  all,  in  the  main,  correct.  And 
then,  perhaps,  the  whole  community  may  become 
gradually  pervaded  by  the  idea  that  the  question  of 
wages  is  not  alone  one  of  supply  and  demand,  but  that 
in  the  long  run  the  better  paid,  and  consequently  the 
more  prosperous  and  intelligent  laborers,  are  the  better 
and  more  profitable  workmen. 

Some  day  the  discussion  must  take  place  in  regard  to 
the  proper  adjustment  of  the  relations  between  those 
who  have  hands  to  produce,  and  those  who  have  brains 
to  accumulate  all  the  hands  can  make.  There  is  an  ethi- 
cal side  to  the  question,  and  it  would  be  well  for  the 
country — well  for  the  interests  of  humanity,  if  men  can 
come  with  earnest  minds  and  right  purposes  to  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  subject.  It  seemed  that  the  working 
men,  actuated  by  more  wisdom  than  characterized  some 
of  their  class,  resolved  to  await  the  solution  of  the  ques- 
tion by  discussion,  so  far  as  the  great  State  of  New 
York- was  concerned.     They  did  well. 

The  freight  conductors,  firemen,  and  brakemen  at  East 
Syracuse  struck  on  the  24th,  and  sent  a  despatch  to  Wil- 
liam H.  Vanderbilt,  announcing  the  fact,  and  declaring 
they  would  not  resume  work  until  their  pay  was  restored 
to  the  amount  received  prior  to  July  1st,  1S77. 

The  mechanics  at  East  Syracuse,  numbering  one  hundred 
also  struck.  Six  hundred  freight  cars,  seventy  engines, 
and  forty  trains  of  freight  were  embargoed  at  East  Syra- 
cuse. The  strikers  detailed  a  force  of  their  own  men  to 
guard  and  protect  the  property  of  the  Company. 

The  strikers  were  very  quiet.  They  warned  all  out- 
siders,   tramps,  and   Communists   to   keep    away    from 


AWAY    FROM    THE    METROPOLIS.  261 

them,  declaring  they  were  competent  to  manage  their 
own  business. 

At  East  Syracuse  passenger  trains  were  stopped  by  the 
striker  fn  the  25th,  but  afterwards  were  allowed  to 
start.  Mail  cars  had  been  placed  at  the  rear  of  trains, 
and  as  the  other  cars  could  not  be  detained  without  in- 
terfering with  the  mails,  the  trains  were  allowed  to  pass 
on.  An  effort  to  cause  a  general  strike  at  Syracuse 
during  the  day  was  not  successful.  Eight  companies  of 
the  Forty-eighth  Regiment,  N.  G.,  arrived  from  Oswego, 
and  were  quartered  at  the  State  Armory. 

Passenger  trains  were  running  on  the  Oswego,  Syra- 
cuse and  Binghampton  branch  of  the  Delaware  and 
Lackawanna  Road.  No  freight  was  received  at  Syra- 
cuse. President  Sloan,  of  the  Delaware  and  Lack- 
awanna Road,  and  Superintendent  Priest,  of  the 
Central  Road,  caused  to  be  served  notices  on  the  Sheriff 
of  Onondaga  County,  and  Mayor  of  Syracuse,  of  moles- 
tations and  apprehended  troubles.  The  local  authorities 
perfected  a  strong  organization  to  suppress  any  outbreak. 

It  was  a  fortunate  circumstance  for  the  whole  country, 
that  among  the  working  masses  of  the  great  State  of 
New  York,  their  grievances  were  not  of  a  character  to 
induce,  or  compel  them  to  go  into  the  strikes  which  per- 
vaded the  greater  part  of  the  Union.  There  was  a  time, 
however,  during  the  troublous  days,  when  it  appeared 
as  if  the  great  laboring  masses  of  the  Empire  State  were 
on  the  point  of  rising,  and  with  the  might  of  their  num- 
bers still  further  complicate  matters  and  endanger  the 
political  and  social  institutions  of  the  country.  In  the 
interior  cities  of  the  State,  outside  the  great  Metropolis, 
there  were  a  number  of  marked  manifestations  of  dis- 


262  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

quiet.  The  first  trouble  occured  at  Rochester,  where  at 
one  time  the  railroad  men  held  a  meeting  and  sent  a 
committee  to  confer  with  Mr.  Vanderbilt,  and  decided 
to  await  a  definite  answer  from  him  as  to  the  rescinding 
of  the  ten  per  cent,  reduction  order,  before  taking  action. 
But  there  was  so  few  of  them  as  compared  with  other 
places,  that,  without  reenforcemeuts  from  outside,  the 
chances  were  against  serious  disturbance.  A  hard  look- 
ing  gang  went  down  from  Buffalo,  on  the  22d,  but  the 
police  overawed  them.  One  young  man  was  arrested 
and  locked  up  for  inciting  to  a  breach  of  the  peace, 
and  the  night  passed  without  any  act  of  violence.  All 
the  companies  of  the  Fifty-fourth  Regiment  of  Rochester, 
were  held  in  readiness  for  service  at  the  shortest  warn- 
ing. Early  the  morning  of  the  23d,  Gedde's  cooper 
shop  was  burned ;  the  fire  was  charged  to  the  coopers  on 
strike. 

From  Monday,  the  23d,  no  trains  went  west  of  Ro- 
chester, except  over  the  Falls  branch.  Tuesday  the  Blue 
Line  freight  train  went  over  the  Falls  road  under  police 
guard.  An  engine  and  tender  went  from  Buffalo  to 
Rochester  the  23d. 

The  Albany  Burgess  Corps,  an  independent  company, 
was  ordered  out  the  23d.  The  Ninth  Brigade,  General 
Dicherman,  was  reported  ready  to  proceed  to  Rochester 
at  a  moment's  notice.  The  strikers  at  West  Albany  sent 
a  message  that  they  would  not  allow  troops  to  pass  over 
the  road.  The  strikers  were  in  immense  numbers  on  the 
tracks  between  Albany  and  West  Albany,  and  stopped  all 
freight  trains  on  the  23d  of  July.  The  strikers  pre- 
sented a  picturesque  appearance,  scattered  along  the 
road  on  either  side  of  the  track,  the  women  and  children 


AWAY    FROM   THE    METROPOLIS.  263 

carrying  their  noon  meal,  and  all  sitting  down  enjoying 
it,  while  others  were  racing  with  hand  cars  and  singing 
songs.  One  thousand  men  from  the  Albany  Railroad 
shops  joined  the  strike,  and  proceeded  towards  Albany. 
Governor  Robinson,  Mayor  Banks  and  Chief  of  Police 
Malory,  held  a  consultation  at  the  Executive  Chamber, 
on  the  24th,  to  devise  plans  of  operation  to  preserve  the 
peace.  The  Tenth  Regiment  was  ordered  to  Rochester 
;the  same  day. 

The  Central  Railroad  officials  notified  the  Sheriff  of 
Albany  county  that  they  looked  to  the  county  authori- 
ties to  protect  the  Company's  property  at  West  Albany 
Most  of  the  rolling  stock  there  had  been  sent  away  in 
advance  of  the  strike,  and  twenty-three  engines  went  on 
to  Buffalo  on  Sunday,  to  help  in  moving  the  cattle  cars. 
But  the  shops,  barns,  cattle  sheds,  and  material  remained. 
The  authorities  were  hopeful  that  there  would  be  no 
violence.  The  strike  of  one  thousand  men  employed  at 
West  Albany  was  brought  about  by  a  visit  of  a  delega- 
tion. An  additional  supply  of  ammunition  was  received 
at  the  State  Arsenal,  which  was  well  guarded.  Some 
excitement  was  caused  by  a  report  that  roughs  were 
^atherino'  in  force  near  the  Watervliet  Arsenal,  between 
Albany  and  West  Troy. 

The  strikers  forced  the  men  in  the  Central  depot 
freight  house,  on  Water  street,  the  roundhouse,  and 
•  elevator,  to  quit  work  ;  when  the  men  objected  they 
were  taken  by  the  shoulder  and  thrust  out.  On  State 
street  the  Citizen's  Corps,  of  Troy,  were  met  marching 
to  the  armory  of  the  Tenth  Regiment.  The  crowd 
.hissed  the  soldiers  but  did  not  attack  them. 

On  the  25th  of  July,  Governor  Robinson,  from   the 


261  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

Executive  office  at  Albany,  issued  a  proclamation,  itt 
which  he  invited  the  special  attention  of  all  the  citizens 
of  the  State,  and  especially  of  such  persons  as  were  at- 
tempting to  interfere  with  the  running  of  railroad  trains, 
to  the  provision  of  an  act  of  the  Legislature,  passed  last 
year,  which  provides,  "  That  any  person  who  shall  will- 
fully place  any  obstruction' upon  any  railroad,  or  loosen, 
tear  up,  or  remove  any  part  of  a  railroad,  or  displace, 
tamper,  or  in  any  way  interfere  with  any  switches,  frogs, 
rail,  track,  or  other  part  of  any  railroad,  so  as  to  en- 
danger the  safety  of  any  train,  or  who  shall  willfully 
throw  any  stone,  or  any  other  missile,  at  any  train  or  any 
railroad,  shall,  upon  conviction  thereof,  be  punished  by 
imprisonment  in  a  State  prison,  not  exceeding  ten  years,. 
or  be  liable  to  a  fine  not  exceeding  one  thousand  dollars, 
or  by  both  such  fine  and  imprisonment." 

The  Governor  warned  all  persons  engaged  in  the 
violation  of  the  law  to  desist  therefrom,  and  he  called 
upon  all  Sheriffs,  Magistrates,  District  Attorneys,  and 
other  civil  officers,  and  upon  all  good  citizens  to  aid  in 
the  enforcement  of  the  law,  and  secure  the  punishment 
of  all  who  were  guilty  of  its  violation,  and  he  offered  a 
reward  of  five  hundred  dollars,  to  be  paid  upon  the  ar- 
rest and  conviction  of  each  and  every  person  who  should 
be  found  guilty  of  a  violation  of  the  act.  The  failure 
or  omission  of  any  Sheriff,  District  Attorney,  or  other 
civil  officer  to  take  the  most  active  steps  in  his  power 
to  enforce  the  provisions  of  the  act  wTas  declared  to  be 
a  sufficient  cause  for  his  removal. 

At  Albany  the  crisis  was  passed  on  the  25th.  That 
morning  the  workmen  resumed  operations  in  the  rail- 
road shops  and  yards,  and  freight  trains  were  despatched. 


AWAY    FROM    THE    METROPOLIS.  265 

The  military,  under  the  command  of  General  Carr,  em- 
bracing the  Ninth  and  Tenth  Regiments  of  National 
Guards,  with  the  Albany  Jackson  Corps,  and  the  Citi- 
zens' Corps,  of  Troy,  protected  the  road  and  held  the 
streets  of  the  Capital  in  quiet. 

A  striker  in  Albany  was  not  to  be  found.  An  attempt 
was  made  to  hold  a  meeting  within  the  lines  of  General 
Carr's  Division,  at  West  Albany,  but  by  the  sudden 
onslaught  of  six  companies  of  the  Ninth  Regiment,, 
the  workingmen  were  dispersed.  It  was  remarked 
that  there  was  no  interference  with  a  meeting  of 
capitalist  held  the  same  day.  The  strikers  had  gone  to 
a  portion  of  the  line  between  Albany  and  Schenectady, 
where  they  could  overhaul  trains  without  fear  of  the 
military.  Nobody  believed  that  the  rioters  had  per- 
manently dispersed. 

At  the  Adjutant-General's  office,  at  Albany,  business 
was  excessively  brisk  about  this  time.  The  Adjutant- 
General  was  superintending  the  movement  of  troops 
which  was  going  on  with  the  expedition  that  might  be 
expected  from  regulars.  The  promptitude  of  command- 
ants and  commissaries  was  something  worthy  of  com- 
mendation. The  troops  were  posted  where  they  could 
best  suppress  disorders.  The  promptness  of  the  Governer 
and  the  Adjutant-General  had  so  far  prevented  violence 
and  bloodshed. 

=Early  in  the  morning  of  the  25th,  the  Ninth  Regiment,, 
accompanied  by  General  Carr  and  staff,  proceeded  by 
special  train  to  West  Albany,  where  there  had  been  a. 
sort  of  blockade.  It  had  been  feared  from  the  opera- 
tions of  the  previous  night  that  an  attempt  would  be? 
made  to  prevent  the  despatch  of  freight  and  other  busi- 


%§§  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

ness  at  that  point.  It  was  well-known  that  the  men  who 
crossed  the  river  at  East  Albany,  to  prevent  the  passage 
of  the  Ninth  Regiment,  on  Tuesday  evening,  were  only 
too  ready  to  act  in  concert  with  any  malcontents  in  that 
vicinity,  and,  moreover,  a  mass  meeting  of  strikers  had 
adjourned  to  meet  there  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
West  Albany  was  considered  a  vantage  ground,  and 
there  it  was  expected  the  most  hostile  demonstration 
would  be  made ;  therefore,  the  concentration  of  troops 
at  that  point  was  decided  to  be  of  vital  importance. 

General  Carr  and  Colonel  Hitchcock  had  a  council  of 
war  during  the  night,  and  decided  to  occupy  and  hold 
West  Albany  depot.  Accordingly,  the  Ninth,  after 
sleeping  on  the  soft  side  of  pine  planks  in  Martin's 
Hall,  turned  out,  unrefreshed,  at  daybreak,  and  formed 
on  Broadway.  The  men  had  a  good  breakfast,  marched 
to  the  depot  and  embarked.  The  Regiment,  with  Gen- 
eral Carr  and  staff,  arrived  at  West  Albany  before  seven 
o'clock.  The  train  was  stopped  and  the  men  alighted, 
and  by  column  it  was  countermarched  along  to  the 
bridge  and  crossed  to  the  depot,  half  a  mile  distant. 
Beneath  the  bridge  the  Ninth  rested.  General  Carr 
made  his  headquarters  at  the  railroad  station. 

The  Tenth  Regiment,  of  Albany,  four  hundred  men, 
arrived  soon  after,  commanded  by  Colonel  Amasa  J. 
Parker,  Jr. 

The  first  train  moved  west  at  a  quarter  to  twelve  a.  m., 
and  about  the  time  the  Citizen's  Guard,  of  Troy,  ap- 
peared, as  did  also  crowds  of  sulky  people.  These,  how- 
ever, did  not  interfere  with  transit,  and  during  the  day 
trains  went  east  and  west  without  let  orhinderance. 

Early  in  the  afternoon  the  pickets  south  came  in,  and 


AWAY    FROM    THE    METROPOLIS.  267 

reported  riotous  demonstrations  in  that  direction.  In- 
stantly the  Ninth  was  in  line,  moving  down  the  track. 
General  Carr  and  Colonel  Hitchock  were  in  advance, 
and  Carr's  son  was  the  sentry  on  the  left  front,  where 
some  excited  men  were  assembled.  A  slight  movement 
of  some  of  these  fellows  led  young  Carr  to  think  that 
his  father's  life  was  menaced. 

"  Stop,"  said  he  to  the  men,  "  the  first  man  that  at- 
tempts to  hurt  him,"  pointing  to  his  father,  "  I  will  shoot 
him  on  the  spot." 

He  brought  his  piece  to  his  hip  as  he  spoke,  and  the 
men  quickly  got  out  of  his  way,  whereat  the  young 
hero  chuckled. 

Meanwhile  Colonel  Hitchcock's  and  Parker's  men  had 
cleared  the  bridge  and  roadways  without  difficulty,  and 
the  rioters  south  retired  without  doing  any  mischief. 

An  attempt  to  fire  the  railway  bridge  over  the  Nev- 
ersink  river,  situated  one-half  mile  east  of  the  Erie  Depot, 
in  Port  Jervis,  was  made  on  the  night  of  the  24th. 
Precautionary  measures  were  taken  by  the  Company  at  the 
commencemet  of  the  disturbances,  and  an  increased  num- 
ber of  watchmen  were  stationed  at  the  bridge.  This  fact 
undoubtedly  saved  it  from  destruction,  as  a  five-gallon 
can  of  kerosene  was  discovered  under  the  bridge,  placed 
in  such  a  position  that  its  ignition  would  have  carried 
the  flames  to  the  woodwork  of  the  bridge. 

It  was  supposed  that  the  incendiaries  became  alarmed 
before  the  completion  of  their  arrangements,  and  think- 
ing they  were  discovered,  fled,  leaving  the  oil  behind 
them.  The  guards  at  that  point  were  increased,  and 
there  was  no  further  trouble. 

A   spirit   of  maliciousness  developed  itself  that  was 


268  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

not  manifested  at  the  outbreak  of  the  troubles.  Rails 
were  torn  up,  and  obstructions  of  every  conceivable 
kind  placed  on  the  track.  Along  the  Delaware  Division 
of  the  Erie,  several  attempts  to  wreck  trains  were  made, 
but  additional  watchmen  were  employed,  and  but  little 
damage  was  done.  An  extra  engine  was  despatched 
ahead  of  trains  to  see  if  the  track  was  all  right,  and  they 
ran  at  a  less  rate  of  speed  than  usual. 

On  the  engines  of  the  trains  passing  through  the  tur- 
bulent section  of  the  country,  sharpshooters  were  placed, 
and  they  were  ready  for  any  emergency.  At  all  stations 
a  force  of  Sheriff's  deputies  were  on  hand  on  the  arrival 
of  trains,  ready  to  check  any  riotous  movement. 

On  the  25th,  a  hundred  firemen  on  the  Easton  and 
Delaware  divisions  of  the  Erie  were  ready  and  anxious 
for  a  strike ;  an  equal,  or  perhaps  a  larger  number,  were 
opposed  to  one;  more  than  this,  they  refused  to  give  it 
the  least  encouragement,  asserting  that  regardless  of  the 
action  of  the  Brotherhood,  or  of  any  other  class  of  em- 
ployes, they  would  continue  to  attend  to  their  duty.  Of 
those  belonging  to  the  Order  a  majority  were  undoubt- 
edly in  favor  of  a  strike.  The  Brotherhood  met  every 
night,  and  though  the  men  were  pledged  to  secrecy,  and 
every  possible  effort  was  made  to  prevent  the  railway 
officials  from  obtaining  accurate  reports  from  the  organi- 
zation, disclosing  the  result  of  their  deliberations, 
the  meetings  became  disorderly  in  the  extreme,  violent 
language  was  used,  and  recriminations  and  charges  of 
unfaithfulness  to  the  Order  were  of  common  occurrence. 
Representatives  from  abroad  made  inflammatory  speeches 
urging  the  Brotherhood  to  action,  but  the  more  prudent 
ones  saw  the  folly  of  striking,  unless  there  was  unity 
among  the  men. 


AWAY    FROM    THE    METROPOLIS.  269 

Donahue,  the  leader  of  the  strikers  at  Hornellsville, 
and  five  others  were  arrested  on  the  25th,  and  placed  in 
irons,  and  the  strikers  were  much  depressed. 

A  settlement  of  the  difficulties  seemed  near  at  hand. 
The  strikers  made  propositions  to  Receiver  Jewett, 
agreeing  to  ^surrender,  conditioned  only  that  they  be 
granted  immunity  from  punishment  for  the  mischief 
they  had  done.  This  the  railroad  officials  declined,  as 
thev  were  determined  to  make  no  concessions,  and  had 
resolved  to  prosecute  to  the  end  every  violator  of  the 
law.  But  this  determination  was  subsequently  changed. 
Through  the  earnestness  and  zeal  of  the  attorneys  for 
the  strikers,  the  Company  was  induced  to  accept  the 
proposition  of  the  strikers,  as  the  very  best  thing  that 
could  be  done,  and  on  that  basis  the  Hornellsville 
troubles  were  disposed  of.  Business  was  resumed  on  the 
Erie  at  Hornellsville,  at  six  o'clock  on  the  morning  of 
the  26th.  The  yard  was  rapidly  cleared  of  the  blockade 
of  trains ;  the  late  strikers  were  working  with  a  will, 
and  the  leaders  declared  that  their  settlement  would  be 
the  death-blow  to  the  strikers  on  the  other  trunk  roads. 
Regular  passenger  trains  left  Hornellsville  for  New 
York,  Buffalo,  and  Dunkirk  almost  on  time.  The  mana- 
gers of  the  strike  there  were  in  communication  with 
those  of  the  strikes  elsewhere,  and  were  using  their  best 
efforts  to  bring  about  a  discontinuance  of  their  rebellion 
against  their  respective  companies.  General  Howard 
and  General  Superintendent  Bower  left  for  New  York. 
Assistant  Receiver  Sherman,  Chief  Engineer  Chanute, 
and  Mr.  MacFarland,  the  Company's  Attorney,  were  still 
at  Hornellsville,  completing  details  of  the  settlement, 
and   directing   the   opening   of  business.     The    utmost 


270  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

good  feeling  prevailed ;  only  a  few  chronic  malcontents,, 
who  had  nothing  to  lose,  and  everything  to  win  by  the 
strike,  were  expressing  any  dissatisfaction  with  the  re- 
sult. 

The  Seventy-fourth  Regiment,  of  Buffalo,  and  the 
Fifty -fourth,  of  Rochester,  were  ordered  home.  The  mili- 
tary guard  was  removed  from  the  Company's  property, 
and  the  employes  had  full  charge.  The  Twenty-third 
Regiment  was  awaiting  orders.  Bands  of  music  paraded 
the  streets  amid  popular  demonstrations  of  rejoicing  over 
the  result.  The  amicable  settlement  was  due  to  the 
sound  counsel  of  Horace  Bemis  and  Miles  W.  Hawley, 
attorneys  of  the  late  strikers,  which  more  than  anything 
led  to  the  conciliatory  and  magnanimous  spirit  in  which 
their  propositions  were  met  by  the  Company.  Trains 
were  soon  running  regularly  between  New  York  and  Sal- 
amanca, and  Dunkirk. 

A  train  with  the  Seventy-fourth  Regiment  on  board,, 
went  to  Buffalo.  General  Superintendent  Bowen  and 
Attorney  MacFarland  left  on  the  same  train.  Assistant 
General  Superintendent  Chanute  remained  in  charge  at 
Hornellsville. 

The  troops  still  remained  in  camp  at  West  Albany,  to 
the  number  of  twelve  hundred,  on  the  27th,  but  the 
strike  was  at  an  end.  The  strikers  held  another  meet- 
ing in  Capital  Park  during  the  evening.  It  was  chiefly 
remarkable  for  the  earnestness  with  which  the  speakers 
denounced  the  outside  element  that  had  brought  them 
into  disrepute.  After  appointing  an  Executive  Commit- 
tee to  transact  all  the  future  business  of  the  strikers,  it 
was  resolved  not  to  hold  any  more  public  meetings- 
The  petition,  which  the  Mayor  was  to  have  circulated  for 


AWAY    FROM    THE    METROPOLIS.  271 

signatures,  asking  rates  paid  before  the  reduction  made 
on  July  1,  was  not  circulated.  At  the  meeting  held  the 
evening  of  the  27th,  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  ap- 
pointed to  look  after  the  petition,  when  asked  what  had 
been  done,  could  not  explain  why  no  action  had  been 
taken  The  shops  were  still  closed  at  West  Albany, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Wagner  Drawing  Room  Car 
Shops,  but  the  Railroad  officials  said  the  road  could  be 
operated  for  six  months  without  employing  a  mechanic. 

Governor  Robinson,  accompanied  by  Adjutant-General 
Townsend  and  General  Tracey,  reviewed  the  troops  in 
camp  at  West  Albany,  on  the  27th.  The  next  day  he 
reviewed  them  on  Pearl  street,  Albany.  They  did  not 
again  return  to  camp.  Assistant  Adjutant-General  Tay- 
lor figured  up  the  cost  of  moving  and  maintaining  the 
troops  in  the  State  since  the  commencement  of  the 
strike.  He  placed  the  expense  at  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  dollars.  The  allowance  under  the  law 
is  at  the  rate  of  sixteen  dollars  a  month.  The  Ninth 
Regiment  left  on  tho  28th  for  New  York.  It  was  not 
deemed  wise  to  move  all  the  troops  away  at  once.  It 
was  apprehended  that  serious  trouble  might  result  if 
such  a  course  was  pursued.  Some  stones  were  thrown 
at  a  train  on  the  27th,  in  a  cut,  near  Albany,  but  no  one 
was  hurt. 

During  the  evening  of  the  27th,  orders  were  issued 
from  the  Adjutant-General's  office,  to  the  Division  Com- 
manders, to  disband  their  forces.  The  strike  was  re- 
garded as  at  an  end.  No  further  trouble  was  anticipated 
in  New  York  State,  and  none  occurred. 


CHAPTEE  XXI. 


Onward  Through  Ohio. 


Events  in  the  Buckeye  State — An  Ugly  Mob  at  Columbus — Marching 
Around  and  "Shutting  Manufactories  Down" — Festive  Firemen 
at  Collingswood — Marching  Though  Zanesville — The  Breeze  at 
Newark — Cincinnati's  Fortunate  Escape — A  Mayor  Harmless  but 
Wise— He  Talks  Kindly  to  the  Strikers— And  They  Hear  Him 
Gladly— Trouble  at  Toledo. 


At  Cincinnati,  an  uneasy,  restless  feeling  was  preva- 
lent among  the  officers  of  the  railroads  centering  there, 
although  no  strike. had  been  yet  inaugurated,  on  the 
20th.  The  Ohio  and  Mississippi  men  were  waiting  for 
the  pay-car,  which  passed  East  on  the  road  the  following 
Monday,  when  they  struck.  The  car  started  from  St. 
Louis,  and  that  was  where  trouble  was  first  anticipated. 
The  Ohio  and  Mississippi  Railway  is  the  Western  outlet 
of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio.  On  the  Marrietta  and  Cin- 
cinnati road,  the  intermediate  connection  of  the  Balti- 
more and  Ohio,  no  trouble  occurred,  and  the  personal 
popularity  of  General  Superintendent  Peabody  was  very 
great.  The  Erie  connection  there — from  Cincinnati, 
Hamilton  and  Dayton  road — notified  their  men  of  a  re- 
duction, but  on  the  demand  of  the  employes,  the  order 
of  reduction  was  subsequently  rescinded.  There  had 
been  no  trouble  on  the  Pan-Handle  road  west  of  Pitts- 
burgh. The  Cincinnati,  Louisville  and  Lexington 
Railroad  Compan  ynotified  their  men  of  a  reduction  of  ten 


ONWARD    THROUGH    OHIO.  273 

per  cent.,  to  take  effect  immediately,  but  the  order  was  not 
-carried  out. 

On  the  22d,  the  Cincinnati,  Hamilton  and  Dayton 
Railroad  Company  acceded  to  the  demand  of  their  em- 
ployes, and  thus  withdrew  a  large  number  of  men  from 
the  forces  of  the  strikers. 

The  Little  Miami  Railway  Company  did  the  "same 
thing.  The  action  taken  by  the  managers  of  these  rail- 
road companies  was  of  immense  service  to  the  authori- 
ties in  preserving  the  piece  and  upholding  the  laws  in 
•Cincinnati.  The  withdrawal  of  so  many  men  from  the 
strike,  cured  the  enthusiasm  of  a  vast  number  of 
sympathizers.  The  moral  effect  was  of  incalculable 
value  to  the  friends  of  law  and  order  at  that  critical 
juncture.  It  turned  the  scales  against  riots  in  Cincin- 
nati. 

The  situation  on  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  Railroad  as- 
sumed a  more  serious  aspect  on  the  23d.  All  trains, 
both  passenger  and  freight,  were  blocked.  Only  postal 
■cars  were  allowed  to  leave  the  yards.  Strikers  were 
posted  at  Storr's  Station,  a  short  distance  from  Cincinnati, 
and  determined  no  train  should  leave  that  city. 

A  deputation  waited  upon  Superintendent  Graves 
that  daj*,  but  received  no  satisfactory  assurance.  Nine 
-engines  and  trains  of  freight  cars  were  abandoned  along 
the  road. 

Mayor  Moore  issued  a  proclamation,  wherein,  after 
reciting  the  accounts  of  disturbances  at  Pittsburgh  and 
•other  points,  he  commended  the  example  of  the  citizens 
of  Cincinnati  as  creditable  to  her  people,  and  felt  assured 
it  would  result  to  the  General  and  individual  good  of  all 
citizens  of  Cincinnati. 

18 


274  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

The  serious  nature  of  the  difficulties  between  the  rail- 
road companies  and  their  employes  induced  Governor 
Young,  of  Ohio,  to  issue  a  proclamation,  which  he  didr 
the  document  reading  as  follows : 

Executive  Department.        ) 
Columbus,  Ohio,  July  25,  1877.  f 

To  the  People  of  Ohio: — 

Owing  to  the  troubles  existing  between  Railroad  Com- 
panies and  their  employes,  great  excitement  exists 
throughout  the  State.  Of  this  unfortunate  state  of  affairs 
lawless  and  disreputable  persons  are  taking  advantage,. 
and  endangering  life  and  property.  The  civil  authori- 
ties, State,  county  and  municipal,  as  well  as  the  military, 
must  and  will  everywhere  exert  their  power  to  enforce 
the  law  in  every  respect.  The  good  name  of  our  people 
demands  that  this  shall  be  done,  and  in  no  other  way 
can  the  order  which  is  absolutely  necessary  to  public 
and  private  safety  be  maintained. 

To  avert  all  danger,  and  in  order  to  successfully  meet 
all  resistance  to  thorough  execution  of  the  law,  I  hereby 
call  on  law-abiding  men  in  all  our  cities,  towns  and  vil- 
lages to  tender  their  services  to  their  respective  civil 
authorities,  and  under  their  direction  and  control  organ- 
ize themselves  into  a  volunteer  police  force  sufficiently 
strong  to  overawe  the  lawless  elements. 

I  confidently  expect  all  good  men  will  respond 
promptly  and  cheerfully  to  this  call. 

Thomas  L  Young,  Governor. 

At  Cincinnati,  on  the  25th,  no  grain  was  moved  from 
the   elevators,    and  several   manufactories   had   stopped 


ONWAKD    THROUGH    OHIO.  275 

work  in  consequence  of  inability  to  ship  their  goods. 
The  employes  of  the  Wabash  Railway  at  that  point  did 
not  join  the  strike. 

At  a  large  meeting  of  railroad  men  held  the  night  of 
the  25th,  a  desire  was  expressed  by  the  speakers  that 
railroad  and  all  other  property  should  be  protected.  No 
attempts  were  made  to  interfere  with  the  workmen  in  fac- 
tories, mills,  &c,  but  apprehensions  were  felt  that  such 
an  action  might  be  resorted  to  during  the  trouble. 

Order  was  restored  permanently  in  Cincinnati  in  a 
comparatively  brief  time  after  the  iirst  manifestations  of 
the  strike.  The  action  of  the  railroad  employes  in  ten- 
dering their  services  to  protect  railroad  property  and 
secure  the  moving  of  passenger  trains,  left  malicious 
abettors  bent  upon  extreme  measures  without  a  footing. 
Passenger  trains  were  sent  out  on  the  Hamilton  and 
Dayton  Railroad,  guarded  by  railroad  men,  each  train 
having  four  or  six  well  armed  men  on  the  engine,  and 
two  or  four  on  the  platforms.  The  Miami  passenger 
trains  arrived  and  departed  on  time  as  usual.  Another 
evidence  of  the  wisdom  of  making  concessions.  Trains 
on  the  Cincinnati  and  Marietta  road  also  run  regularly. 

No  through  freight  trains  were  moved  on  any  of  the 
roads.  Passenger  trains  were  uninterrupted  on  all  the 
roads  running  into  Cincinnati,  except  the  Ohio  and  Mis- 
sissippi. 

The  railroad  men  were  generally  among  the  best  friends 
of  law  and  order  at  Cincinnati.  Many  trains,  both, 
freight  and  passenger,  were  running,  and  only  on  the 
Ohio  and  Mississippi  was  there  complete  blockade. 
There  was  a  fortunate  and  complete  absence  of  interfer- 
ence by  the  Federal  authorities.     A  feature  of  the  close 


276  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

of  the  strike — or  rather  the  failure  to  get  up  one  there- 
was  the  outpouring  of  tramps,  noticed  by  all  incoming 
railroaders.  The  walkers  had  evidently  found  that  it 
was  healthier  for  their  class  elsewhere. 

At  Collinswood,  on  the  Lake  Shore  road,  in  Ohio,  on 
the  25th,  a  large  body  of  strikers  had  gathered,  and  the 
men  were  in  constant  communication  with  their  fellows 
in  Buffalo  and  Cleveland.     Everything   was   quiet  and 
orderly,  but  the  men  seemed  to  be  determined  to  carry 
their  point.     For  miles  up  on   the  side  tracks,  freight 
cars  stood  as  closely  together  as  possible,  and  much  of 
the  freight  of  a  perishable   nature   spoiled.     In  certain 
instances  permission  was  given  parties  in  Cleveland  and 
elsewhere  to  cart  it  away,  but  subseqently  a  resolution 
was  passed  that  no  more  freight  be  interfered  with.  The 
feeling  was  very  bitter  against  nearly  all  the  officers  of 
the  road.    A  conference  was  had  between  the  committee 
of  the  strikers  and  General  Manager,  John  Newell.    Mr. 
Newell  told  the  men  that  he  could  do  nothing  directly 
for   them,   but   that  he  would  use  his    influence  with 
President  Vanderbilt  in  their  favor.      Among  the  men, 
there  was  a  certain  element  becoming  very  impatient  at 
the  delay,  and  the  question  was  often  asked,  with  con- 
siderable earnestness,  how  much  longer  they  were  ex- 
pected  to   restrain   themselves    peaceably.     The    three 
hundred  car  loads  of  cattle  and  hoars  were  all  unloaded 
and  cared  for  in  pens.  Meanwhile  the  men  were  devoting 
themselves   to    social    festivities.       Dances    were    held 
in   the  station  house,  the  men  designating    those   who 
were  to  act  as  ladies  by  tying  handkerchiefs  around  their 
arms.     The  ladies  of  the  village  gave  the  men  a  pic- 
nic dinner  under  the  trees  of  the  beautiful  grove  near 


ONWARD    THROUGH    OHIO.  277 

the  station,  after  which  a  large  number  of  speeches  were 
made  by  the  men,  all  of  whom  counseled  moderation, 
and  an  entire  abandonment  of  the  saloons.  It  was  held 
that  public  sympathy  and  support  would  continue  with 
them  just  so  long  as  they  behaved  like  men. 

During  the  morning  of  the  23d,  at  Zanesville,  Ohio, 
two  thousand  men  assembled  in  front  of  the  new  hotel 
being  built  under  contract  for  J.  B.  Townsend,  and 
commanded  the  men  working  on  the  building  to  quit 
work,  which  they  did ;  and  they  also  assembled  in  front 
of  the  court-house,  where  the  crowd  was  addressed  by 
Henry  Blandy,  who  counseled  moderation,  and  told 
them  to  look  to  the  Democratic  Convention  for  consola- 
tion. After  the  speech  large  crowds  marched  to  the  dif- 
ferent manufacturing  places  in  the  city,  compelling  the 
men  to  quit  work.  They  also  waited  on  Townsend  & 
Burgess,  proprietors  of  the  street  railway,  compelling 
them  to  haul  off  the  street  cars.  Mayor  McGowan  re- 
quested that  saloons  be  closed.  No  further  violence 
was  attempted.  In  all,  about  fifty  manufacturing  estab- 
lishments were  forced  to  close. 

Two  consultation  meetings  were  held  by  the  Lake 
Shore  Railway  strikers  in  Cleveland,  on  the  25th,  and 
their  organization  further  perfected.  It  was  decided 
not  to  molest  the  workmen  of  the  Cleveland,  Columbus 
Cincinnati  and  Indianapolis  Railroad,  who  had  resumed, 
nor  to  interfere  with  workmen  in  the  manufactories  of  the 
city.  Special  precautions  were  taken  to  prevent  the  tramps 
and  other  persons  having  no  right  there,  from  joining  the 
strikers  in  any  way.  Great  care  was  taken  to  protect 
railway  property.  A  few  passenger  trains  on  the  Cleve- 
land and  Pittsburgh  were  run  some  distance  down  the 


278 


THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 


line.  Delegations  of  Lake  Shore  men  twice  talked  with 
General  Manager  Newell,  without  result. 

The  Lake  Shore  shop  men  held  meetings,  and  adopted 
measures  to  secure  the  co-operation  of  all  the  shops  on 
the  line  between  Buffalo  and  Cleveland,  and  were  sus- 
tained in  it  by  the  shop  hands  of  the  Cleveland,  Cincin- 
nati, Columbus  and  Indianopolis  Railroadmen,  who 
were  at  work  on  a  compromise.  The  trackmen  were 
firm,  and  fully  sustained  the  shops.  Strikers  from  To- 
ledo and  Cleveland  closed  the  Newark  shops  on  the  25th 
of  July. 

A  large  open-air  meeting  was  held  at  Crestline,  Ohio, 
on  the  evening  of  the  25th,  which  was  addresssd  by  the 
Mayor,  Manuel  Wray,  of  Mansfield,  and  others.  The 
addresses  were  full  of  sympathy  for  the  strikers  in  their 
just  demands,  and  extolling  their  orderly  conduct,  while 
deploring  the  stagnation  brought  on  the  country.  One 
train  a  day  only,  was  run  over  the  Fort  Wayne  Road 
after  that  date. 

The  railroad  strike  caused  some  excitement  on  the 
Cincinnati,  Mount  Vernon  and  Columbus  Railroad.  The 
through  freight  trains  were  abandoned.  The  railroad 
bridge  at  Killbuck,  five  miles  south  of  Millersburg, 
Ohio,  was  fired  by  tramps,  causing  some  delay,  but  not 
much  damage.  The  emplo}res  were  very  anxious  for  the 
restoration  of  their  wages  prior  to  June  1st. 

About  noon  on  the  25th,  the  railroad  strikers  at  Col- 
umbus, Ohio,  to  the  number  of  three  hundred,  went  to 
the  rolling-mill,  and  compelled  the  employes  to  suspend 
work.  They  also  went  to  many  other  factories,  the  em- 
ployes of  which  joined  the  strikers  as  they  went  along. 
The  entire  crowd  also  had  dinners  with  them,  and  to  the 


ONWARD   THROUGH    OHIO.  279 


number  of  two  thousand,  they  proceeded  to  the  Union 
Depot,  where  they  dined.  There  was  no  other  violence. 
General  Manager  Caldwell,  of  the  Pittsburgh,  Cincin- 
nati and  St.  Louis  road,  had  ordered  all  shops  closed, 
and  the  suspension  of  all  business,  except  such  as  was 
necessary  to  keep  the  passenger  trains  moving.  No  in  • 
terference  was  offered  such  trains. 

No  passenger  trains  left  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Ttailroad  that  day.  The  Hocking  Valley  trackmen  quit 
the  morning  of  the  25th.  The  same  evening  the  shop- 
men joined  in  the  strike.  Quiet  reigned  at  the  Newark 
yards,  which  was  under  the  control  of  the  troops.  No 
attempt  was  made  to  move  trains  on  account  of  the 
blockaded  condition  of  the  tracks.  Passenger  trains  were 
also  delayed.  Strikers  were  distributed  at  different 
points  along  the  road. 

The  Pittsburgh,  Cincinnati  and  St.  Louis  striking  fire- 
men and  brakemen  were  emphatic  in  denouncing  the  ac- 
tion of  the  mob  in  closing  up  business  establishments. 
While  they  were  firm  in  the  purpose  of  maintaining  a 
strike,  and  preventing  the  running  of  freight  trains, 
they  utterly  repudiated  all  riotous,  incendiary,  and  law- 
less proceedings,  and  promised  to  do  all  in  their  power 
to  bring  the  rioters  to  justice,  and  prevent  a  repetition  of 
their  excesses.  The  strikers  were  thoroughly  organized, 
and  determined  not  to  yield.  They  declared  that  they 
could  not  live  upon  their  present  compensation,  and  the 
men  were  discharged  if  they  created  a  debt.  The 
strikers  resolved  not  to  countenance  any  drunkenn3ss  or 
violence  by  any  of  their  number. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Lake  Shore  men,   at  Cleveland, 
<on  the  26th,  a  Committee  from  the   Cleveland,  Colum- 


280 


THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 


bus,  Cincinnati  and  Indianapolis  shops  was  present,  and' 
asked  whether  it  was  the  wish  of  the  strikers  that  they 
continue  work  on  the  terms  offered  by  President  Deve- 
reux.  This  Committee  further  offered  to  pool  their 
earnings  for  the  assistance  of  other  strikers,  if  thought 
necessary.  A  vote  of  thanks  was  passed  by  the  strikers 
for  this  offer,  after  which  it  was  voted  that  the  Cleve- 
land, Columbus,  Cincinnati  and  Indianapolis  men  keep 
on  with  their  work.  A  Committee  was  then  appointed 
to  visit  Norwalk,  Buffalo  and  Erie,  and  confer  with  the 
men  there.  The  Cleveland,  Columbus,  Cincinnati  and 
Indianapolis,  and  the  Atlantic  and  the  Great  Western 
roads  were  accordingly  doing  their  full  business  all 
through  the  strikes. 

The  following  proposition  was  circulated,  and  gener- 
ally signed,  by  the  striking  railroad  men,  at  Columbus,. 
Ohio,  on  the  27th  of  July : 

If  we  should  succeed  in  getting  our  demands,  we 
should  like  to  know  if  our  fellow  railroad  men  through- 
out the  land  will  go  in  with  us  to  agree  to  deprive  them- 
selves of  a  small  sum,  say  thirty-five  or  fifty  cents  per 
month,  to  pay  the  citizens  of  Pittsburgh  for  their  losses 
in  the  late  fire,  caused  by  the  hot-headedness  of  parties 
not  directly  interested  in  the  strike,  the  whole  to  be 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  United  States  Treasurer,  with 
the  privilege  of  using  the  same  at  a  small  rate  of  inter- 
est, and  all  over  and  above  the  sum  sufficient  to  pay  the- 
losses  of  said  citizens  to  be  divided  among  the  railway 
reading-rooms  throughout  the  country. 

Hoping  you  will  cause  this  to  be  circulated  through- 
out the  country,  we  have  the  honor  to  be  your  most  obe- 
dient servants, 

(Signed.)  Committee. 


ONWARD   THROUGH    OHIO.  281 

Governor  Young  notified  the  military  at  Columbus, 
and  four  companies  at  Newark,  on  the  27th,  to  go  home, 
but  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  be  asrain  called  into 
service  at  a  moment's  notice.  One  company  was  left  at 
Newark.  The  Sheriff  of  Pike  County  telegraphed  from 
Waverly  for  militia,  and  the  Adjutant-General  ordered  a 
company  from  Zanesville  to  Waverly.  The  call  for 
troops  was  occasioned  by  a  strike  on  the  Narrow-gauge 
railway. 

A  meeting  of  the  Pittsburgh,  Cincinnati  and  St.  Louis 
Railroad  employes,  Columbus,  Chicago  and  Indiana  Cen- 
tral division,  was  held  at  Goodale  Park,  Columbus,  at 
which  resolutions  were  adopted  reaffirming  the  resolu- 
tions adopted  at  a  meeting  held  on  the  24th,  wherein  the 
restoration  of  wages  of  1874  was  demanded,  and  a  de- 
termination was  expressed  not  to  resume  work  until  the 
demand  was  complied  with. 

The  strikers  themselves,  except  in  a  few  isolated  cases, 
refrained  from  indulgence  in  strong  drink,  and  were 
the  upholders  of  good  order  and  the  law,  in  every 
particular,  except  to  the  running  of  trains.  Taken  as  a 
measure  of  the  character  of  men  who  run  the  American 
railways,  the  strikers  revealed  them  as  a  class  far  above 
the  average  of  workingmen  in  this  country  or  in  Europe. 
Some  of  them  betrayed  the  possession  of  remarkable 
executive  ability. 

During  the  morning  of  the  27th,  at  Cincinnati,  when 
a  train  was  about  to  start  on  the  Hamilton  and  Dayton 
road,  a  crowd  gathered  and  prepared  to  prevent  the  train 
from  going  out.  There  were  quite  a  number  of  the 
would-be  rioters,  but  word  was  sent  to  the  special  police  ; 
a  party  of  them  came  upon  the  scene,  and  the  crowd 
vanished  from  the  vicinity. 


282  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

Later  the  same  day,  a  striking  example  was  offered  of 
the  effect  of  resolution  in  an  individual  in  times  of  ex- 
citement and  peril.  A  freight  train  was  moving  out  on 
the  Dayton  Short  Line,  when  a  crowd  gathered  and 
stopped  it,  forcing  the  engineer,  by  threats,  to  bring  the 
train  to  a  stand-still.  At  this  juncture  a  looker-on,  an 
ex-railroad  man,  became  irritated  beyond  control,  and 
resolved  to  send  that  train  out  himself.  He  asked  the 
engineer  if  he  wanted  to  go  out,  and  was  answered  in 
the  affirmative.  Then  he  stepped  forward,  a  revolver  in 
Jiis  hand,  and  announced  to  the  crowd  that  he  would 
kill  the  first  man  offering  to  stop  the  train  again.  The 
train  left  the  depot  safely  with  only  that  one  audacious 
man  with  a  revolver  as  a  guard  to  protect  it. 

The  strikers  at  Cincinnati  became  the  worst  foes  of 
all  against  the  roughs,  who  had  joined  in  their  meetings. 
A  curious  circumstance  added  to  the  animosity.  At  one 
of  the  meetings  held,  the  thieves  picked  the  pockets  of 
the  strikers,  as  well  as  of  other  people; 'a  prominent 
engineer  lost  a  fine  gold  watch.  This  circumstance 
opened  his  eyes  to  the  difference  between  a  striker  and  a 
plunderer. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Hamilton  and  Dayton. employes, 
held  on  the  27th,  considerable  confusion  arose  among 
them,  as  to  whether  they  were  all  to  be  considered 
strikers.  It  was  certain  that  freight  trains  went  out  on 
the  Dayton  Short  Line,  the  Hamilton  andDayton,  and 
the  Marietta  lines.  Upon  the  other  roads,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi,  the  passenger  trains 
went  out,  and  arrangements  were  made  to  allow  of  at 
least  a  limited  handling  of  freight.  The  strikers  on 
different  roads  showed  a  want  of  inclination  to  exercise 
arbitrary  control  in  the  matter. 


ONWARD   THROUGH    OHIO.  283 

The  pressure  of  public  opinion  at  Cincinnati  was  in 
favor  of  a  resumption  of  the  old  higher  wages  paid  railroad 
emploj'es  ;  but  the  sentiment  was  also  quite  general  that 
trains  should  be  again  moving  regularly  before  terms 
were  made.  Cincinnati  held  herself  more  independent 
in  expressing  opinions  in  this  respect,  than  some  other 
cities,  since  there  was  no  danger  of  famine,  the  river 
route  and  three  railroad  lines  remaining  open  for  the 
transportation  of  breadstuffs,  and  the  coal  supply  being 
abundant. 

At  one  of  the  depots  in  Cincinnati,  while  the  police 
were  pushing  back  the  crowd  which  pressed  forward 
too  closely  upon  the  track,  one  big  burly  fellow,  half-resist- 
ing, exclaimed  :  ';  Well,  if  we  can't  look  on  here,  we  can 
go  and  burn  something  anyhow."  He  was  promptly  taken 
to  the  station,  and  others, who  ventured  to  express  opinions 
similar  to  his,  were  treated  as  summarily.  The  incident 
is  given  merely  to  illustrate  the  sentiment  that  prevailed, 
with  the  confidence  coming  from  a  well  organized  pro- 
tective force,  and  the  disposition  that  existed  to  mingle 
no  maudlin  sympathy  with  a  sense  of  justice  towards  all. 

At  ten  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  26th  of  July,  a 
large  crowd,  composed  of  laborers,  stevedores,  and  all 
classes  of  workingmen,  assembled  at  the  United  States 
Hotel,  on  Ottawa  street,  Toledo,  Ohio.  A  committee 
was  appointed  to  draft  resolutions  expression  the  senti- 
ment of  those  present.  The  committee  reported  resolu- 
tions, "■  That  every  laboring  man  and  mechanic  should  ask 
reasonable  recompense  for  his  labor,  on  this  basis  :  Me- 
chanics from  $2.50  to  $3.00  per  day,  and  laborers  $1.50 
per  day  ;  that  every  laboring  man  and  mechanic  join  the 
railroad  men   who  had  struck ;    that   their   object   was 


284  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

alone  to  obtain  certain  rights  wrenched  from  them  by 
the  combination  of  capital,  and  that  as  soon  as  their 
object  was  attained,  then  the  organized  movement  was  to 
be  abandoned,  but  not  till  then ;  that,  in  order  to  secure  all 
persons  and  their  property  from  violence,  as  well  as  the 
protection  of  themselves,  they  recommended  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  Committee  of  Safety,  to  consist  of  one  mem- 
ber from  each  branch  of  each  labor  union,  which  had  or 
might  hereafter  join  them  in  the  movement." 

Mayor  William  W.  Jones,  being  called  upon  for  a 
speech,  responded  by  saying  that  he  had  been  requested 
to  make  some  remarks  to  the  assemblage,  who  were  there 
to  ascertain  what  they  were  going  to  do  in  the  present 
situation  of  things.  For  them  to  march  around  and  ask 
that  wages  be  increased  to  a  fair  living  price,  was  all 
very  proper.  He  was  there  as  the  representative  of  all 
classes.  He  was  elected  Mayor  of  the  city  by  all 
classes.  As  such  an  officer  it  was  his  duty  to  see  that 
the  rights  of  both  classes  were  respected,  and  it  was 
the  duty  of  all  to  preserve  their  own  self-respect.  The 
troubles  which  were  upon  them  were  phases  of  the 
great  labor  question  which  always  troubled  and  would 
be  a  puzzle  to  the  best  minds  in  the  land.  As  to 
the  cities,  the  trouble  was  that  there  were  too  many  la- 
borers. Excessive  competition  in  labor  had  forced  the 
prices  down  below  the  living  standard.  But  the  poor 
man  cannot  be  driven  to  the  country,  for  he  has  no  farm,, 
and  perhaps  cannot  find  work  there  if  he  try  ever  so 
hard.  It  is  this  condition  of  things  that  the  railroads 
have  taken  advantage  of,  to  put  down  the  laborers, 
until  they  had  taken  the  matter  of  redress  into  their 
own  hands.     No  doubt  that  the  railroads  would  have  to 


ONWARD    THROUGII    OHIO.  285 

yield  to  the  cause  of  the  strikers.  They  would  have  to 
come  down.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  an  un- 
yielding position  on  their  part,  such  as  was  reported  of 
a  railroad  president,  (Mr.  Yanderbilt),  would  result  in 
defeating  all  demands  for  an  increase  of  wages,  and  they 
might  as  well  go  about  some  other  business  at  once. 
Now  he  was  opposed  to  them  going  about  in  a  body  that 
day  to  make  men  quit  work.  He  said  that  nobody  was 
going  to  starve  as  long  as  he  was  Mayor  of  the  city. 
There  was  no  conflict  between  labor  and  capital,  and 
there  was  a  wide  sympathy  with  the  strikers  and  labor 
inadequately  paid.  It  was  a  God-given  right  to  every 
man  to  have  employment  that  he  may  have  food  for  his 
wife  and  children.  But  all  classes  had  rights  in  the 
community,  to  be  respected,  and  there  was  a  liability  in 
excitement  to  commit  acts  which  they  would  be  sorry 
for.  As  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  city  it  was  his  duty 
to  frown  down  all  lawlessness.  He  therefore  hoped  that 
in  whatever  demonstrations  they  might  make,  there 
would  be  no  excesses,  and  that  they  would  go  gently 
about  it. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  Mayor's  remarks,  the  crowd 
formed  a  line,  it  being  announced  that  they  would  first 
go  the  whole  length  of  Water  street  to  the  Pennsylvania 
depot,  and  then  through  the  manufacturing  districts, 
notifying  all  the  establishments  to  stop  work  at  once. 
This  plan  was  followed  out,  and  the  crowd  proceeded 
from  place  to  place,  gaining  strength  as  it  proceeded,  in 
ordering  the  employes  of  lumber  yards,  mills  and 
founderies  to  stop  work. 

A  call  for  a  mass  meeting  of  citizens,  at  eight  o'clock 
in  the  evening,  was  issued  by  the  Mayor,   early   in  the 


286  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

day,  and  in  pursuance  thereof,  an  immense  crowd  assem- 
bled in  the  market  place  at  that  hour.  Major  Jones- 
presided,  and  after  addresses  by  several  citizens,  a  resolu- 
tion was  adopted,  calling  on  the  Mayor  to  appoint  a 
committee  to  consist  of  twenty  persons  from  each  ward, 
to  take  measures  for  the  preservation  of  peace  and  the 
protection  of  property.  The  meeting  was  composed 
largely  of  the  discontented  element,  representatives  of 
which  took  possession  of  the  stand  and  proceeded  to  ad- 
dress the  crowd,  and  the  meeting  tin  ally  broke  up  in 
confusion  and  disodrer. 

At  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening  the  city  was  compar- 
atively quiet,  though  the  excitement  among  all  classes 
was  intense.  The  elevators  were  all  closed.  The  banks 
declined  any  advance  on  bills  of  lading,  and  the  com- 
mercial as  well  as  the  manufacturing  business  of  the 
city  was  at  a  standstill. 

A  committee  of  twenty  five  employes  of  the  Wabash 
road  arrived  there  from  Fort  Wayne  and  Lafayette,  and 
held  a  consultation  with  Manager  Hopkins.  Mr.  Hop- 
kins informed  them  that' he  was  willing  to  pay  what  was 
reasonable.  The  next  day  the  city  had  beome  very  quiet. 
Saloons  remained  closed,  in  accordance  with  the  order 
issued  by  the  Mayor.  The  police,  the  day  before,  arrested 
James  Turner,  the  acknowledged  leader  of  the  Wednes- 
day movement,  and  lodged  him  in  the  county  jail. 
Other  arrests  followed  rapidly,  and  at  Toledo,  most  of  . 
the  ringleaders  of  the  mob  were  secured.  About  live 
hundred  prominet  citizens  met  at  the  Court  House, 
Toledo,  Thursday  morning,  and  were  supplied  with 
arms  and  ammunition.  Business  was  generally  sus- 
pended during  the  forenoon,  and   members    of  leading 


ONWARD    THROUGH    OHIO.  287 

firms  throughout  the  city  roported  for  duty  at  the  Court 
House.  Mayor  Jones  issued  a  proclamation  in  which  he 
recited  the  fact  that  certain  riotous  demonstrations  had 
been  made  in  the  streets,  interfering  with  citizens  who 
were  engaged  in  lawful  occupation,  for  the  purpose  of 
interrupting  the  work,  and  damaging  business;  there- 
fore the  Mayor  of  the  city,  warned  all  persons  engaged 
in  exciting  riotous  proceedings,  or  interfering  with  labor 
or  business,  to  desist  from  such  practices,  or  from  congre- 
gatingin  crowds  upon  the  streets  to  discuss  the  situation 
or  promote  disorder;  and  that  in  order  more  fully  to 
promote  a  peaceful  situation,  the  police  were  directed  to 
close  the  places  where  ardent  spirits  were  sold,  and  to  ar- 
rest all  persons  found  violating  the  law,  or  in  any  manner 
inteferine;  with  the  rights  of  the  citizens  or  the  laborers. 
He  gave  the  assurance  that  all  law-abiding  and  all  labor- 
ing men,  and  those  employing  laborers,  should  be  pro- 
tected in  their  lawful  occupation  to  the  extent  of  ex- 
hausting the  civil  powers  of  the  constituted  authorities 
of  the  city. 

The  expiring  spasm  of  the  great  strikes  in  Ohio, 
occured  at  Columbus  on  the  28th  of  July,  when  the 
Mayor,  at  the  head  of  a  squad  of  twenty  police,  marched 
to  the  freight  yard  for  the  purpose  of  sending  out  a  train. 
At  the  depot  they  were  met  by  three  companies  of  mili- 
tary, who  were  passing  through  the  city  on  their  way 
home  from  Newark.  They  were  invited  to  remain  in 
the  city  until  the  train  went  out,  which  they  did. 

The  train  was  made  up  in  the  midst  of  an  immense 
crowd  of  people.  The  strikers  stood  around  and  put 
forward  every  inducement  to  the  crew  to  abandon  the 
train,  offering  the  engineer  one  hundred  dollars  in  cash, 
to  quit  the  engine,  but  to  no  effect. 


288  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

No  violence  whatever  was  used,  and  no  attempt  made 
to  uncouple  cars.  The  train  left  about  eleven  o'clock. 
Three  strikers  were  arrested  earlier  in  the  day  for  run- 
ning an  engine  from  the  yard  into  the  roundhouse. 

An  attempt  was  made  about  three  o'clock  in  the  even- 
ing, to  send  out  a  train  on  the  Indianapolis  division  of 
the  Pan  Handle.  Strikers  coaxed  the  engineer  and  fire- 
man off,  and  ran  the  engine  into  the  roundhouse,  and  put 
out  the  fire.  Military  were  guarding  the  train.  In  the 
meanwhile,  the  engine  was  again  fired  up,  and  another 
attempt  made  to  get  the  train  out.  Strikers  switched 
gondolas  on  the  track  between  the  engine  and  train 
while  the  engine  was  backing  down.  The  obstructions 
were  removed  under  a  guard  of  soldiers,  and  the  train 
finally  got  out.  Several  shots  were  fired  at  random 
between  the  soldiers  and  the  crowd,  but  no  harm  resulted. 
An  alarm  bell  was  sounded  and  the  citizen  guards  called 
out,  but  soon  returned  to  headquarters.  There  was  much 
excitement,  but  no  violence  that  night.  Citizens'  com- 
panies, well  armed,  guarded  depots,  railroad  bridges, 
roundhouses,  and  other  buildings. 


tftt-r  iifh        .h'f  i 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


Insolence  in  Indiana. 


The  Strike  Inaugurated  at  Fort  Wayne — Trackmen  and  Trainmen — 
Indianapolis  Taken  In — Terre  Haute  Yields  to  the  Popular  Up- 
rising— Miners  at  Brazil — Mayor  Cavin  of  Indianapolis  Indisposed 
to  Interfere — Governor  Williams  not  Certain  that  it. is  any  of  his 
Concern  Except  to  Keep  the  Peace — United  States -Judges  and 
Bankrupt  Railroad  Receivers — Freaks  of  the  Stiikers — They  Cap- 
ture a  Railroad. 


The  strikes  commencing  in  the  East,  moved  west  with 
great  rapidity.  On  Saturday,  July  21st,  at  eight  o'clock 
in  the  evening,  the  Great  Strikes  were  inaugurated  in 
Indiana,  at  Fort  Wayne,  by  the  employes  of  the  Pitts- 
burg, Ft.  Wayne  and  Chicago  Railway.  Freight  trains 
bound  west,  scheduled  to  leave  at  that  hour,  were  made 
up,  when  brakemen  and  firemen  refused  to  go  on  duty. 
Engineers  and  conductors  declined  to  take  trains  out 
■without  any  crews,  and  officials  were  unable  to  obtain 
substitutes,  and  all  freight  business  on  that  road  was  sud- 
denly stopped. 

At  Indianapolis,  on  the  22nd,  a  private  meeting  was 
held  by  train  men,  in  which  the  Pan-Handle  men  partici- 
pated, and  the  time  agreed  to  strike  was  fixed  for  twelve 
o'clock.  At  the  same  time  information  came  that  the 
only  other  available  route  to  Pittsburgh,  via  the  Bee 
Line,  was  likely  to  be  closed,  the  Bee  Line  men  having 
resolved  to  strike  at  once. 

At  a  meeting  of  railroad  officials,  held  at  Indianapolis, 

19 


290  THE    GEEAT    STRIKES. 

Sunday  night,  at  the  office  of  the  Chief  of  Police,  it  was- 
resolved  to  do  nothing.  In  case  of  a  general  strike 
deemed  inevitable,  the  proposition  was  to  attempt  to  run 
no  trains  oat  of  the  city,  thus  throwing  the  onus  of  stop- 
ping all  travel  and  traffic  on  the  strikers,  and  at  the  same 
time  avoiding  the  collision  which  would  ensue,  were  the 
strikers'  places  to  be  filled  by  new  men.  It  was  pro- 
posed, also,  to  run  all  railroad  property  into  the  round- 
houses at  Indianapolis,  guard  the  roundhouses,  and  then 
notify  the  general  Government  that  as  soon  as  sufficient 
aid  was  furnished,  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  re- 
sume trains.  This  course  was  thought  to  be  rendered 
absolutely  necessary  by  the  situation.  It  was  openly  ad- 
mitted by  the  authorities  that  they  could  not  hope  to 
contend  with  the  possible  mob.  The  police  force  was 
insignificant,  and  the  militia  companies  not  to  be  relied 
upon.  Adjutant-General  Puss  stated  that  no  more  than 
five  thousand  could  be  raised  in  the  entire  State. 

The  morning  of  the  24th  of  July,  affairs  at  Fort 
"Wayne  assumed  a  more  threatening  aspect  than  at  any 
time  since  the  strike  began.  About  eight  o'clock,  a  large 
force  of  strikers  visited  the  extensive  shops  of  the  Pitts- 
burgh, Fort  Wayne  and  Chicago  Railway,  where  one 
thousand  men  were  employed,  and  insisted  that  they 
should  be  closed  up.  The  men  said  they  would  not  stop 
work  until  they  received  orders  from  the  officials,  but 
they  were  threatened  with  force,  and  succumbed.  The 
shops  were  at  once  closed  up  and  the  fires  put  out. 
Committees  then  went  east  and  west  on  hand-cars,  and 
induced  the  section  andjtrackmen  for  a  considerable  dis- 
tance to  stop  work.  These  men  came  to  the  city  that 
afternoon,  and  added  pa  very  ugly  element  to  the  crowd 


INSOLENCE    IN    INDIANA,  291 

already  assembled.     All  the  railroad  shops  and  manufac- 
tories in  the  city  were  compelled  to  shut  down. 

During  the  afternoon  the  strikers  held  a  large  meet- 
ing, and    made    exorbitant    demands    of    the    railroad 
officials,  stating  that  they  would  not  resume   work   until 
the  force  was  replaced  as  it  existed  prior  to  June  1,  both 
as  to  number  and  rate  of  wages,  and  insisted  upon  the 
abandonment  of  all  classifications  in  the  rank  and  pay  of 
engineers.     They  also  adopted  an  address  to  the  strikers, 
which  was  printed  and  circulated,  and  had  a  good  effect. 
The  tone  of  the  address  was  admirable,  coming,  as  itdidy 
from    strikers.       They    said    that   news     from     Pitts- 
burgh,    and    other    railroad    points,    of    terrible  .sac- 
rifices    of     life     and     property,    was    something    that 
should   be    justly   considered    by   all    of    them.     They 
were  gratified  to  know  that  a  very   small   percentage  of 
strikers  were  taking  an  active  part  in  the  great  and  ter- 
rible destruction  of  the  Company's  property,  but  that   it 
was  mostly  done  by  outsiders,  who,  by  such  acts,  believed 
themselves    practically    expressing    the    wishes    of    the 
strikers.     Their  friends  and  co-laborers  herebv  desired  to 
express  the  earnest  hope,  and  would  give  their  assistance, 
in  an  endeavor  by  every  means  to  protect  the  property 
of   the    Company  in  Fort  Wayne.     They  claimed    the 
strikers  were  perfectly  able  to  bring  about  a  compromise 
without  violence,  and  to  prevent  others  from  destroying 
the   property  of  the    Company.      To  destroy  property 
would  positively  not  remedy  the  matter,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, a  slow  restoration  of  better  times  would  accomplish 
much.     They  were  conjured  to  work  justly,  honorably, 
quietly,  and  thoughtfully,  and  allow  no  disinterested  per- 
son to  meddle  with  the  property  they  had  helped  to  create, 


292  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

and  which  stood  as  everlasting  monuments  to  their  skill, 
peseverance,  and  energy.  "  Do  as  you  would  be  done 
by,  and  do  not  act  in  too  great  haste."  If  the  Company 
had  been  unjust  in  its  demands  upon  them,  let  them  set- 
tle it  as  peaceably  as  they  could,  without  allowing  the 
destruction  of  railroad  institutions,  that  to  a  very  great 
extent  constituted  the  future  prosperity,  life,  comfort, 
and  pride  of  the  city. 

The  City  Council  of  Fort  Wayne  met  in  special  ses- 
sion in  the  evening,  and  cajled  on  the  strikers  to  disperse. 
An  extra  police  force  of  two  hundred  men  was  ap- 
pointed and  sworn  in,  and  all  saloons  were  ordered  to 
close.  The  city  was  quiet,  but  trouble  was  feared  before 
morning,  by  reason  of  the  news. just  received  from 
Pittsburgh,  that  all  efforts  to  adjust  the  difficulties  had 
proved  futile. 

Wabash  freight  trains  left  as  usual,  although  their 
crews  had  announced  that  they  would  not  take  them  out. 
The  employes  of  that  road  had  decided  not  to  strike,  or, 
at  least,  wait  further  developments  before  taking  action. 

The  employes  of  the  Yandalia  Railroad  waited  upon 
President  McKeen,  at  Terre  Haute,  in  the  forenoon,  to 
get  his  answer  to  the  proposition  made  Sunday,  for  a 
restoration  of  their  wages,  the  increase  demanded  being 
fifteen  per  cent.  Mr.  McKeen  responded  that  he  should 
have  to  consult  his  directors  and  the  officials  of  other 
lines  with  which  the  Vandalia  is  in  alliance,  and  said  he 
would  give  a  final  answer  Tuesday  morning  at  nine 
o'clock.  Meanwhile  all  the  freight  trains  were  stopped, 
and  only  the  passenger  traffic  continued.  The  strike 
began  at  twelve  o'clock,  Monday  the  23d.  Passenger 
trains  were  run  as  usual,  but  no  attempt  was  made  to 


INSOLENCE   IN    INDIANA.  293 

rim  freight  trains.  The  strikers  included  all  the  shop 
men.  The  machine  shops  at  Terre  Haute  were  closed 
and  the  fires  put  out.  Between  five  hundred  and  six 
hundred  men  turned  out.  They  resolved  not  to  drink 
any  intoxicating  liquors  while  on  a  strike. 

The  Indianapolis  and  St.  Louis  men  followed  the 
Vandalia  men,  and  no  freight  trains  were  moved  after 
twelve  o'clock  between  Indianapolis  and  St.  Louis.  No 
violence  or  destruction  of  property  attended  these 
movements. 

At  Indianapolis,  on  the  24th,  the  strikers  took  posses- 
sion of  the  Union  Depot  and  tracks  at  midnight,  and 
would  allow  only  the  postal  cars  to  leave  the  city.  Pas- 
senger travel  on  all  the  roads  running  out  of  that  city, 
without  exception,  was  stopped.  The  Indianapolis, 
Cincinnati  and  Lafayette,  the  Indianapolis,  Bloom- 
ington  and  Western,  and  the  Indianapolis,  Peru  and 
Chicago  Roads  had  not  yet  joined  in  the  strike,  but  were 
prevented  from  working.  Governor  Williams  and  Mayor 
Cavin  both  declined  to  interfere,  except  to  suppress  or' 
prevent  violence.  Trains  brought  in  only  a  mail  car 
containing  passengers,  baggage,  and  express  goods.  The 
coaches  were  left  outside. 

The  Yandalia  officials  attempted  to  place  a  train  in  the 
depot,  but  were  compelled  to  send  it  back  to  the  yards. 

Judge  Gresham,  of  the  United  States  Circuit  Court, 
declared  his  purpose  to  assert  his  authority  over  the 
Indianapolis,  Cincinnati  and  Lafayette,  and  Indianapolis, 
Bloomiugton  and  Western  Railroads,  whose  receivers 
were  appointed  by  him.  and  to  direct  the  United  States 
Marshal  to  aid  the  receivers  in  moving  trains.  So  far, 
the  strikers  had  not  been  opposed,  and  nothing  attempted 


294  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

to  test  the  extent  of  their  determination.  The  Wabash, 
men,  on  the  Eastern  division,  struck  at  noon,  Tuesday, 
July  24th.  The  freight  trains  at  Lafayette  were 
stopped,  but  passenger  trains  were  allowed  to  run. 

Judge  Gresham  notified  the  strikers  at  Yincennes,  on 
the  26th,  that  he  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  reduction 
of  their  wages,  could  therefore  take  no  steps  in  the  mat- 
ter, but  that  the  settlement  of  the  question  must  be  be- 
tween them  and  Mr.  King,  the  Receiver  of  the  road. 
A  passenger  train  arrived  on  the  Indianapolis  and  Yin- 
cennes  Railroad  from  Indianapolis,  Wednesday.  The 
demand  of  the  strikers  had  been  acceded  to  on  that  road. 
A  passenger  coach  was  attempted  to  be  moved  from 
Vincennes,  on  the  26th,  on  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi 
Railroad,  but  the  strikers  would  not  allow  it.  No 
special  action  was  taken  at  the  strikers'  meeting,  but  they 
expressed  a  determination  to  stand  firmly  by  their  de- 
mands. Judge  Gresham  would  not  allow  the  application 
of  the  men  to  be  received  while  the  strike  lasted,  and  inti- 
mated that  the  United  States  Marshal  would  be  ordered  to 
assist  the  Receiver  in  running  the  road,  and  protecting 
employes  who  were  willing  to  go  to  work. 

At  Fort  Wayne,  on  the  24th,  the  employes  of  Olds 
&  Co.'s  factory,  numbering  nearly  four  hundred,  stopped 
work  and  compelled  the  shops  to  shut  down.  They 
held  a  meeting  in  the  afternoon,  and  demanded  ten  per 
cent,  increase  of  wages,  and  expressed  a  determination 
not  to  allow  the  shops  to  resume  until  their  terms  were 
complied  with. 

By  the  24th,  the  strikers  were  in  undisputed  control 
of  all  railroads  at  Terre  Haute.  All  trains  were  stopped 
on   all  roads,  except  the  Terre  Haute   and   Evansville, 


INSOLENCE    IN    INDIANA.  295 

which  road  had  never  reduced  wages.  The  United 
States  mail  was  interfered  with.  The  East  and  West 
roads  were  allowed  to  run  one  mail  train  each  way,  daily, 
but  they  were  not  permitted  to  carry  passengers.  The 
railroads  upon  which  traffic  was  stopped,  were  the  Yan- 
dalia,  the  Indianapolis  and  St.  Louis,  Illinois  Midland, 
Terre  Haute  and  Danville,  and  the  Terre  Haute  and 
Logansport.  There  was  no  rioting-  or  violence,  and 
scarcely  any  drinking.  A  message  was  received  by  the 
strikers,  offering  the  services  of  three  hundred  miners 
at  Brazil,  but  the  offer  was  declined.  The  railroad 
managers  seemed  disposed  to  avoid  in  every  possible 
way,  a  collision  with  the  strikers,  and  to  await  develop- 
ments elsewhere.  President  Collett,  of  the  Terre 
Haute  and  Danville,  who  was  absent  from  the  city, 
'telegraphed  that  if  the  force  on  his  road  was  dissatisfied, 
and  wished  to  strike,  to  take  off  the  trains,  close  the 
yards,  lock  the  doors,  and  nail  up  the  gates.  The  largest 
manufacturing  establishments  were  compelled  to  close 
for  lack  of  coal.  At  a  meeting  of  railroad  strikers, 
held  at  Terre  Haute  on  the  21th,  the  following  resolu- 
tions were  unanimously  adopted  : 

Whereas,  The  present  condition  of  the  country  is  one 
demanding  the  most  serious  considerations,  followed  by 
a  prompt  and  vigorous  action  of  the  laboring  classes  of 
•the  population ;  and 

Whereas,  An  effort  is  made  by  a  portion,  or,  perhaps, 
all  of  the  subsidized  agents  of  capital,  to  make  the  im- 
pression that  the  unsettled  state  of  the  country  is  due  to 
the  employes  of  the  railroad  alone,  when  in  truth  and 
in  fact,  it  is  oppressed  labor,  exercising  the  inherited 
right  of  revolution  against  the  tyrannical  exactions  of 
■capital ;  therefore 


296  THE   GREAT   STRIKES. 

Resolved,  That  we  now  appeal  to  our  fellow-citizens  of 
all  classes  for  their  sympathy  and  aid  in  this,  our  resist- 
ance to  the  encroachments  of  capital  upon  unprotected 
labor. 

Resolved,  That  we  deprecate  the  spirit  of  vandalism,. 
in  any  shape  that  it  may  present  itself,  and  that  in  order 
to  secure  all  persons  and  their  property  from  violence, 
as  well  as  safe  protection  to  ourselves,  we  recommend 
the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  take  steps  to  prevent 
the  perpetration  of  any  acts  of  vandalism,  during  the 
prevalence  of  this  strike. 

Women  and  children  caught  in  the  blockade  at 
Indianapolis,  were  permitted  to  leave  in  the  postal  cars. 
Trains  arriving,  came  in  with  only  the  mail  car. 

The  special  police  appointed  by  the  Mayor,  were  on 
duty  guarding  railroad  property.  Sheriff  Bessly,  of 
Indianapolis,  who  is  a  member  of  the  Locomotive 
Engineer  Brotherhood,  had  the  assurance  of  that  order 
that  they  would  stand  by  him  in  protecting  property. 

In  the  evening  a  large  meeting  of  the  citizens  of 
Indianapolis  assembled  in  pursuance  of  the  call  of  the 
Mayor.  The  meeting  was  a  very  quiet  and  orderly  one. 
The  main  subject  discussed  was  how  to  protect  life  and 
property  in  the  crisis  upon  the  city.  It  was  agreed  to 
raise  a  Committee  of  Safety,  to  organize  companies  of 
citizens  to  protect  life  and  property.  The  next  day  a 
large  number  of  companies  were  organized. 

On  the  night  of  the  25th  of  July,  a  large  force  of 
armed  men  were  kept  on  duty  to  protect  railroad  shops 
and  rolling  stock,  and  private  manufactories  in  the  city 
of  Fort  "Wayne.  The  strikers  furnished  forces  of  guards 
wherever  desired,  and  rendered  all  protection  to  property 


INSOLENCE    IN    INDIANA.  29T 

which  was  necessary.  At  a  late  hour,  two  gangs  of 
drunken  tramps,  numbering  from  fifty  to  one  hundred 
each,  gathered  at  the  stock  yards  and  bridge  across  St. 
Mary's  river,  and  made  vicious  demonstrations  and  ugly 
threats.  The  strikers,  upon  being  apprised  of  this,  sent 
squads  of  men  on  hand  cars  to  disperse  the  mob,  which 
they  did  most  effectually,  driving  all  the  tramps  some 
distance  beyond  the  city  limits.  Men  were  kept  going 
on  hand-cars  all  night  to  prevent  a  gathering  of  any 
more  such  assemblages. 

During  the  evening,  a  large  crowd  of  section  and  track- 
men of  the  Western  divisions  of  the  road,  many  of  them 
under  the  influence  of  liquor,  seized  a  number  of  hand- 
cars and  entered  Columbia  City,  where  the  Pittsburgh 
and  Fort  Wayne  Railroad  Company  was  building  a 
new  depot,  and  compelled  the  men  employed  therein  to 
stop  work.  These  section  hands  drank  freely,  and  soon 
became  very  riotous.  They  started  for  the  city  on 
hand-cars,  making  threats  of  violence  and  incendiarism. 
A  force  of  strikers  learning  of  the  threatened  invasion, 
took  an  engine  and  coach  and  went  out  and  met  the  mob. 
The  strikers  were  well  armed,  and  they  compelled  the 
drunken  rabble  to  turn  back  and  abandon  their  intended 
invasion  of  Fort  Wayne.  Strikers  in  this,  as  in  other 
instances,  acted  on  the  side  of  good  order,  and  saved  the 
city  of  Fort  Wayne  from  serious  dangers  which  men- 
aced it. 

Passenger  trains  were  still  running  on  the  Pittsburgh, 
Fort  Wayne  and  Chicago  Railroad,  and  had  not  been 
molested.  Wednesday  night,  the  strikers  notified  all 
their  number  who  desired  to  come  from  Crestline  to 
Fort  Wayne  to  get  on    the    passenger  train,  and  if  the 


298  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

conductor  insisted  upon  collecting  fare,  they  were  in- 
structed to  take  possession  of  the  train  and  run  it  to  suit 
themselves.  Their  fare  was  kindly  remitted  however, 
by  the  conductor,  and  all  difficulty  was  thus  obviated. 

All  freight  trains  on  the  Wabash  Railroad  stopped 
running,  but  passenger  trains  were  still  moving.  A 
■secret  meeting  of  the  Pittsburgh  Railway  strikers, 
Wabash  Railroadmen  and  old  employes,  met  at  Fort 
Wayne  on  the  25th. 

All  freight  trains  of  the  Grand  Rapids  and  Indiana- 
polis, Cincinnati,  Richmond  and  Fort  Wayne  roads 
stopped  running,  but  passenger  trains  were  still  moving. 
Passenger  trains  out  on  the  Wabash,  in  both  directions 
were  discontinued  by  the  officials. 

At  midnight  on  the  25th,  strikers  at  Fort  Wayne  an- 
nounced their  intention  of  taking  possession  of  all 
passenger  trains  on  the  Pittsburgh,  Fort  Wayne  and 
Chicago  Railway.  They  subsequently  carried  out  their 
purpose  to  assume  complete  control  of  the  Company's 
business,  and  provided  their  own  conductors,  ticket 
agents,  superintendent,  etc.  Mr.  Robert  M.  Amnion, 
formerly  a  fireman,  became  superintendent,  and,  indeed, 
autocrat  of  the  road. 

This  secret  meeting  of  Pittsburgh,  Fort  Wayne  and 
Chicago  strikers  adjourned  only  a  little  before  midnight. 
Among  other  things  agreed  upon,  they  had  selected 
three  of  their  number  to  fill  the  positions,  held  by 
Superintendent  Gorham,  Master  Mechanic  Boone,  and 
Master  of  Transportation  Clark.  These  officials  learned 
that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  strikers  to  take  possess- 
ion of  their  office  and  control  ^the  telegraph  wires  and 
the  entire  machinery  of  the  road,  and  concluded  to  stand 


INSOLENCE    IN    INDIANA.  299 

a  long  siege  before  surrendering.  An  extra  police 
force  was  put  on  duty  to  guard  offices,  but  strikers  learn- 
ing of  the  precaution  which  had  been  taken,  wisely- 
abandoned  their  purpose,  and  concluded  to  allow  the 
Company's  general  officers  to  go  through  the  motions  of 
managing  the  railroad.  That  very  morning  a  committee 
of  Pittsbugh  and  Fort  "Wayne  strikers  left  for  Pitts- 
burgh to  confer  with  railroad  officials,  having  received 
an  invitation  to  do  so.  They  were  joined  at  Crestline, 
Alliance  and  other  stations,  by  committees  from  those 
points,   bound    on   a  similar  errand. 

The  committee  returned  from  Toledo,  where  they  had 
been  in  conference  with  General  Manager  Hopkins.  A 
meeting  of  Wabash  employes  was  at  once  called,  and  the 
committee  stated  the  results  of  their  conference.  They  re- 
ported a  very  satisfactory  interview  with  Mr.  Hopkins, 
who  had  agreed  to  redress  real  greivance  and  to  advance 
their  pay  whenever  the  business  of  the  Company  would 
admit.  The  meeting  was  very  stormy,  one  element  desir- 
ing to  go  to  extremes.  Better  counsels  finally  prevailed, 
and  at  noon  the  meeting  adjourned,  having  decided  to 
abandon  the  strike  if  the  employes  at  other  points  of  the 
line  would  do  the  same.  A  committee  was  appointed  to 
go  to  Lafayette  and  Logansport  to  urge  a  cessation  of  the 
strike,  but  this  was  not  necessary,  as  the  men  at  those 
places  telegraphed  that  they  had  decided  to  resume  work  as 
soon  as  the  Company  desired  them  to  do  so.  Manager 
Hopkins  was  accordingly  notified  of  this  determination, 
and  replied  congratulating  the  men,  and  stating  that  freight 
trains  would  begin  moving  as  soon  as  connecting  lines 
resumed  operations.  Local  freight  trains  were  immedia- 
tely   resumed.     The    shops    of    the  Wabash    Company 


300  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

were  closed,  thus  adding  five  hundred  to  the  number  of 
idle  men  in  the  city.  These  shops,  however,  were 
reopened  two  days  afterwards.  The  collapse  of  the 
strike  on  the  Wabash  Railway  caused  a  perceptible 
lengthening  of  faces  among  Pittsburgh  and  Fort  Wayne 
strikers,  and  they  were  less  defiant  than  before,  although 
they  professed  to  be  competent  to  bring  the  railroad 
to  terms. 

On  the  27th,  at  Fort  Wayne,  Sheriff  Munson  circula- 
ted the  Governor's  proclamation  among  the  Pittsburgh 
and  Fort  Wayne  strikers,  with  a  note  appended  to  it,  in 
which  he  declared  that,  being  desirous  and  determined 
peace  and  order  should  prevail  in  the  county,  he  warned 
all  persons  who  had  wrongfully  and  unlawfully  taken 
forcible  possession  of  private  property  of  legally  char- 
tered corporations,  preventing  the  moving  of  trains,  and 
obstructing  owners  and  managers  of  manufactories  in 
that  county  to  desist  from  labor,  that  they  must  desist 
from  all  interference. 

Railroadmen  exhibited  no  intention  of  complying 
with  the  Sheriff's  order.  The  same  night,  a  number  of 
roughs  assembled  on  the  Pittsburgh  and  Fort  Wayne 
track,  near  Coesee,  ten  miles  west  of  Fort  Wayne,  with 
the  supposed  intention  of  tearing  up  the  track  and 
throwing  a  passenger  train  off.  A  gang  of  striking  sec- 
tion men  resisted  them,  and  after  the  passenger  train 
had  passed,  two  of  the  strikers  were  found  by  the  side 
of  the  track,  badly  cut  about  the  head,  and  in  an  uncon- 
scious condition.  These  men,  named  Frank  Reno  and 
Jerry  Dooney,  were  so  seriously  injured,  that  death  en- 
sued.    A  monument  should  be  erected  to  their  memory. 

The  strikers  held  another  secret  meeting  on  the  27th. 


INSOLENCE    IN    INDIANA.  301 

Two  attempts  were  made  at  Fort  Wayne  on  the  28th, 
to  lift  the  blockade  on  the  Pittsburgh,  Fort  Wayne  and 
Chicago  Railroad,  both  proved  failures,  strikers  coming 
out  successful  in  each  instance.  Since  the  strike  opened, 
the  men  had  used  two  elegant  coaches  as  their  head- 
quarters with  a  caboose  for  an  office.  These  cars  stood 
on  a  side-track,  in  front  of  the  passenger  depot,  and  in 
them  the  strikers  luxuriated  like  so  many  millionnaires. 
From  them,  the  Executive  Committee  had  issued  its 
orders,  and  sent  forth  men  to  carry  them  into  execution. 
On  the  28th,  at  noon,  just  after  the  citizens1  committee 
appointed  to  reason  with  the  strikers,  had  left  their 
headquarters,  a  locomotive  moved  out  of  the  round- 
house, carrying  an  engineer  and  fireman,  Mayor  Zoll- 
inger, Sheriff  Munson,  Superintendent  Gorham,  of  the 
Pittsburgh  and  Fort  Wayne  Railway,  and  Superintend- 
ent O'Rourke,  of  the  Grand  Rapids  and  Indiana  Rail- 
way. This  engine  was  attached  to  coaches,  Mayor  Zoll- 
inger putting  in  the  coupling-pin.  Sheriff  Munson  and 
Superintendent  Gorham  then  ordered  the  strikers  to  get 
•out  of  the  coaches  and  surrender  them.  Most  of  them 
got  out,  and  the  engine  moved  off  with  the  cars  attached. 
The  strikers,  meanwhile,  rallied  their  comrades,  and  soon 
about  one  hundred  men,  carrying  clubs,  stones  coupling- 
pins,  etc.,  boarded  the  locomotive  and  compelled  the 
engineer  and  fireman  to  dismount.  The  Mayor,  Sheriff 
and  railway  officers  were  completely  overpowered,  and 
they  surrendered  in  the  unequal  contest,  while  the  mob 
shouted,  cheered  and  hooted.  The  strikers  took  posses- 
sion of  the  engine,  and  summoned  their  fellows  by 
sounding  the  whistle  repeatedly.  Soon  several  hundred 
strikers  gathered  at  the  point,  all  of  them  well  armed 


302  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

with  weapons  of  all  descriptions.  The  crowd  was  ex- 
ceedingly ugly,  and  filled  the  air  with  shouts,  hisses, 
and  infernal  noises.  About  an  hour  after  the  officers 
had  retreated,  they  re-appeared,  and  entered  into  the 
midst  of  the  crowd,  when  Sheriff  Munson  put  the  ring- 
leader, a  man  named  B.  F.  Cooper,  under  arrest.  He 
declined  to  be  taken,  and  the  crowd  threatened  death  to 
any  one  who  should  try  to  take  him  by  force.  The 
Sheriff  and  railway  officers  then  retreated  into  the  round- 
house, amid  the  shouts  and  cheers  of  the  mob.  The 
crowd  was  gathered  in  force  that  night,  and  if  any 
further  attempt  had  been  made  to  raise  the  blockade, 
blood  would  have  flowed  freely. 

Immediately  after  the  occurrences  above  related,  the 
strikers  sent  a  squad  to  Adams,  five  miles  east,  where- 
they  took  possession  of  the  telegraph  office  and  forced 
the  operator  to  send  a  message  to  the  strikers  at  Crest- 
line, to  send  to  Fort  Wayne  at  once  as  many  men  as 
could  be  spared.  About  the  same  time  a  committee- 
was  sent  to  Columbia  City,  twenty  five  miles  west,  to  in- 
duce a  large  band  of  section  men  from  the  Western 
division,  who  were  assembled  there  several  days,  to  come 
to  Fort  Wayne  and  aid  in  overpowering  the  legal  au- 
thorities, and  prevent  the  success  of  their  attempt  to 
restore  peace  and  order.  The  mob  became  quiet,  and 
officials  were  attempting  to  gather  a  force  sufficient  to 
conquer  the  rioters.  Late  in  the  evening,  Governor 
Williams  offered  to  send  all  assistance  that  might  be 
necessary. 

The  Pittsburgh  and  Fort  Wayne  strikers  had  tele- 
graphed in  all  directions  for  re-inforcements  after  their 
two  victories  over  the  authorities,  but  the  only  response, 


INSOLENCE    IN    INDIANA.  303 

was  made  by  one  hundred  section  men  who  came  from 
Columbia  City,  during  the  night,  on  hand  cars.  They 
were  a  desperate  crowd,  well  armed,  and  ready  for  mis- 
chief, but  remained  in  the  back  ground.  On  the  after- 
noon of  the  29th,  an  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  to 
run  an  engine  out  of  the  roundhouse  into  the  yard,  but 
the  strikers  gathered  en  masse,  and  took  the  engine  back, 
having  forced  the  engineer  and  fireman  from  their  posts. 

Governor  Williams  was  again  called  upon  for  troops, 
but  none  were  sent.  A  large  meeting  of  strikers  was 
held  in  the  afternoon,  and  a  report  received  from  the 
committee,  who  had  returned  from  Pittsburgh. 

At  Indianapolis,  the  situation  was  critical  on  the  26th 
of  July.  A  long  conference  was  held  between  a  strik- 
ers' committee  from  Columbus,  and  the  strikers'  com- 
mittee at  Indianapolis,  with  regard  to  allowing  passen- 
ger coaches  to  accompany  the  mail  trains  upon  the  Pan 
Handle  route.  After  a  long  discussion,  it  was  decided 
that  coaches  might  go,  and  the  following  morning,  the 
different  trains  carried  out  a  number  of  passengers. 
When  the  Cincinnati  train  came  in  at  twelve  o'clock, 
the  Union  depot  was  crowded,  and  the  excitement  pre- 
vailing was  intense.  It  was  stated  that  a  train  would 
be  started  for  St.  Louis,  and  at  one  o'clock  the  train  was 
made  up,  and  the  two  coaches  attached,  almost  instantly 
filled  by  excited  passengers,  who  had  been  detained  at 
Indianapolis,  in  some  instances,  for  many  days.  The 
accounts  given  by  some  of  them  of  their  troubles  were 
interesting.  Some  were  nearly  frantic  with  anxiety 
regarding  the  situation  of  sick  relatives,  and  others  were 
enduring  heavy  business  losses  from  the  same  cause. 
Few  wanted  to  make  the  trip  under  the  circumstances 


304  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

forced  upon  them,  but  all  were  willing  to  risk  the  un- 
pleasant journey,  rather  than  fail  in  reaching  their  des- 
tination as  quickly  as  possible.  The  Superintendent  of 
the  road,  Mr.  Joshua  Staples,  stated  that  he  had  abso- 
lutely nothing  to  do  with  the  going  out  of  the  train  in 
the  depot.  The  strikers  had  seized  the  road,  and  the 
property,  and  were  managing  things  to  suit  themselves. 
The  whim  had  taken  them  to  run  this  train  out  with 
that  number  of  cars  now,  and  it  might  start  at  once, 
though  he  could  promise  nothing  about  it.  To  say  that 
Mr.  Staples  was  almost  speechless  with  vexation,  would 
be  stating  the  case  mildly.  He  could  scarcely  articulate. 
The  train  finally  started  out  behind  time,  the  crowd 
shouting  hoarsely.  After  the  departure  of  the  train,  the 
excitement  somewhat  subsided. 

On  the  evening  of  the  26th,  Governor  James  D. 
Williams  issued  a  proclamation  in  which  he  said  that 
disaffected  employes  of  the  railroad  companies  doing 
business  in  the  State  of  Indiana  had  renounced  their 
employment  because  of  alleged  greivance,  and  had  con- 
spired to  enforce  their  demands  by  detaining  trains  of 
their  late  employers,  seizing  and  controlling  their  property, 
intimidating  their  managers,  prohibiting  by  violence 
their  attempt  to  conduct  their  business,  and  driving  away 
passengers  and  freight  offered  for  transportion.  The 
peace  of  the  community  was  seriously  disturbed.  By 
these  lawless  acts,  every  class  of  society  was  made  to 
suffer.  The  comfort  and  happiness  of  many  families, 
not  parties  to  the  grievances,  were  sacrificed.  A  contro- 
versy which  belongs  to  the  courts  or  to  the  province  of 
peaceful  arbitration  or  negotiation,  was  made  the  excuse 
for  an  obstruction  of  trade  and  travel  over  the  chartered 


INSOLENCE    IN    INDIANA.  •  305 

highways  within  the  State  ;  the  commerce  of  the  entire 
•  country  was  interfered  with,  and  the  reputation  of  the 
community  threatened  with  dishonor  among  their  neigh- 
bors. 

This  disregard  of  law  and  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
citizens,  and  those  of  sister  States,  could  not  be  tolerated. 
The  machinery  provided  by  law  for  the  adjustment  ot 
private  grievances  should  be  first  applied  to.  He  ap- 
pealed for  the  prompt  and  right  administration  of  justice 
in  proceedings  of  this  nature,  to  the  Sheriffs  of  the 
^several  counties.  He  recommended  a  careful  study  of 
the  duties  imposed  upon  them  by  the  statutes  which 
they  had  sworn  to  discharge.  He  admonished  each  to 
use  the  full  power  of  his  county  in  the  preservation  of 
order,  and  the  suppression  of  breaches  of  the  peace,  as- 
suring them  of  his  hearty  co-operation,  when  satisfied 
that  occasion  required  its  exercise. 

At  Indianapolis,  the  strikers  consented  that  passenger 
traffic  might  be  resumed  in  full  on  all  roads,  and  also 
freight  business  on  the  Cincinnati,  Hamilton  and 
Indianapolis  road,  that  Company  having  arranged  with 
its  employes.  A  compromise  was  effected  on  the  Bee 
Line,  and  they  were  soon  in  full  operation, 
at  Indianapolis. 

General  Daniel  MacAuley  circulated  a  notice  forbid- 
ding public  meetings,  and  requesting  all  non-combatants 
to  remain  within  their  dwellings,  and  forbid  them  to  ap- 
pear upon  the  streets  in  squads  or  crowds.  The  Sheriff 
and  Chief  of  Police  were  requested  to  aid  in  the  enforce- 
ment of  this  requirement. 

William  A.  Sayers,  Secretary  and  Treasurer  of  the 
Firemen's  League  of    the   United  States  and    Canada, 

20 


306  •  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

and  John  Brickley,  one  of  the  leading  strikers,  were  ar- 
rested on  the  evening  of  the  28th,  by  the  United  States 
Marshal,  and  were  taken  to  the  United    States  Arsenal. 

General  Benjamin  Spooner,  United  States  Marshal,, 
with  a  guard  of  fifty  soldiers,  left  Indianapolis,  for  Vin- 
cennes,  by  way  of  the  Vandalia  road,  in  a  special  train, 
arriving  at  its  destination  at  nine  o'clock,  without  any 
interference  from  the  strikers. 

The  engineers  of  the  Vandalia  road  struck  at  twelve 
o'clock,  the  night  of  the  27th,  and  attempted  to  prevent 
trains  passing  through  Terre  Haute,  by  tampering  with 
the  engines,  and  intimidation.  Two  trains  went  through, 
one  run  by  Master  Mechanic  Peddle,  and  the  other  by  a 
foreign  engineer.  Subsequently,  at  a  meeting,  held  in 
Terre  Haute,  the  strikers  resolved  to  go  to  work  the 
next  day,  and  so  notified  the  engineers  at  Indianapolis, 
Effingham,  and  St.  Louis. 

The  strikes  in  Indiana  were  at  an  end  on  the  30th  of 
July.  1877. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 


Chances  Fob  Chicago. 


The  Tidal  Wave  Reaches  the  Illinois  Metropolis — The  Bad  Elements 
Restive — The  Tramps  Marching  in  by  Hundreds — Chances  for 
Plunder — The  Commune  Commences — Boastful  Manifestos — Ab- 
surd Demand — The  Social  Atmosphere  Grows  Misty — Precaution- 
ary Measures  by  Civil  and  Military  authorities — Noisy  Demonstra- 
tions of  the  Internationalists — Citizens  Philip  Van  Patten  and 
George  Schilling. 

While  the  whole  country  was  in  an  uproar,  from  the 
Wabash  to  the  Delaware,  and  from  the  Chemung  to 
the  Kanawha,  and  the  indications  pointed  to  a  greater 
uprising,  and  the  development  of  passions  of  deeper  in- 
tensity, as  the  movement  among  the  working  classes 
expanded,  the  eyes  of  the  people  of  the  entire  West 
were  turned  with  anxiety  toward  Chicago,  the  metropo- 
lis of  the  lakes.  There  was  a  feeling  abroad,  that 
Chicago  occupied  a  peculiarly  critical  position  in  relation 
to  the  great  uprising  which  was  shaking  the  social  and 
political  structures  of  our  country  to  their  deepest 
foundations.  Chicago  is  great  in  point  of  population, 
great  in  its  commercial  enterprise,  great  in  the  stores  of 
wealth  collected  by  her  energetic  merchants  and  bankers,, 
great  in  the  number  and  the  magnificence  of  her  public 
and  private  buildings;  and  above  all,  Chicago  is  great 
in  the  number  and  character  of  the  daily  newspapers 
issued  from  her  printing  offices.  Furthermore,  Chicago 
is  great  in  the  history  of  the  country,  on  account  of  hav- 


308  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

ing  been  the  scene  of  the  greatest  conflagration  known 
in  the  annals  of  time  ;  and  Chicago  is  great  as  being  the 
seat  of  more  startling  and  sensational  developments 
than  any  or  all  other  American  cities.  Probably  the 
reason  for  the  general  belief  in  the  truth  of  the  last 
statement  is  to  be  sought,  in  the  fact  that  Chicago 
newspapers  are  confessedly  in  advance  of  all  other 
newspapers  in  the  world,  as  chroniclers  of  occurrences. 
They  are  emphatically  daily  records  of  all  events  in 
which  any  human  being  can  possibly  have  any  interest. 
But  with  all  its  greatness,  Chicago  has  its  vileness 
also.  Its  great  population  is,  perhaps,  as  much  of  a  con- 
glomerated mass,  of  as  many  races,  kindreds  and  tongues, 
as  the  inhabitants  in  any  other  city  in  the  world  can  be. 
There  are  English,  Welsh,  Irish,  French,  Polish,  Bo- 
hemian, Italian,  Russian,  Danish  and  Swedish  people 
among  its  hundreds  of  thousands  of  inhabitants.  Chi- 
cago was  long  ago  noted  as  having  an  unusually  large 
number  of  Socialists,  Internationalists,  Spiritualists,  and 
other  peculiar  people,  among  its  inhabitants.  It  was 
the  first  city  in  this  country,  in  which  communism  had 
the  boldness  to  come  out  and  avow  itself  openly.  It 
was  known  generally,  that  the  so-called  "  dangerous 
classes"  were  disproportionately  numerous  in  Chicago, 
and  hence  the  shudder  of  dread,  with  which  men  con- 
templated the  bare  possibility  that  these  chronic  law- 
breakers might  become  the  masters  of  the  city,  and  com- 
pel obedience  to  any  decree  they  might  conclude  to 
issue.  If  such  crimes  as  theft,  arson,  and  murder, 
could  be  committed  by  the  wholesale  in  Pittsburgh,  a 
much  smaller  city,  what  might  not  the  proportionately 
larger  class  of  roughs  in  Chicago  do,  when  once  they 


CHANCES    FOK   CHICAGO.  309 

triumphed  over  all  lawful  authority,  as  they  did  in  Pitts- 
burgh ?  Men  asked  themselves  this  question  as  the  ad- 
vancing wave  of  discontent  and  passion  rolled  from  the 
East,  in  resistless  might  toward  the  West,  and  wondered 
what  answer  time  would  give.  Chicago  was  regarded  as 
a  place  where  the  most  serious  consequences  of  the 
Great  Strikes  should  be  expected.  And  the  sympathies 
of  millions  of  people  were  evoked  in  its  behalf.  The 
city  of  the  Great  Conflagration  might  also  become  the 
scene  of  the  greatest  riots  recorded  in  the  history  of  the 
world.  All  hoped  that  it  might  escape,  but  all  feared 
that  it  would  not  escape  a  visitation  of  the  excitement, 
and  many  doubted  the  ability  of  the  civil  authorities  to 
meet  with  a  general  uprising  of  "  the  dangerous  classes  " 
in  that  city. 

The  first  intimation  of  the  outbreak  of  the  discon- 
tented in  that  city  were  received  with  a  feeling  of 
profound  concern.  The  whole  population  of  the  great 
Northwest  was  interested.  The  great  city,  it  was  feared, 
was  destined  to  undergo  an  ordeal,  such  as  it  had  not 
before  endured,  overwhelming  as  had  been  the  disasters 
which  had  swept  over  it.  The  torch  alone,  might  light 
the  fires  of  a  greater  conflagration  than  that  which  con- 
sumed temples,  palaces,  marts,  and  dwellings,  during 
that  memorable  October  night  in  1871,  and  yet  more 
awful  things  than  that  might  happen,  for  with  the  de- 
vastation of  the  flames,  death  might  revel  in  a  horrible 
carnival.  And  men  trembled  at  the  suggestion  of  such 
a  possibility. 

The  concessions  made  by  numbers  of  the  railway 
companies  running  into  Chicago,  prevented  any  strike 
among    their  employes,   and  thus   withdrew  from   the 


310  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

movement  a  very  large  number  of  men,  who  became 
at  once  the  friends  of  order,  and  the  stern  upholders 
of  the  law,  instead  of  being  doubtful  friends,  if  not 
positive  foes,  of  tlje  law  and  order  party.  Again, 
the  acts  of  pillage,  arson,  and  murder,  committed  by 
rouahs  who  had  attached  themselves  to  the  cause  of 
the  laborers,  at  Baltimore  and  Pittsburgh,  had  put  the 
striking  workingmen  on  their  guard  against  affiliations 
with  such  characters.  The  honest  workingmen  of  the 
land  turned  away  in  disgust  from  the  Socialists,  and 
other  agitators,  who  had  in  the  very  beginning  of  the 
movement  come  forward  and  assumed  the  control  to  pro- 
mote their  own  visionary,  not  to  say  vicious,  schemes. 
The  American  workingmen  are  not  thieves,  incendi- 
aries, and  murderers,  but  honest,  true  men,  as  a  class, 
who  were  engaged  in  an  effort  to  redress  certain  wrongs, 
•of  which  they  believed  themselves  to  be  victims.  At 
first  they  were  glad  to  welcome  to  their  ranks,  and 
and  thank  for  their  assistance,  all  who  came,  professing 
sympathy.  But  when  they  saw  the  deeds  of  the  Com- 
munists and  roughs  in  Baltimore  and  Pittsburgh,  which 
they  did  long  before  the  waves  of  the  labor-movement 
had  reached  Chicago  and  St.  Louis,  they  were  disgusted, 
felt  themselves  outraged,  and  dishonored  by  the  associa- 
tion, and  were  ready  to  assist  anybody  representing  the 
ideas  of  social  order  and  political  stability,  to  put  down 
the  howling  mobs  wherever  they  might  appear. 

These  two  causes — the  action  of  the  railway  companies 
conceding  the  demands  of  the  employes,  and  the  con- 
duct of  the  mobs  of  roughs,  who  had  at  first  joined  the 
workingmen  in  their  movement,  had  prepared  the  way 
for   the    maintenance    of    law   and    order   in    Chicago. 


CHANCES    FOR   CHICAGO.  311 

There  could  be  no  very  serious  infractions  of  the  peace 
of  the  community,  except  by  the  class — already  under 
the  ban  of  the  law — known  as  roughs.  The  working- 
men  neither  had  occasion,  nor  desire  to  become  thieves, 
incendiaries,  and  murderers,  nor  to  have  association  with 
persons  of  that  character.  They  were  not  only,  as  a 
class,  withdrawn  from  a  position  of  active  enmity  against 
the  good  order  of  society,  but  had  been  transferred  to 
the  side  which  favored  the  preservation  of  order. 
Therefore  the  chances  for  Chicago  to  escape  pillage  and 
destruction  were  good,  notwithstanding  the  immense 
number  of  visionary  men,  professional  thieves,  and  idle 
and  vicious  characters  to  be  found  there,  who  were  in- 
terested, or  thought  they  were,  in  destroying  all  order  and 
inaugurating  a  reign  of  terror. 

Nevertheless  Chicago  was  destined  to  be  shaken  as  if 
by  a  mighty  tempest.  The  Communists  and  the  vicious 
of  atl  classes  and  trades  were  sufficiently  numerous  to 
create  no  little  trouble.  It  was  well  to  be  prepared  to 
act  with  promptness  and  celerity,  and  make  quick,  sharp 
work  with  public  offenders.  And  the  Chicago  officials 
had  made  ample  preparations,  so  that  whan  the  announce- 
ment was  made  that  the  strikes  had  been  inaugurated  in 
•Chicago,  the  municipal  authorities  were  ready.  The  an- 
nouncement did  not  cause  any  smiting  together  of 
knees,  as  in  some  other  cities. 

The  strike  of  railroadmen  in  Chicago  was  com  nunc  jd 
Monday  night,  July  23rd.  The  first  announcement  of 
trouble  came  from  the  men  employed  by  the  Michigan 
•Central  Railroad  as  switchmen.  These  were  joined  the 
following  morning,  by  the  entire  force  of  firemen  and 
Ibrakemen  employed  by   that  Company.     They  claimed 


312  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

that  they  were  forced  to  take  the  step  by  the  arrogance^. 
penuriousness,  and  unkindness  of  the  managers  of  the- 
road.  Having  abandoned  their  places,  the  strikers  gath- 
ered in  force  on  Tuesday  morning,  the  24th,  and,  in  a 
body,  visited  the  other  railroad  employes  in  the  city,  and 
induced  them  all,  with  the  exception  of  employes  of 
the  Chicago  and  Northwestern,  to  quit  work.  Before 
noon  on  the  24th,  only  one  railroad  which  was  running 
trains  out  of  Chicago  had  any  freight  trains  moving  on 
their  tracks. 

As  soon  as  the  the  announcement  of  the  strike  among 
railroadmen  had  spread  through  the  city,  a  mob,  among 
whom  were  few  or  no  strikers,  but  composed  largely 
of  disreputable  characters,  was  speedily  assembled,  to 
the  number  of  about  five  hundred  men,  and  started  out 
on  a  career  of  lawlessness  on  the  West  Side.  These 
ruffians  visited  manufactories,  and  all  other'places  where 
men  were  employed,  and  compelled  the  workmen  to 
desist  from  their  labors. 

Before  sundown  of  the  24th,  the  railroad  offices  in  the 
city,  and  the  depots  and  yards  of  all  the  railroads  wore  a 
quiet  and  desolate  appearance.  The  great  traffic  of  a 
mighty  city  had  suddenly  ceased.  The  wheels  of  com- 
merce stood  still,  and  silence  fell  upon  the  lately 
bustling  marts.  The  railroad  companies  had  anticipated 
the  strikes,  and  had  sent  away  as  many  cars  from  the 
city  yards  as  possible. 

The  mob,  which  commenced  its  march  in  the  morning, 
and  paid  attention  first  to  the  railroad  shops,  continued 
all  day  performing  its  evil  mission.  The  closing  of  the 
workshops  of  the  railroad  companies,  which  had  been 
accomplished  without  difficulty,  emboldened  the  self-con,-- 


CHANCES    FOR    CHICAGO.  313 

stituted  guardians  of  the  rights  of  workingmen,  and  they 
proceeded  next  to  the  shops,  founderies,  mills  and  lum- 
ber yards,  to  command  the  laborers  employed  in  them 
to  cease  from  their  toil. 

Meanwhile  the  band,  which  started  out  in  the  morn- 
ing with  five  hundred  men,  had  grown  to  a  multitude  of 
two  thousand  men,  and  had  been  divided  into  sections. 
This  mob  was  largely  composed  of  boys,  ranging  in  age 
from  sixteen  to  twenty  years.  The  mob  did  not  re- 
spect the  wishes  of  the  laborers  in  the  shops  of  the 
Chicago  and  Northwestern  Railway,  who  had  not  struck, 
but  compelled  them  to  quit. 

Mayor  Heath  was  not  idle  during  this  eventful  day. 
Determined  to  preserve  the  public  peace,  and  maintain 
good  order  in  the  city,  he  was  taking  such  steps  as  would 
give  him  control  of  an  available  force  of  picked  men,  suf- 
ficient in  numbers  and  appointments  to  enforce  his  orders 
when  the  time  should  arrive  for  decisive  action.  All' 
the  afternoon,  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  city  was  en- 
gaged in  selecting  and  swearing  in  a  select  body  of  citi- 
zens to  act  as  special  police  during  the  continuance  of 
the  crisis.  Nor  was  he  content  with  these  precautionary 
measures  alone.  In  view  of  the  threatened  danger,  he 
had  conferred  with  the  military  commanders  stationed 
in  Chicago,  and  through  them  had  induced  the  Federal 
Administration  to  order  to  that  city  the  Twenty-second 
United  States  Infantry,  then  doing  duty  in  Dakota. 
This  regiment  was  to  have  gone  further  East,  but  the 
threatening  aspect  of  affairs  at  Chicago,  was  sufficient 
reason  for  a  halt  there. 

In  the  meantime,  as  the  day  wore  awTay,  the  city  ex- 
hibited evidence  of  the  general   uneasiness  which  per- 


314  THE    GKEAT    STKIKE8. 

vaded  the  public  mind.  Late  in  the  evening  the  Blue 
Island  avenue  cars  were  stopped  for  about  an  hour,  by 
one  of  the  gangs,  into  which  the  mob  had  been  divided. 
The  rumor  spread  with  great  rapidity,  that  the  mob  pro- 
posed to  stop  all  travel  on  the  horse-car  lines,  and  this 
served  to  increase  the  excitement  on  the  streets.  But 
there  was  really  no  occasion  for  the  intensity  of  interest 
manifested.  The  leaders  of  the  gang  which  had  stopped 
the  cars,  were  promptly  arrested  and  locked  up  by  the 
police,  and  the  cars  continued  to  run  as  usual. 

The  wildest  reports  of  the  action  of  the  mob  were  in 
circulation  by  nightfall.  It  was  a  field  day  for  the  Press 
reporters,  who  seemed  ubiquitous,  narrowly  watching 
every  movement,  seizing  upon  the  most  trifling  incident, 
and  elaborating  from  it  whole  columns  of  matter.  In 
former  days,  chroniclers  of  great  events  would  not  have 
occupied  so  much  space  in  detailing  the  circumstances 
attending  the  shock  of  mighty  armies  in  battle,  as  was 
used  by  the  press  reporters  in  Chicago  in  reporting  the 
movements  of  a  parcel  of  discontented  men,  and  a  mul- 
titude of  street  boys.  The  parade  of  the  mob  was  the 
most  formidable  part  of  the  trouble  of  the  day.  In 
truth,  there  had  been  no  attempt  at  incendiarism,  few 
altercations,  and  scarcely  a  single  breach  of  the  peace. 
The  lawlessness  of    the  gang's  were   manifested  in   no 

t  .  .  . 

other  way  than  interfering  with  peaceable  citizens,  to 
prevent  them  from  pursuing  their  usual  avocations. 
Upon  the  whole,  it  was  a  very  good  natured  sort  of  mob, 
indulging  in  pleasantries  while  engaged  in  violating 
the  law,  by  trenching  on  the  rights  of  others.  But  the 
conduct  of  the  mob  on  the  24th,  was  only  a  prelude  to 
more    dangerous    demonstrations,    and    more    decisive 


CHANCES    FOB   CHICAGO.  315 

actions.  Collisions  had  been  expected,  but,  as  the  even- 
ing advanced,  far  into  the  night,  no  intelligence  of  con- 
flicts had  been  received,  and  gradually  the  streets  were 
deserted  by  the  crowds  which  had  thronged  them,  and 
the  great  city  sank  into  a  profound  repose  soon  after 
midnight.  The  eventful  day  had  passed,  and  no  stirring 
or  startling  occurrence  had  taken  place. 

Wednesday,  July  25th,  dawned  mistily  upon  the  city. 
€louds  of  vapor  hung  suspended  over  Lake  Michigan, 
and  shadowed  the  streets,  and  palaces  of  Chicago.  There 
was  gloom  on  the  faces  of  men  as  well  as  on  the  face  of 
nature.  The  apprehension  of  conflicts,  of  incendiary 
torches,  of  disaster  and  death,  had  a  strong  hold  on  the 
public  mind. 

Early  in  the  day,  it  was  announced  that  the  Union 
Stock  and  Rolling  Mills,  and  Malleable  Iron  Works  on 
the  North  Side,  had  closed,  thus  transferring  three  hun- 
dred industrious  men  to  the  ranks  of  the  idlers.  It 
was  this  rapid  increase  in  the  number  of  idle  men,  that 
served  to  increase  the  general  uneasiness.  There  is  mis- 
chief in  idleness,  and  this  was  a  time  when  men  dreaded 
any  enlargement  of  the  possible  elements  of  mischief- 
making. 

The  first  conflict  between  the  mob  and  the  represen 
tatives  of  lawful  authority  took  place  on  the  morning 
of  the  25th.  A  section  of  the  mob  was  moving  on 
Twenty-second  street,  when  it  was  met  by  a  squad  of 
police  officers.  The  mob  was  largely  composed  of  a 
class  of  persons,  to  be  found  in  all  cities,  who  regard 
police  officers  as  their  natural  foes.  Being  now  in  a 
large  body  together,  it  occurred  to  them  that  an  ex- 
cellent  opportunity   was   afforded  to   have  revenge  on 


316  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

their  enemies,  hence  they  proceeded  f-o  treat  the  officers 
to  a  shower  of  stones,  and  then  advanced  upon  them 
with  sticks.  The  police  officers  were  prepared  for  themy 
and  drawing  their  pistols,  they  advanced  npon  the 
crowd,  fired  their  pistols,  charged  with  blank  cartridges, 
then  advanced  briskly,  club  in  hand,  to  the  assault. 
The  officers  of  the  law  were  quickly  among  the  rioters, 
applying  their  clubs  in  a  way  exceedingly  unpleasant  to 
the  law-breakers,  who  speedily  scattered,  some  of  them 
with  bleeding  heads.  Two  of  the  officers  were  struck, 
but  received  slight  injuries. 

Another  section  of  the  rowdies,  seized  the  Phcenix 
Distillery,  compelled  the  employes  to  quit  work,  drove 
the  proprietors  from  the  place,  and  closed  the  establish- 
ment. The  proprietors  applied  to  the  United  States 
army  officers  for  protection,  and  re-instatement. 

On  the  North  Side,  the  rabble  who  were  assuming  to 
regulate  other  people's  affairs,  showed  themselves  par- 
ticularly incompetent  to  govern  their  own  actions  in  a 
proper  manner.  They  were  very  noisy,  and  made 
themselves  particularly  obnoxious  by  lawless  deeds. 
This  crowd  showed  a  decidedly  bellicose  disposition,  and 
amused  themselves  by  smashing  windows  and  defacing 
buildings  in  all  cases  where  objection  was  made  to  their 
proceedings.  At  the  North  Side  Rolling  Mills,  a  large 
company  of  strikers  defied  the  police,  and  compelled  them 
to  retire  discomfited  from  the  field.  The  police  return- 
ed to  their  station-houses,  and  the  strikers  marched  on. 

The  excitement  in  the  city  was  growing  hour  by  hour. 
Men  were  uncertain,  apprehensive,  fearful.  What  would 
come  of  all  this  ?  What  did  the  mighty  movement  that 
now  extended  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  mean  ? 


CHANCES    FOK    CHICAGO.  317 

What  would  become  of  government,  society,  institutions, 
the  hopes  of  mankind,  if  the  element  which  had  sud- 
denly exhibited  so  much  zeal,  vigor,  and  organization, 
should  succeed  in  their  purposes  ?  These  were  questions 
presented  to  the  minds  of  all,  but  answered  satisfactorily 
by  no  one. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  Wednesday,  a  gang  of  some 
twenty  or  thirty  rowdies  boarded  a  passenger  train  on 
the  Illinois  Central  Railroad,  just  before  it  left  the  depot. 
When  it  had  gone  a  short  distance,  they  compelled  the 
engineer  to  back  up,  and  return  to  the  depot-yard. 
Another  gang  attempted  to  stop  the  dummy,  which  runs 
from  the  Union  Stock  Yards.  In  this  purpose  they 
were  thwarted  by  the  coolness  and  daring  of  the  conduc- 
tor, who,  with  drawn  revolver  in  hand,  defied  the  roughs, 
and  proceeded  on  his  way. 

One  of  the  sections  which  visited  a  large  white  lead 
and  oil  manufactory,  not  meeting  with  the  cordial  recep- 
tion they  believed  themselves  entitled  to  receive,  ex- 
pressed their  disgust  by  attacking  the  building  with  a 
perfect  shower  of  stones.  They  succeeded  in  destroying 
a  considerable  amount  of  glass,  which  was  in  the  win- 
dows. A  few  sailors  joined  in  the  general  sentiment  of 
workingmen  on  a  strike,  and  struck  for  an  advance  of 
wages.  But  the  masses  of  the  jolly  tars  did  not  take 
kindly  to  the  fashion  of  the  land-lubbers,  and  as  a  con- 
sequence the  sailors'  strike  was  a  failure. 

There  was  a  collision  between  a  band  of  rioters  and 
policemen  at  the  corner  of  Twelfth  and  Canal  streets. 
The  police  were  successful  in  vanquishing  the  roughs, 
struck  a  goodly  number  with  clubs,  severely  bruising  a 
few,  and  arresting  quite  a  number  of  them. 


318  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

All  saloons  were  closed  on  the  West  Side  at  an  early 
hour  in  the  day.  Later  orders  were  issued  by  the  Mayor 
to  close  all  saloons  in  the  city.  The  penalty  for  refusing 
to  comply  with  the  order  was  the  revocation  of  their 
licenses.  No  one  had  been  killed  in  all  the  encounters 
between  police  officers  and  the  mob,  though  a  number  of 
the  former  had  received  ugly  cuts  and  bruises,  and  many 
of  the  latter  had  suffered  from  severe  beatings  inflicted 
by  the  strong  arms  of  the  officers  wielding  their  clubs. 

The  arrival  of  a  portion  of  the  Twenty-Second  Regi- 
ment of  United  States  infantry,  from  Dakota,  was  an 
event  which  cheered  the  hearts  of  the  law-abiding 
citizens,  if  it  did  not  have  the  effect  of  striking  terror 
into  the  souls  of  the  riotous  mob. 

All  the  afternoon  the  strikers — or  rather  the  mob,  for 
there  were  very  few  railroadmen  or  strikers  from  shops 
andfactories,  among  the  crowds  which  marched  around 
to  order  the  stopping  of  work — continued  their  parade 
begun  the  day  before.  Many  shops  were  visited,  many 
honest  men  were  intimidated  from  earning  bread  for 
their  families. 

The  City  Council  had  a  session  in  the  afternoon,  and 
adopted  a  series  of  resolutions,  supporting  the  measures 
taken  by  the  Mayor,  for  the  preservation  of  peace,  and 
authorizing  him  to  make  whatever  expenditures  might 
be  deemed  necessary,  in  order  to  protect  the  lives  and 
property  of  the  citizens.  In  addition,  a  measure  was  in- 
troduced and  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Finance, 
authorizing  the  Mayor  to  borrow  the  sum  of  half  a 
million  of  dollars,  to  be  expended  on  public  improve- 
ments, in  order  that  those  idle  might  be  furnished  em- 
ployment.     This    action    of    the    City    Council   fairly 


CHANCES    FOR   CHICAGO.  31£ 

illustrates  the  condition  of  the  public  mind,  as  it  was 
manifested  in  Chicago  on  the  25th  of  July,  187T.  The 
Mayor  issued  another  proclamation  reiterating  his 
requests,  that  patrols  be  formed,  and  that  idlers  and 
curious  people,  and  especially  women  and  children,  keep 
off  the  streets,  and  ordering  police  and  citizens  to  arrest 
disorderly  persons.  The  authorities  would  not  be  respon- 
sible for  consequences  of  the  collection  of  people  in  a 
crowd. 

The  merchants  held  a  meeting,  and  made  arrange- 
ments for  an  organized  body  of  special  police,  composed 
of  merchants  and  employes,  who  should  not  disband 
until  peace  was  restored. 

As  yet,  no  real  difficulty  had  been  encountered.  The 
citizens  were  excited ;  the  discontented  and  dangerous  ele- 
ments were  fully  aroused,  and  the  aspect  of  affairs  were 
certainly  threatening.  There  was  not  wanting  evidence 
that  a  large  number  of  people  in  that  city  would  hail 
with  keen  satisfaction  the  inauguration  of  a  reign  of 
terror,  such  as  had  been  experienced  at  Pittsburgh, 
only  more  terrible  because  of  the  greater  number  of 
people  involved. 

Meanwhile,  the  various  sections  of  the  "Working- 
men's  Party  of  the  United  States  " — the  Internationalists 
were  suddenly  galvanized  into  energetic  life  by  the  events 
which  had  been  taking  place  everywhere — were  holding 
meetings  daily  and  nightly,  in  many  different  parts  of  the 
city,  enrolling  new  members  and  doing  a  remarkable 
amount  of  talking  about  their  purposes,  and  their  readi- 
ness to  assert  their  "  rights,"  and  make  war  on  society 
to  the  extent  of  subverting  the  established  political  and 
social   institutions   of    the   country.     The   Communists 


320  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

were  in  their  element.  The  citizens,  Philip  Van  Patten, 
and  George  Schilling,  leaders  of  the  Internationalists 
were  unusually  alert.  They  were  taking  counsel  with 
their  followers  continually. 

On  the  night  of  the  25th,  a  mass  meeting,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United 
States,  was  held  at  Madison  and  Market  streets.  This 
meeting  was  attended  by  perhaps  one  thousand  eight 
hundred,  or  two  thousand  persons.  The  same  evening 
a  meeting  of  the  Labor  League  was  held  at  Maskell's 
Hall,  on  Desplaines  street.  All  day  the  sections  of  the 
mob  had  been  going  about  the  streets,  interfering  with 
the  men  in  various  manufactories,  compelling  men  to 
close  up,  and  doing  many  unlawful  and  malicious  acts. 
But  they  were  not  wearied  at  night.  The  various  halls 
where  the  members  of  the  trades'  unions  met,  were  well 
filled.  And  yet  the  throngs  in  the  street  were  not  less 
numerous.  Even  the  workingmen,  and  the  Inter- 
nationalists seemed  to  have  been  surprised  by  the  sudden- 
ness and  evident  momentum  of  the  popular  movement 
in  Chicago. 

Messrs.  Van  Patten,  Schilling,  Parsons,  and  other 
members  of  "The  Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United 
States,"  do  not  seem  to  have  fully  comprehended  the 
nature  of  the  movement  in  progress  around  them. 
During  the  early  part  of  the  day  these  men,  who  com- 
posed "  The  Executive  Committee,"  issued  an  address  to 
workingmen,  in  which  they  advised  them,  under  any 
circumstances,  to  keep  quiet  until  they  should  have  given 
the  crisis  due  consideration.  An  Executive  Committee, 
they  announced,  had  been  appointed  to  receive  dele- 
gates from  every  shop,  mill,  and  trades'  union  wherever 


\ 


CHANCES    FOR    CHICAGO.  321 

there  were  one  hundred  united,  to  lay  out  a  plan  how 

to  work  and  better  their  situation.     They  were  invited 

to  appoint  delegates  and  send   them  at  any  time  after 

eight  o'clock  that  night. 

It   was   announced    that   The   Executive    Committee 

would  sit  all  night  at  No.  113  Milwaukee  avenue. 

The  place  selected  for  the   meeting  that  night  was  not 

deemed  suitable,  and  it  had  been  the  purpose  of  the 
leaders  to  change  the  place  of  meeting  to  Milwaukee 
avenue.  It  was  too  late.  By  seven  o'clock  a  large 
crowd  had  gathered,  and  there  was  all  the  material  for  a 
first-class  communistic  meeting,  and  very  soon  a  regular 
mass-meeting  was  organized  on  the  west  side  of  Market 
street.  Some  one  arose  and  commenced  making  a  speech, 
but  the  tenor  of  his  remarks  was  not  satiefactory  to  his 
audience,  and  a  clamor  was  raised  which  compelled  him 
to  desist.  Then  another  man,  whose  name  was  not  an- 
nounced, arose,  and  in  fervid  tones,  and  florid  rhetoric, 
commenced  to  animadvert  upon  the  conduct  and  pur- 
poses of  the  capitalists,  and  to  paint  in  horrid  colors  the 
terrible  slavery  of  the  workingmen.  He  dwelt  with  tel  • 
ling  emphasis  upon  the  wickedness  of  Thomas  A.  Scott, 
John  W.  Garrett,  and  men  like  them,  and  declared  that 
the  press  was  owned  and  controlled  by  men  who  were  in 
alliance  with  these  arch-enemies  of  the  laboring  masses. 
This  orator  of  "  The  "Workingman's  Party  of  the  United 
States,"  soon  concluded  his  remarks,  as  the  crowd  seemed 
to  be  altogether  too  merry  in  mood  to  attend  to  the  long- 
drawn  sentences  of  any  man  for  any  considerable  length 
of  time. 

A  Mr.  Malton  followed,  and  opened  up  a  plan  to  heal 
.all  the   wounds.     His  proposition  was  to  send  a  delega 
21 


322  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

tion  to  Washington,  demand  that  the  President  should' 
convene  Congress  at  once,  that  Congress  should  be  in- 
structed by  the  people  to  authorize  the  issue  of  Treasury 
notes,  to  the  workingmen,  worth  dollar  for  dollar  in 
Government  bonds,  to  be  redeemable  within  sixty  days, 
in  order  that  the  laboring  masses  might  be  saved  from 
starvation.  The  ideas  of  Mr  Malton,  were  hailed  with' 
delight  by  the  mass  of  men  before  him. 

An  ex-soldier  of  the  Union  army,  next  mounted  the 
stage.  He  showed  a  crippled  and  distorted  hand,  which, 
he  said,  was  the  result  of  wounds  received  "  while  fight- 
ing for  this  glorious  country. "  Five  other  scars  of 
bullet  wounds,  he  declared,  adorned  his  body.  He  said 
when  he  entered  the  army,  he  was  promised  a  life  of 
honor  and  emolument  in  case  he  should  be  wounded  in 
his  country's  service.  *'  Plow  had  these  promises  been 
carried  out  ?  "  Here  he  was  a  cripple,  and  receiving  the 
beggarly  pittance  of  six  dollars  a  month.  The  promises 
made  him  were  infamous  lies.  What  cared  the  men  who 
had  reaped  benefits  from  his  services,  for  him  now 
in  his  distress  ?  He  was  in  favor  of  making'  the 
bondholders,  and  social  thieves,  and  political  knaves- 
feel  the  weight  of  an  indignant  people's  wrath.  "  The 
veteran,"  continued  at  some  length.  Some  one  else  took 
the  stand  and  harangued  the  crowd  for  awhile  in  much 
the  same  strain. 

The  crowd  was  a  very  orderly  one.  It  was  composed 
of  all  classes  of  citizens.  Many  had  gone  from  mere 
curiosity.  There  was  no  breach  of  the  peace  or  other 
disorderly  manifestations.  Notwithstanding  this  fact,, 
about  this  time  a  squad  of  police  officers  made  their  ap- 
pearance, marching  briskly  down  Market  street,  and  im- 


CHANCES    FOR    CHICAGO.  323 

mediately  charged  the  crowd  congregated  there,  and  very 
qnickly  dispersed  them.  It  has  not  yet  been  made  appar- 
ent by  what  right  a  peaceable  assemblage  of  men  were  thus 
assailed  by  the  representatives  of  lawful  authority.  But 
it  was  not  a  favorable  time  for  a  strict  observance  of  the 
inhibitions  of  the  supreme  law  of  the  land — the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States — by  the  police  authorities  of 
Chicago.  It  was  assumed,  that  such  meetings  were 
about  to,  or  might  possbily  lead  to,  a  breach  of  the  peace, 
then  or  at  some  other  time.  So  the  people  were  driven 
away. 

At  Haskell's  Hall,  on  Desplaines  street,  another  meet- 
ing was  held.  This  one  was  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Labor  League  of  Chicago.  But  the  views  advanced  bv 
the  speakers  were  not  much  less  impracticable  than  those 
entertained  by  the  speakers  at  the  meeting  of  the  Inter- 
nationalists. The  speech  of  the  evening  was  delivered 
by  Mr.  John  McGiloray.  A  brief  synopsis  of  his  re- 
marks will  serve  to  show  the  spirit  of  the  laboring  men, 
in  the  great  movement  in  progress. 

Mr.  McGiloray  asserted,  that  "  the  workingman  was 
the  power  of  the  world;  labor  had  arisen  in  all  its 
power,  and  demanded  better  times.  What  was  the 
oause  of  the  bad  times  was  a  question.  If  a  man  de- 
posited his  vote  in  the  ballot-box  wisely,  there  would  be 
no  trouble  in  the  country."  He  would  not  attempt  to 
make  them  believe  that  it  was  necessary  for  the  Govern- 
ment to  own  the  railroads  nor  the  telegraph.  Years  ago 
there  were  two  parties  in  the  country  ;  they  fought,  and 
the  weaker  was  brought  under,  and  slavery  was  abolish- 
ed. They  were  merely  machines,  not  valued  as  even 
slaves  would  be,  but  used  eight  or  ten  hours  and  thrown 


324:  THE    OKEAT    STRIKES. 

aside.  They  had  the  right  to  choose  their  employers, 
and  these  employers  had  the  liberty  to  discharge  their 
men.  The  dollar  of  the  fathers  was  good  during;  the 
war ;  debts  were  paid  with  greenbacks,  and  justly. 
The  European  capitalists  did  not  like  greenbacks.  Like 
Shylock,  they  wanted  flesh,  but  not  only  flesh,  but  blood, 
and  so  the  British  corporations  secured,  with  the  use  of 
a  good  deal  of  money,  the  act  demonetizing  the  silver, 
which  from  time  immemorial  had  been  a  good  currency. 
The  speaker  said  he  had  seen  a  newspaper  which  begged 
and  cried  for  the  demonetizing  of  silver,  now  crying  for 
the  remonetizing  of  silver,  and  the  repeal  of  the  Resump- 
tion act.  It  showed  on  the  whole  that  the  logic  of  circum- 
stances  was  stronger  than  the  arguments  of  any  petty 
paper.  Specimen  bricks  were  used  to  show  their  wares  by 
the  owners  of  silver  mines  out  West,  that  they  who  saw 
might  buy.  Such  a  specimen,  although  an  unworthy  one, 
was  President  Garrett,  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Rail- 
road, who  said  he  had  a  surplus  of  thirty-three  million  dol- 
lars. This  gentleman  said  that  hard  times  existed,  and 
on  this  account  the  wages  of  his  men  must  be  reduced. 
Again,  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  the  reverend  gentleman? 
said  that  men  could  live  on  bread  and  water  (hisses) ;  he 
had  physical  ability  which  had  been  tested  in  various 
ways.  Mr.  McGiloray  then  read  an  extract  from  the  Times 
giving  Henry  Ward  Beecher's  opinion  on  the  strike. 
He  advised  his  hearers  if  they  struck,  to  strike  quietly 
and  decently,  and  not  to  go  into  incendiarism,  and  then 
the  authorities  would  have  no  right  to  interfere.  They 
could  not  hurt  the  railroad  companies  nor  the  insurance 
companies  by  setting  fire  to  their  property.  All  the 
property  damaged  must  be  paid  by    the  workingmen, 


CHANCES    FOR   CHICAGO.  325 

for  the  city,  county,  and  State  would  have  to  pay,  and 
with  the  present  County  Commissioners  who  were  in- 
clined in  a  fair  way  to  extras,  thejr  would  get  the  full 
yalue  of  the  property.  He  was  glad  that  the  railroads 
were  partly  acceding  to  the  demands  of  the  men.  The 
cause  of  the  trouble  was  the  laws,  not  made  by  working- 
men,  but  by  lawyers,  who  knew  little  or  nothing  of  the 
wants  of  the  people.  There  were  not  enough  working- 
men  in  the  halls  of  Congress.  The  railroads  had  specu- 
lative men  to  push  them  ;  they  were  too  many,  conse- 
quently they  went  into  the  hands  of  the  Receiver. 
Congress,  instead  of  giving  to  railroads  subsidies,  should 
colonize  the  farmer  on  the  Government  lands,  and  should 
loan  to  him  in  place  of  the  capitalists.  The  city  was 
overloaded  with  men.  There  had  been  hard  times,  and 
men  had  felt  pinched.  There  had  been  no  over  produc 
tion  but  an  under-consuming. 

Alderman  Frank  Lawler  and  others  addressed  the 
meeting,  and  advocated  the  workingman's  cause. 

So  the  day  passed,  the  night  came,  and  the  crowds  ot 
men,  women,  and  children  thronged  the  streets  by 
thousands.  There  had  been  no  very  serious  conflicts 
during  the  day,  and  no  lives  had  been  lost.  The  police 
had  been  active  and  vigilant,  the  mob  had  been  noisy, 
but  not  very  combative.  A  hundred  different  places 
had  been  closed  by  striking  workingmen  and  mobs  of 
vicious  idlers,  throwing  out  of  employment  ten  or  fif- 
teen thousand  persons.  The  railroads  had  ceased  to 
move  freight  trains.  All  commercial  business  had  been 
suspended,  and  the  situation  of  the  city  had  become 
exceedingly  critical. 

The  appearance  of  Chicago  during  the  night  of  the 


326  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

25th,  reminded  cue  of  the  situation  in  New  York 
during  the  great  draft  riots  of  1864.  There  was  an 
uncounted  number  of  tramps,  thieves,  pimps  and  vicious 
idlers  of  every  grade,  intermixed  with  the  workyigmen, 
encouraging  them  in  their  strike  against  their  employers, 
and  counseling  them  to  proceed  to  extreme  and  lawless 
measures.  In  the  neighborhood  of  Lake  street,  half 
intoxicated,  slatternly,  frail  women  of  the  lowest  type, 
joined  the  throngs  of  roughs  who  frequent  that  locality, 
and  made  night  hideous  with  their  obscene  exclamations, 
and  horrible  profanity.  Of  such  as  these  were  the 
petroleuses  of  the  Parisian  Commune  of  1871.  In 
certain  parts  of  the  city,  unusual  quiet  prevailed  during 
the  afternoon  and  evening.  All  the  saloons  had  been 
closed,  the  Mayor  had  sworn  into  service  two  thousand 
special  policemen,  General  Torrence  had  called  out  two 
militia  regiments,  who  were  in  their  armories  awaiting 
orders ;  several  companies  of  the  Twenty-Second  United 
States  Infantry  were  quartered  in  the  Tabernacle,  so  as 
to  be  accessible  to  any  possible  scene  of  conflict  in  the 
city,  and  the  Committee  of  Safety  felt  assured,  that  the 
law-abiding  citizens  would  triumph  over  any  possible 
mob  of  rioters.  Including  police,  militia,  United  States 
regulars,  and  independent  military  companies,  acting  as 
a  posse,  it  was  estimated  that  there  were  no  less  than 
fifteen  thousand  men  under  arms,  and  ready  for  action 
on  call,  in  Chicago,  on  the  night  of  the  25th  of  July, 
1877.  The  sentiment  in  favor  of  the  maintenance  of 
the  law  was  strong  and  decisive. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


Pistols  and  Clubs. 


it  Comes  at  Last— Riotous  Roughs— Socialists  Serving  Satan — A. 
Well  Organized  Police  Force— The  Military  all  Ready— Hot  Heads 
at  Halstead  Street — Resisting  Arrest — The  Police  Persist,  are  Re- 
sisted and  resort  to  Pistols  and  Clubs — Intense  Excitement — A. 
Scene  of  Bloodshed  and  Death — At  the  Viaduct — Triumphant  Law 
— Roughs  Retire — Dead  in  the  Streets — Then  Peace. 


The  violent  demonstrations  of  the  mob  on  Wednes- 
day, leading  to  a  fusilade  on  Halstead  street  in  the 
evening,  it  had  been  hoped,  would  terminate  the  disturb- 
ances in  Chicago.  And  this  hope  was  based  on  the 
reasonable  ground  that  several  railroad  companies,  em- 
ploying a  large  number  of  men,  had  at  once  acceded  to 
the  demands  of  their  employes,  thereby  removing  all 
cause  of  complaint  on  the  part  of  their  employes,  and 
consequently  withdrawing  therefrom  any  active  sym- 
pathy with  the  riotous  conduct  of  workingmen  through- 
out the  country.  But  well  founded  as  were  such  hopes, 
they  were  doomed  to  be  disappointed.  It  was  not  the 
railroadmen,  not  even  the  sober,  industrious  working 
men  of  other  trades  in  Chicago,  who  had  seized  upon 
and  were  directing  the  riotous  movements  in  that  city. 
The  same  dreadful  elements  that  had  come  to  the  front 
in  Baltimore,  in  Pittsburgh,  New  York,  Newark,  Buff- 
alo and,  indeed,  in  all  the  cities  where  riotous  demon- 
strations had  been  made,  were  present  in  Chicago.  Be- 
hind the  discontent  of  the  poor-paid  workingmen,  ap- 


328  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

peared  the  horrid  front  of  the  Commune.  It  wa&- 
"The  Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United  States,'" 
known  in  Europe  as  the  "Workingmen's  International 
Association,"  that  had  assumed  the  reins,  and  were  en- 
deavoring to  drive  the  car  of  civilization  over  the 
precipice  of  destruction.  It  mattered  not  to  such  men 
as  Van  Patten,  Schilling,  Parsons,  Clynch,  and  other 
leaders  of  the  malcontents,  whether  the  railroadmen  had 
succeeded  in  carrying  their  point.  It  was  sufficient  for 
their  purposes  that  the  public  mind  was  excited,  that 
the  whole  country  was  in  an  uproar,  that  a  vast  number 
of  men  were  idle,  poverty  stricken,  hopeless,  and  these 
were  fit  materials  out  of  which  to  manufacture  mobs.- 
And  they  proceeded  to  organize  the  idle,  and  the  vicious 
into  formidable,  and  dangerous  bands  of  rioters. 

The  measures  adopted  by  the  Mayor,  and  municipal 
authorities,  were  not  amiss,  as  events  proved.  Ample  as 
were  the  preparations,  thorough  as  were  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  law-abiding  citizens,  the  preparations  were 
not  too  extensive,  nor  the  organizations  uncalled  for,  in 
the  emergency  which  had  arrived. 

The  morning  of  the  26th  was  damp,  murky  and  hot. 
A  rain  had  fallen  the  night  before,  which  had  not  served; 
to  cool  the  temperature,  or  cause  a  breeze  to  break  the 
Bultriness  of  the  steamy  atmosphere.  And  the  passions  of 
men  had  not  cooled  during  the  still  hours  of  the  last  half  of 
Hie  preceding  night.  The  people  of  Chicago,  not  unused 
to  exciting  events,  rose  that  morning,  hopeful,  but  ready 
for  whatever  emergency  they  might  be  called  upon  to 
meet.  Bands  of  armed  men  were  stationed  at  many 
convenient  points  in  the  city,  the  police  were  thoroughly 
organized  and    carefully  instructed    in  regard    to   the^ 


PISTOLS    AND    CLUBS.  32£ 

nature  of  the  service  they  were  expected  to  perform  ► 
Several  companies  of  United  States  regulars,  which  had 
be?n  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Governor,  by  the 
President,  and  by  him  ordered  to  act  under  the  orders 
of  Mayor  Heath,  were  quartered  in  the  Tabernacle,  a 
building  convenient  to  any  point  likely  to  be  threatened. 
By  order  of  the  Mayor,  all  saloons  had  been  closed,  and 
peaceable  citizens,  women  and  children,  had  been  warned 
to  avoid  going  into  the  streets.  The  committee  of 
6afety  organized  as  a  civil  posse,  acting  under  the  orders 
of  the  Mayor,  and  Sheriff  of  Cook  County,  were  divided 
into  companies,  and  patroled  the  streets  in  nearly  every 
section  of  the  city.  All  business  of  every  character  had 
been  completely  suspended.  There  were  no  busy  hands 
nor  toiling  brains  in  the  great  commercial  marts  of  the 
metropolis  of  the  lakes.  There  was  a  mingled  feeling 
of  apprehension  and  hopefulness  agitating  every  breast 
throughout  the  mighty  hive  of  humanity. 

There  are  reasons  for  the  belief  that  the  lawless  ele- 
ments had  not  been  idle  during  the  night.  Quiet  con- 
sultations had  been  held,  and  a  sort  of  understanding- 
between  various  bands  and  cliques  of  the  turbulent  ele. 
ments,  as  to  what  their  course  should  be,  had  been  ar- 
rived at.  Such  was  the  situation  in  Chicago,  on  the 
morning  of  the  26th  of  July,  1877.  The  city  was  rest- 
ing above  a  volcano,  that  gave  token  of  a  coming  erup- 
tion. That  it  was  not  involved  in  sudden  and  certain 
destruction,  is  believed  to  be  due  to  the  careful  and  ex- 
tensive preparations  which  had  been  made.  The  action 
of  Mayor  Heath,  throughout,  showed  him  to  be  a  man 
of  calm  disposition,  cool  judgment,  and  possessed  of 
great    practical    wisdom.      In    every   movement   made- 


330 


THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 


during  those  anxious  days,  he  displayed  a  calmness  that 
fitted  him  to  judge  correctly,  a  judgment  that  enabled 
him  to  decide  justly,  on  every  issue  presented.  Know- 
ing that  numbers  of  honest,  but  illiterate  and  unreflect- 
ing men,  would  naturally  be  drawn  into  the  maelstrom 
of  passion  engendered  by  the  mob,  he  directed  that  life 
should  not  be  lightly  regarded,  and  ordered  his  forces 
to  be  as  sparing  as  possible  in  the  destruction  of  life. 
Sternly  resolved  upon  enforcing  the  law,  he  yet  retain- 
ed the  feelings  of  a  man,  and  to  his  humanity  and  jus-. 
tice,  in  ordering  the  municipal  forces  to  fire  high,  and 
spare  life  whenever  it  was  possible,  many  a  poor,  mis- 
guided man  in  Chicago  was  spared  to  his  family,  to  his 
friends,  perhaps  to  a  career  of  honor  and  usefulness.  In 
this  respect,  the  conduct  of  Mayor  Heath,  contrasted 
with  that  of  some  other  official  characters,  is  like  a  ray  of 
light  in  a  cave  of  darkness.  He  might  have  decreed 
the  death  of  hundreds  —  many  innocent  ones  among 
them — but  he  did  not.  Nevertheless,  it  is  contended 
by  some,  that  like  many  others  during  those  days,  Mayor 
Heath  placed  himself  in  a  position  amenable  to  censure, 
by  violating  the  supreme  law  of  the  land  in  a  manner 
that  requires  the  severest  reprobation.  He  assumed  to 
interdict  the  meeting  of  societies  in  their  own  halls,  in 
palpable  violation  of  the  first  article  of  the  amendments 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which  guarantees 
u  the  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to  assemble  and  to  pe- 
tition the  Government  for  a  redress  of  grievances." 
What  right  had  Mayor  Heath,  Chief  of  Police  Hickey, 
Governor  Cullom,  aye,  or  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  interdict  the  meeting  of  the  coopers  or  the 
moulders,  or  any  other  assemblage  of  citizens?     What 


PISTOLS    AND   CLUBS.  331 

right  had  they  to  interfere  with  any  one  on  account  of 
words  spoken?  The  "freedom  of  speech  shall  not  be 
abridged."     But,  his  mistake  may  be  excused. 

These  things  are  mentioned  here,  because  it  is  impor- 
tant to  remember  that  lawlessness  should  meet  with 
prompt  and  stern  reprobation  from  every  patriotic 
citizen,  whether  it  is  developed  among  illiterate  laborers 
or  among  the  cultivated  leaders  of  social  and  political 
opinions.  There  is  some  excuse  for  the  ignorant,  who, 
misguided  by  evil  counselors,  may  be  betrayed  into 
the  commissions  of  unlawful  acts.  There  can  be  no 
extenuating  plea  in  favor  of  the  cultivated,  and  certainly 
no  possible  plea,  can  be  entered  in  behalf  of  those  'who 
are  the  administrators  of  the  law. 

The  citizens  of  Chicago  were  not  long  kept  in  doubt 
as  to  the  purposes  of  the  mob  on  Thursday  morning. 
At  a  very  early  hour  men  began  to  assemble  in  various 
localities,  little  knots  at  first,  they  were  the  nuclei  of 
great  multitudes.  At  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the 
city  was  already  in  a  feverish  condition,  and  the  streets 
were  thronged  by  an  excited  populace.  The  hopes  which 
had  been  entertained  bv  some,  that  there  would  be  no 
demonstration  of  the  mob  on  Thursday,  was  dissipated. 

As  early  as  seven  o'clock,  intelligence  reached  police 
headquarters,  that  lawless  mobs  were  beginning  to  con- 
centrate at  the  Halstead  street  viaduct,  where  a  fight  had 
occured  the  preceding  night.  Rioters  came  from  all 
parts  of  the  city,  and  before  nine  o'clock  not  less  than 
ten  thousand  persons  were  present.  It  was  evident  that 
the  mob  was  bent  on  violence,  and  hesitated  in  their 
maddened  frenzy  at  nothing.  The  north  approach  to 
the  viaduct,  and  the  structure  itself,  was  thronged  by  an 


332  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

immense  mass  of  rioters.  When  the  crowd  seemed  in 
the  highest  state  of  excitement,  sixty  men  under  officer 
Frainer  arrived,  and  the  moment  the  rioters  beheld  the 
approach  of  the  police  officers,  they  broke  into  small  gangs 
and  fled  howling  like  fiends.  The  police  followed  on 
a  run  in  pursuit  of  them,  firing  as  they  ran.  A  counter 
charge  was  made  by  the  rioters  in  an  attempt  to  pass  the 
police  on  the  viaduct,  in  order  that  there  might  be  a 
force  of  desperadoes  on  each  side  of  the  beleaguered  offi- 
cers of  the  law.  The  scheme  was  frustrated  by  the  free 
use  of  billies,  and  display  of  pistols,  from  which  blank 
cartridges  were  fired. 

The  mob  then  proceeded  to  Sixteenth  street  where  a 
halt  was  made.  A  large  body  turned  into  Sixteenth 
6treet  and  a  similar  crowd  went  east  in  the  direction  of 
the  Chicago,  Burlington  'and  Quincy  Railroad  freight 
houses.  There  was  a  brief  moment  of  inaction,  during- 
which  the  police  formed  in  line  and  prepared  for  a 
charge. 

This  was  a  signal  for  a  perfect  shower  of  stones,  pistol 
shots,  and  other  missiles.  For  a  little  time  the  wildest  dis- 
order prevailed.  It  was  evident  that  the  police  could  not 
resist  the  overwhelming  forces  arrayed  against  them  half 
an  hour.  A  discharge  of  weapons  was  kept  up  at  short 
intervals  in  reply  to  the  stones  that  were  being  continu- 
ally hurled  at  them  from  all  sides.  With  every  moment 
of  delay,  during  which  the  rioters  were  unharmed,  the 
belief  grew  in  their  minds  that  the  police  were  not  firing 
bullets,  and  they  began  surging  nearer  a  central  rallying 
point.  Several  times  did  a  few  of  the  more  daring- 
attempt  to  break  in  upon  the  sturdy  band  of  police,  and 
each  time  they  were  successfully  repulsed.     At  last  the 


PISTOLS    AND    CLUBS.  333 

police  received  intimation  that  re-enforcements  were 
coming  up  Halstead  street.  They  justly  concluded  that 
their  situation  became  more  precarious  each  moment. 

The  police,  seeing  the  impossibility  of  resisting  the 
mighty  tide  of  humanity  which  was  surging  down  upon 
them,  hastily  formed  in  line,  and,  raising  a  great  shout, 
started  to  retreat  across  the  viaduct.  The  roughs  rushed 
forward  in  pursuit,  with  shouts  and  yells  that  startled 
every  listener.  It  seemed  as  if  all  the  infernal  imps  had 
come  from  their  gloomy  retreat  to  curse  the  earth  by 
their  presence.  Flight  after  flight  of  stones,  hurled  by 
strong  arms,  assailed  the  police  officers  as  they  moved 
away  on  Halstead  street.  The  police  attempted  to  guard 
their  retreat  at  firs^,  but  soon  found  it  absolutely  impos- 
sible, and  turned  and  fled.  The  race  for  life  was  then 
■one  of  the  wildest  and  most  exciting  that  could  be 
imagined.  The  vast  throng  hung  close  upon  the  heels 
of  the  police,  and  did  not  cease  until  the  latter  arrived  at 
Fifteenth  street,  where  a  relief  force  had  just  arrived. 
This  consisted  of  a  squad  of  fifty  mounted  police. — armed 
with  repeating  rifles.  When  the  rioters  saw  these  they 
turned  to  retreat.  Then  began  the  battle,  the  police 
keeping  up  constant  firing,  and  using  clubs  to  good 
advantage.  In  this  affair  only  two  persons  were  killed, 
one  of  whom  was  a  bright-eyed  boy,  who  received  a 
death-blow  iron  a  stone. 

The  numbers  comprising  the  mob  began  to  increase, 
and  the  police  felt  incompetent  to  master  the  situation. 
About  eleven  o'clock,  the  second  regiment  appeared  with 
two  pieces  of  artilery,  which  produced  something  like  a 
panic  in  the  ranks  of  the  infuriated  mob,  the  rioters  scat- 
tered in  various  directions,  but  continued  to  hurl  stones 


334  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

and  fire  their  pistols.  As  they  began  to  disperse  a 
mounted  troop  of  members  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Republic  were  fired  into  by  occupants  living  in  a  private 
house.  The  parties  who  did  the  shooting  were  arrested 
by  the  police  and  locked  up. 

The  second  battle  of  the  day  occurred  in  the  fore- 
noon, on  Twelfth  street,  where  a  large  crowd  of  rioters 
greeted  the  officers  with  yells  and  threats.  The  usual 
weapons,  stones  and  other  misiles,  filled  the  air.  A 
number  of  officers  were  seriously  hurt.  The  crowd 
surged  into  Turner  Hall  on  Twelfth  street,  and  picked  up 
chairs  and  used  them  for  weapons.  Revolvers  were  fired 
from  all  directions.  Five  of  the  rioters  were  killed  and 
over  thirteen  badly  wounded.  After  twelve  o'clock 
three  companies  of  regular  troops  arrived  in  the  locality 
of  the  riot,  and  their  presence  had  the  desired  effect,  and 
by  three  o'clock  p.  m.  the  mob  was  pretty  well  dispersed* 
In  that  part  of  the  city,  during  the  afternoon,  every  pre- 
caution was  made  to  prevent  a  further  spread  of  the  riot. 
At  five  o'clock  four  more  companies  of  regulars  arrived 
in  the  city,  and  citizens  organized  in  every  form  and 
manner  for  the  protection  of  life  and  property.  Saloons- 
were  closed  and  business  was  suspended.  The  Board 
of  Trade  had  ajourned.  Business  men  entered  into 
various  organizations  which  were  stationed  at  the 
threatened  points  throughout  the  city. 

During  the  hours  between,  say  nine  o'clock  in  the 
morning  and  two  o'clock  in  the  evening,  Chicago  wa& 
suffering  in  the  throes  of  an  excitement  which  is  indes- 
cribable. The  newspaper  offices  were  besieged  by  vast 
crowds,  eager  to  get  the  least  bit  of  intelligence  from 
the  so-called  battle  that  was  in  progress  in  the  neighbor- 


PISTOLS    AND    CLUBS.  335 

hood  of  the  Halstead  street  viaduct,  and  on  Sixteenth 
street.  Mounted  couriers  rode  in  wild  haste  from  point 
to  point,  and  reports  of  the  most  terrible  massacres  and 
slaughters  were  repeated  from  lip  to  lip,  and  believed  by 
thousands.  Men  turned  pale  at  the  blood-curdling 
recital  of  horrors  at  the  viaduct,  and  women  swooned 
when  the  horrifying  reports  fell  upon  their  ears.  The 
most  exaggerated  stories  prevailed  concerning  the  charac- 
ter of  the  collision  at  the  Halstead  street  viaduct.  Ten 
blocks  away  from  the  spot  where  the  mob  and  police  were 
engaged  in  something  of  a  fight,  such  stories  as  were  cir- 
culated were  perfectly  astounding.  At  one  time  a  report 
flew,  and  grew  in  magnitude  and  horror  as  it  flew  through 
the  city,  to  the  effect  that  the  mob  had  vanquished  the  po- 
lice force  of  nearly  a  hundred  men,  had  captured  more  than 
thirty  of  them,  and  had  deliberately  massacred  the  whole 
number,  before  the  eyes  of  the  citizens,  who  were  power- 
less to  assist  them.  At  another  time  it  was  reported  that 
the  regular  United  States  troops  had  gone  out  Halstead 
street,  with  a  four-gun  battery  charged  with  grape  shot 
and  canister,  and  two  Gatling  guns,  and  had  opened 
fire  on  the  mob  with  the  most  horribly  destructive 
effects — that  hundreds — nay  thousands  of  the  rioters  had 
been  killed,  and  that  Halstead  and  Sixteenth  streets  were 
literally  flowing  with  blood. 

The  effect  of  such  reports,  when  there  were  no  means  of 
ascertaining  the  truth,  was  to  excite  the  people  beyond 
all  precedent.  To  ladies  pent  up  in  their  houses  during 
these  exciting  scenes,  hearing  nothing  but  the  exagger- 
ated reports  that  flew  through  the  streets,  with  brothers, 
husbands,  fathers,  and  lovers,  engaged  in  the  strife,  the 
day  was  one  of  unmitigated  misery.     The  anguish   of 


336  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

•doubt,  the  deceitfulness  of  appearances,  the  alternations 
of  fear  and  of  hope,  of  courage  and  despair,  were  some 
of  the  mental  distresses  that  tormented  them  during  that 
memorable  day. 

During  the  afternoon,  and  the  early  part  of  the  even- 
ing, there  were  few  exciting  incidents,  and  the  city  was 
comparatively  quiet.  The  hopes  of  the  people  were 
once  more  raised,  the  belief  had  become  general,  that  the 
mob  had  dispersed,  and  would  not  gather  again. 

At  half-past  eleven  at  night  a  large  mob  gathered  at 
the  corner  of  Sixteenth  and  Halstead  streets,  augmented 
by  the  presence  of  a  great  number  of  Bridgeport  roughs. 
Indications  at  first  pointed  to  as  serious  an  affair  as  the 
lights  occuring  in  the  morning,  at  the  same  locality. 
The  mob  were  evidently  just  as  wild  with  excitement  as 
at  any  time  during  the  day,  but  upon  the  approach  of 
the  Second  Regiment  of  militia,  all  indications  to- 
ward actual  violence  passed  away,  after  stones  had  been 
hurled  in  the  air  with  the  desired  effect,  and  after  three 
soldiers  and  two  policemen  had  been  badly  wounded. 
Some  of  the  rioters  were  dangerously  wounded. 

At  a  late  hour  in  the  evening  of  the  26th,  the  quiet 
suburban  village  of  Lawndale,  was  the  scene  of  one  of 
the  most  brutal  murders  which  disgraced  the  city  during 
the  continuance  of  the  riots.  The  circumstances  under 
which  it  was  committed,  were  these  :  Mr.  James  White, 
a  respected  member  of  the  Chicago  Board  of  Trade,  act- 
ing in  the  capacity  of  a  special  police  officer,  was  patrol- 
ing  his  beat  in  that  village,  when  he  saw  a  person  whose 
actions  appeared  to  be  suspicious  Mr.  White  proceeded 
to  arrest  him,  and  was  conducting  him  to  the  station,  or 
headquarters  in  the  village.      The  person  under  arrest 


PISTOLS    AND   CLUBS.  337 

went  quietly  enough  for  some  distance,  but  finally  con- 
cluded not  to  submit  to  the  arrest,  and  began  to  resist. 
While  engaged  in  the  struggle  with  his  captor,  the 
prisoner,  suddenly  drew  a  revolver,  presented  it  at  the 
head  of  Mr.  White,  and  fired.  The  ball  penetrated  the 
brain  and  the  unfortunate  gentleman  fell  and  expired  in 
a  few  minutes.  The  fellow  who  had  committed  the 
horrible  deed  then  fled,  and  was  not  arrested.  The  next 
day  the  merchants  of  the  Board  of  Trade  raised  the  sum 
of  three  thousand  five  hundred  dollars,  which  was  appro- 
priated for  the  benefit  of  the  family  of  the  deceased 
merchant. 

The  field  of  operation  during  the  day  was  confined 
to  the  district  of  the  city  between  Canal  and  Green  streets, 
and  between  Twelfth  and  Twenty-second  streets.  It  was 
within  these  limits  that  the  rioting  was  confined.  In 
other  parts  of  the  city  there  were  occasionally  threatening 
demonstrations,  but  nothing  came  of  them,  save  alarm  to 
a  few  timid  souls. 

All  the  afternoon  and  during  the  early  part  of  the 
evening  the  police  were  busied  in  making  arrests.  Num- 
erous persons  were  taken  to  the  lockups.  Among  them 
some  who  had  been  particularly  conspicuous  in  inciting 
the  rioters.  One  of  the  notable  facts  connected  with  the 
events  of  this  somewhat  eventful  day,  was  the  presence 
and  active  participation  of  women  in  the  riots.  In  the 
neighborhood  of  the  viaduct  on  ILilstead  street,  they  were 
very  demonstrative.  Taking  up  positions  in  their  houses, 
they  encouraged  the  male  members  of  the  mob  to  attack 
the  police,  and  were  excessively  abusive  to  every  one  who 
wore  a  white  shirt,  or  a  uniform.  Nor  did  they  stop 
with  abusive  words,  and  insulting  epithets.  Many  of 
22 


338  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

them  provided  themselves  with  heaps  of  stones,  pans  of 
mud,  and  other  dangerous  and  unpleasant  munitions  o£ 
war,  and  vigorously  hurled  them  from  the  windows  of 
houses  upon  the  officers  contending  in  the  streets  below. 
Not  a  few  of  these  viragoes  had  pistols  which  they  firedv 
sometimes  with  evil  effect,  at  the  policemen. 

Dining  the  day  the  mob  captured  one  of  the  Metro- 
politan Telegraph  Stations,  and  prevented  any  despatches 
from  being  sent  during  the  time  they  were  in  possession.. 
The  Second  Regiment  of  state  troops  were  held  as  a 
reserve  to  the  police  force,  during  the  conflict  between  the 
mob  and  the  officers  of  the  law.  There  was  also  a  large 
force  of  special  officers  and  independent  companies,  acting 
under  the  orders  of  the  Mayor, in  readiness  toco-operate 
with  the  regular  police  force. 

The  newspapers  of  Chicago  gave  a  somewhat  exagger- 
ated, but  a  very  minute  and  complete  history  of  all  the 
incidents  in  connection  with  the  conflicts  between  the 
police  and  the  rioters.  After  the  smoke  had  cleared 
away,  after  the  tight  was  over  and  the  mob  dispersed, 
the  before  countless  number  of  the  slain  of  those  fierce 
engagements  was  counted,  and  the  number  of  those 
who  sought  and  found  gory  graves  were  just  seven.  If 
Mr.  White  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  victims  of  the  riot, 
then  eight  human  beings  had  met  death  by  violence  since 
the  riots  began.  This  is  the  net  result  of  various 
conflicts,-  which  were  heralded  to  the  world  as  sanguin- 
ary battles,  and  the  eight  persons  who  lost  their  lives 
were  all  the  dead  of  that  "  fearful  carnage." 

If  the  day  had  been  one  of  the  most  intense  excite- 
ment, the  evening  was  one  of  deepest  anxiety  to  the 
people   of  Chicago.     But   except    the   gathering   about 


PISTOLS    AND   CLUBS.  339' 

Sixteenth  and  Halstead  streets,  which  dispersed  on  the 
approach  of  the  police  and  the  military  about  eleven 
o'clock  in  the  evening,  the  night  wore  away  without 
further  alarms. 

There  is  one  thing  which  particularly  requires  to  be 
noticed  at  this  point.  Among  the  killed  and  the 
wounded,  among  all  the  prisoners  captured,  there  was 
not  a  single  railroadman.  This  is  a  significant  fact. 
Who  were  the  strikers  ?  The  Pariahs  of  the  streets,  the 
Communists,  the  idle  and  the  vicious,  who  were  not 
workingmen,  who  would  not  work  for  any  wages,  at  any 
time.  The  railroadmen  struck  for  higher  wages,  or  to 
resist  the  reduction  of  the  pitiful  pittance  they  received 
for  the  dangerous  services  they  performed,  but  they  were, 
as  a  class,  neither  rioters,  incendiaries,  thieves  nor  mur- 
derers. The  attempt  to  class  the  railroadmen  with  the 
mobs  that  showed  so  ugly  a  front  in  some  of  the  large 
cities  of  the  country,  deserves  the  stern  reprobation 
of  every  man,  actuated  by  a  sense  of  justice  and 
humanity.  They  do  not  deserve  it,  and  those  who  claim 
that  workingmen  constituted  the  mob,  do"  so  without 
evidence,  and  are  guilty  of  slandering  a  useful  class  of 
citizens. 

The  day  of  excitement  had  passed  away  in  Chicago. 
the  events  of  the  day  had  become  a  part  of  the  history 
of  the  times.  Another  day  had  dawned,  and  the  rumor- 
mongers  were  early  busy  with  all  sorts  of  startling  re- 
ports. There  were  numerous  assertions  made  that  the 
mob  was  preparing  for  a  more  desparate  re-encounter 
with  the  police  ;  that  they  had  secured  arms  and  were 
organized,  and  would  attempt  to  capture  the  city.  The 
extravagance  of  the  rumors  circulated  the  day  before, 


340  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

liad  a  tendency  to  discredit  the  sensational  stories  that 
were  circulated  during  the  morning  of  the  27th.  The 
adage,  in  time  of  peace  prepare  for  war,  had  been  acted 
upon  by  the  military  authorities,  acting  under  the 
direction  of  the  Mayor  and  Chief  of  Police.  During 
that  morning  the  forces  were  distributed  as  follows : 
Stock  Yards,  sixty  regulars;  Chicago,  Burlington  and 
Quincy  Freight  House,  Sixteenth  street,  two  hundred ; 
Twelfth  street  bridge,  three  hundred  and  fifty  regulars 
of  the  Second  Regiment;  corner  Twefth  and  Halstead 
streets,  two  hundred  of  the  First  Regiment ;  Canal  Park 
and  South  Morgan  street,  fifty  of  the  First  Regiment ; 
south  side  of  the  Gas-works,  General  Lieb's  Battery,  num- 
bering sixty -five  men;  north  side  Water-works,  sixty -five 
veterans  ;  Union  Street  Police  Station,  fifty  of  the  Second 
Regiment ;  corner  Chicago  and  Milwaukee  avenues,  a 
possible  rendezvous  of  Communists,  sixty  veterans ;  Hal- 
stead  street,  north  of  Twelfth,  forty  of  the  Post  Office 
Guard,  while  Dalye  and  Walrus  Mounted  Guard  were 
constantly  patrolling  that  dangerous  section. 

Four  hundred  regulars  were  at  the  lake  front  awaiting 
orders.  The  regular  and  special  police  were  at  the  center 
of  the  trouble.  Citizens  with  police  powers  were  in 
every  section  of  the  city. 

There  were  some  small  crowds  collected  on  Halstead 
street,  and  on  Archer  avenue,  but  these  evinced  no  dis- 
position to  resort  to  violence.  The  sensation-mongers 
had  no  basis  from  which  to  send  forth  their  exciting 
rumors.  There  was  no  mob,  and  of  course  there  could 
l>e  no  riot.  The  mob  had  dissolved.  The  history  of 
the  whole  day's  events  would  simply  be  a  record  of  the 
evolutions  of  the  mounted  militia,  and  the  police.      The 


PISTOLS    AND    CLUBS.  341 

Mayor  issued  another  proclamation,  in  which  he  declarer! 
that  the  city  authorities  had  dispersed  all  lawless  bands 
in  the  city,  and  law  and  order  were  restored.  He  urged 
and  requested  all  business  men  and  employers  generally, 
to  resume  work  and  give  employment,  as  much  as  possi- 
ble, to  their  workmen.  He  considered  this  the  first  duty 
of  the  business  community.  He  said  he  was  amply  able 
to  protect  them  and  their  workmen. 

Some  unimportant  strikes  in  stables,  and  among  cigar 
makers  took  place,  but  there  was  no  unpleasant  demon- 
strations in  connection  with  them. 

The  railroads  were  resuming  business,  and  the  city, 
though  not  in  its  normal  condition  of  commercial  activ- 
ity,  was  rapidly  recovering  from  the  depression  caused  by 
the  excitement  of  the  four  or  five  days  preceding. 

Chicago  had  indeed  passed  through  an  ordeal  and  had 
come  out  of  the  difficulties,  which  at  one  time  were  so 
threatening,  with  less  loss  of  life  and  destruction  of  prop- 
erty than  was  expected. 

There  are  no  reasons  for  doubting  the  statements  made 
at  the  time  that  a  large  number  of  people  stopped  in  Chi- 
cago, who  would  not  hesitate  to  apply  the  torch  to  build- 
ings, or  the  knife  to  throats,  if  only  the  opportunity 
should  present  itself.  Nor  are  there  wanting  proofs  of 
the  fact  that  a  formidable  attempt  was  made  to  create 
such  an  opportunity.  It  was  fortunately  frustrated. 
The  only  thing  to  be  lamented  was  the  necessity  to  take 
life  in  the  suppression  of  disorders.  This,  however, 
could  not  be  avoided.  Tiie  misguided,  hapless  beings, 
who  were  hurried  from  the  busy  scenes  of  life  on  that 
day  of  turmoil  and  excitement,  were  men  after  all,  men 
with    dispositions    not    so   greatly   unlike  those  which 


342  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

prompt  other  men,  actuated  by  emotions  of  kindness  and 
love,  and  wrath  and  hate,  just  as  other  men  whose  posi- 
tion in  life  and  surrounding  circumstances  alone  give8 
them  a  precedence  and  a  preference  in  the  world's  regard. 
Were  the  seven  men  who  met  the  messengers  of  death 
in  Chicago  more  wicked  than  the  thousands  who  escaped? 
We  say  certainly  not. 

Meanwhile  so  far  as  the  great  strike  affected  Chicago 
it  was  practically  at  an  end.  There  were  a  few  days  of 
uncertainty,  perhaps  anxiety  in  the  public  mind,  but  no 
further  actual  trouble  was  experienced,  and  within  the 
week  business  resumed  its  wanted  channels,  and  Chicago 
was  at  peace. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


Anxious  Days  Elsewhere  in  Illinois. 


At  the  State  Capital — Peoria  Strikes — Miners  in  the  Southern  Section 
— The  Braid  wood  Troubles — Troops  Sent  Down — Matters  at  Mat- 
toon — Effingham  Idlers — The  Trainmen  at  Many  Points — Shutting 
Up  Shops  in  Various  Provincial  Towns — Peace  Restored. 


On  the  23rd  day  of  July  the  coal  companies  shut 
down  their  mines  at  Mount  Carbon  and  Murphys- 
boro.  The  same  evening  a  mass-meeting  was  called  at 
Mnrphysboro  of  all  miners,  mechanics,  and  laborers  on 
the  Cairo  and  St.  Louis  Narrow-guage.  The  object  of 
the  meeting  was  to  consider  whether  they  should  all 
strike.  Some  of  the  miners  had  been  out  of  work  for 
some  weeks,  and  their  cry  was  for  bread.  The  payment 
of  the  miners  at  Mount  Carbon,  and  of  the  railroadmen 
of  the  Carbondale  and  G-randjTower  road,  due  the  23rd, 
was  postponed. 

The  employes  of  the  Chicago,  Burlington  and  Quincy 
Railroad  made  a  demand  Monday,  the  23rd,  for  ten  per 
■  cent,  increase  of  wages.  "  The  number  of  men  engaged 
by  the  road  at  Quincy  was  about  three  hundred  ;  none 
of  them  favored  a  strike. 

Other  workingmen  in  the  city  offered  to  assist  them, 
in  case  they  struck,  but  the  offer  was  declined.  The 
Company  stopped  trains  between  Quincy  and  Galesburg, 
Tuesday,  the  2ith.  Freight  cars  were  sent  out  to  stations 
■along  the  road  and  side-tracked.     Passenger  trains  were 


344  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

running  regularly.  The  Wabash  road  had  no  trouble  at 
Quincy.  The  evening  passenger  train  for  Toledo  was 
abandoned  on  the  23rd,  and  did  not  run  for  several  days. 
The  morning  trains  went  out  as  usual.  There  was  no 
rail  communication  between  Quincy  and  St.  Louis.  A 
number  of  tramps  arrived  in  the  city  of  Quincy,  attracted 
by  prospects  of  a  row.  The  ^National  Guard  and  Quincy 
Guard  were  on  duty  at  their  armories. 

A  small  squad  of  railroad  strikers  arrived  at  Mount 
Yernon,  Illinois,  on  the  evening  of  the  25th,  and  caused 
some  commotion  in  the  machine  shops  of  the  St.  Louis 
and  Southeastern  Railway.  Three  shops  give  employ- 
ment to  some  eighty  men,  nearly  all  of  whom  had  fami- 
lies, and  sat  under  their  own  vines  and  fig  trees,  and  had 
never  been  heard  to  express  dissatisfaction  with  the 
wages  they  received,  though  this  was  denied  by  men  on 
the  strike.  About  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  several 
men,  claiming  to  be  acting  under  the  authority  of  the 
executive  committee  of  the  strikers  at  East  St.  Louis, 
visited  the  shops  for  the  purpose  of  explaining  the  situa- 
tion to  the  men,  and  inducing  them  to  quit  work. 

This  committee  was  headed  by  Marion  Rupert,  an  old 
fireman  on  the  Southeastern  Railroad.  The  committee 
were  met  by  Mr.  L.  B.  Salisbury,  master  mechanic, 
when  a  pleasant  interview  relating  to  the  business  in 
hand  took  place.  Mr.  Salisbury  stated  that  while  the 
men  in  the  shops  were  at  perfect  liberty  to  quit  work,  if 
they  so  desired,  they  would  be  protected  in  their  pur- 
poses to  continue  at  work.  At  noon  the  men  in  the 
shops  held  a  meeting  to  consider  the  situation  and 
resolved  to  quit  work  at  six  o'clock  in  the  the  evening  of" 
the  25th. 


ANXIOUS    DAYS    ELSEWnEEE    EST   ILLINOIS.  345 

Six  companies  of  Militia,  under  Brigadier-General 
Pavey,  were  drilled  in  the  Court  House  yard  at  Mount 
Vernon,  and  held  in  readiness  for  any  call  that  might  be 
made  upon  them.  Meanwhile,  no  freight  was  received 
or  sent  forward.  Farmers  could  find  no  outlet  for  their 
grain.  Business  of  all  kinds  was  stagnant,  and  a  most 
deplorable  state  of  things  existed. 

On  the  23d  of  July,  all  the  freight  cars  on  the  Spring- 
field division  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  Railroad,  and 
all  on  the  Chicago  and  Alton  Railroad  were  ordered  to- 
be  sent  to  Springfield,  Illinois.  Several  freight  trains 
on  the  latter  road  arrived  at  Springfield  from  the  South. 
A  double  force  of  police  was  ordered  on  duty.  The 
striking  miners,  four  hundred  in  number,  held  a  meeting 
at  midnight  at  Springfield. 

The  excitement  was  intense  at  that  place  all  day. 
The  Governor  was  in  receipt  of  numerous  telegrams 
from  all  parts  of  the  State,  offering  the  services  of  men 
if  needed,  to  suppress  any  riot  which  might  occur.  The 
preparations  were  so  complete,  that  in  one  hour  not  less 
than  five  thousand  men  could  be  embodied  under  the 
militia  plan,  exclusive  of  the  two  regiments  in  Chicago. 
These  men  were  nearly  all  veterans,  and  all  under  the 
command  of  their  old  commanders.  They  were  chiefly 
from  the  country  districts,  and  were  armed  with  breech- 
loaders. A  great  supply  of  ammunition  for  which  arms 
was  in  the  arsenal  at  Springfield,  was  well  guarded. 
There  were  also  one  thousand  Enfields  with  ammuni- 
tion and  equipments.  The  Secretary  of  "War  offered  a 
supply  of  muskets  and  ammunition,  and  these  arrived  at 
designated  points  that  night.  The  Governor  and  Adju- 
tant General  had  hopes  that  the  strikers  would  not  pro- 


346  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

ceed  to  acts  of  violence,  and  had  confidence  in  the  ability 
of  the  authorities  to  maintain  peace,  or  in  the  last  resort 
to  suppress  violence.  Despatches  from  Chicago  gave 
assurance  of  the  ability  to  maintain  peace  there. 

Colonel  Roe,  United  States  Marshal  at  Springfield, 
received  a  despatch  from  Judge  Druramond,  at  Chicago, 
ordering  him  to  proceed  at  once  to  East  St.  Louis,  and 
if  there  should  be  an  unlawful  interference  by  any,  one  in 
the  running  of  the  railroads  in  the  possession  of  James  H. 
Wilson,  as  receiver  of  the  same  by  orders  of  the  Circuit 
Court  of  the  United  States,  for  the  Southern  district  of 
Illinois,  he  was  directed  to  use  his  authority,  as  Marshal 
of  the  United  States,  to  put  a  stop  to  such  interference, 
and  to  protect  the  receiver  in  the  operation  of  the  rail- 
road, and  for  so  doing,  the  despatch  should  be  hia 
warrant. 

The  railroad  was  the  St.  Louis  and  Southeastern. 
United  States  Marshal  Roe,  had  a  conference  with  the 
Governor  as  to  the  amount  of  force  which  could  be 
supplied  to  support  the  Marshal,  if  requested,  and  it  was 
considered,  upon  looking  over  the  whole  situation,  the 
force  could  be  supplied  to  protect  the  line  of  the  road. 
Marshal  Roe,  left  Springfield  for  St.  Louis,  to  examine 
the  situation  personally  before  he  proceeded  to  make  any 
movement.  He  was  an  officer  of  experience  in  the 
-army,  of  undoubted  spirit,  and  as  it  happened  had 
already  been  called  upon  to  surpress  riotous  proceedings 
as  Marshal.  It  was  not  doubted  that  his  conduct  would 
be  prudent  and  effective. 

At  Waterloo,  111.,  July  28th,  Charles  Frick,  Sheriff  of 
Monroe  county,  received  a  telegram  from  F.  E.  Canada, 
Superintendentof  the  Cairo  and  St.  Louis  Railroad,  to  hold 


ANXIOUS    DATS    ELSEWHERE    IN    ILLINOIS.  347 

the  special  train  from  Murphysboro,  and  to  hold  all  rail- 
road property  in  Monroe  county  subject  to  the  order  of 
the  Company,  and  arrest  Conductor  Adams,  one  of  the 
ringleaders  of  the  strikers,  which  was  done  that  evening 
by  Mr.  Frick  and  his  armed  posse.  There  were  fifteen 
strikers  aboard.  No  resistance  was  offered,  Adams  per- 
mitting himself  to  be  quietly  taken.  Many  of  the 
citizens  of  "Waterloo  were  fearful  that  the  action  of  the 
Sheriff  would  incite  a  riotous  visit  from  some  of  the 
mob  in  East  St.  Louis. 

The  negro  miners  who  weredriven  from  the  Braid- 
"wood  mines  were  encamped  at  Washington,  at  the  Coal 
'Companies  expense,  waiting  until  the  trouble  was  set- 
tled, so  they  could  resume  work  On  the  28th,  the 
•Governor  ordered  the  troops  to  go  to  Braidwood,  and 
about  eight  hundred  and  fifty  men  went  to  that  point. 

Orders  were  received  for  the  Aurora  Light  Guard, 
Company  E.  Third  Regiment,  to  hold  themselves  in 
readiness  for  marching  orders.  Captain  Vosburg  at 
once  laid  in  a  supply  of  ammunition,  and  prepared  for 
duty.  On  the  morning  of  the  2Sth,  marching  orders 
were  received,  and  the  company,  numbering  about  forty, 
left  for  Braidwood,  via  Chicago,  reporting  to  Major- 
General  Ducat.  A  constant  patrol  was  kept  up  about 
Aurora,  and  especially  about  the  Chicago,  Burlington 
and  Quincy  Railroad  yards.  A  number  of  strange  men 
were  seen  in  the  shop-yard  by  the  guard,  and  ordered  to 
halt,  and  give  an  account  of  themselves.  They  ran, 
firing  several  shots  as  they  retreated.  No  one  was 
injured,  and  only  one  man  was  arrested,  he  being  a  hard 
looking  customer,  who  refused  to  say  anything  about 
himself,  or  his  and  his  pals'  object  was  in  the  Company's 


34S  THE    GEEAT    STRIKES. 

yard.  It  was  thought  their  object  was  to  fire  the  large 
6hops  of  the  Chicago,  Burlington  and  Qnincy  Company, 
located  there.  The  man  was  kept  in  confinement  for 
some  days.  All  was  quiet  at  Aurora.  Trainmen  and 
engineers  all  along  the  line  were  at  work.  The  shopmen 
had  given  up  all  idea  of  striking,  and  worked  ten  hours 
a  day. 

At  Decatur,  on  the  25th,  a  committee  of  strikers 
visited  the  different  manufacturing  establishments,  and 
ordered  them  to  close,  saving  if  thev  did  not,  force 
would  be  brought  to  compel  them.  The  order  was 
acceded  to.  The  strikers  said  they  would  hold  all  trains 
until  their  demands  were  complied  with.  They  num- 
bered several  hundred. 

At  Peoria,  July  19,  the  police  arrested  the  ringleaders 
in  the  riot  of  the  previous  day,  and  housed  them  safely 
in  jail,  after  a  desperate  hand-to-hand  encounter,  in 
which  the  military  took  part.  Fortunately  none  of  the 
rioters  were  hurt.  There  were  additional  arrests  of  the 
ringleaders  the  following  day.  This  action  seemingly 
broke  the  mob,  which  made  no  show  at  all  the  next  day. 
Passenger  trains  left  on  the  usual  time,  guarded  by 
troops,  and  undisturbed  by  the  mob.  The  jail  was 
guarded  by  military,  and  the  Board  of  Trade  guarded 
the  gas-works  and  water-works. 

At  Champaign,  July  29th,  much  excitement  was  oc- 
casioned on  account  of  the  action  of  strikers  on  the  Indian- 
apolis, Bloomington  and  "Western  road.  Intelligence  was 
received  that  a  company  of  strikers  were  en-route  from 
Urbana  to  Champaign,  to  stop  a  train  on  that  road.  Mayor 
Trevell  promptly  put  his  forces,  including  militia,  in  order 
to  prevent  riotous  demonstrations.    The  invaders  marched 


ANXIOUS    DAYS    ELSEWHERE    IN    ILLINOIS.  349 

through  the  streets  to  the  depot  and  found  the  train  gone. 
They  hastened  out  of  town  failing  of  any  pretext  for  a  riot. 
They  asserted  their  purpose  to  hold  out,  but  their 
power  was  broken.  Mr.  Cooper,  foreman  of  the  shops  at 
Urbana,  notified  all  shop  hands,  except  the  leaders  of  the 
strike,  to  begin  work.  Freight  engines  went  out  with 
freight  trains. 

The  governor  was  notified  that  the  Illinois  Central 
Railroad  Company  was  in  possession  of  its  property  at 
Chicago,  and  proposed  to  put  on  freight  trains  but  that 
the  road  was  blockaded  at  Mattoon,  Effingham,  Decatur 
and  Carbondale,  and  the  officers  of  the  road  wanted  the 
Governor  to  give  them  protection.  The  Governor  at  once 
ordered  the  Sheriffs  of  the  counties  in  which  these 
blockades  were  maintained  to  call  oat  their  posses  and 
break  the  blockades.  The  Harris  Guards  of  Petersburg 
were  brought  to  Springfield,  and  went  on  duty  at  the 
State  Arsenal,  relieving  the  Governor's  Guards,  which 
were  sent  to  Decatur.  The  Governor's  Guards  occupied 
the  Junction  at  Decatur,  thus  protecting  the  Illinois 
Central,  the  Wabash  and  the  St.  Louis  branch  at  that 
point. 

Major  Bluford  Wilson  telegraphed  from  St.  Louis,  that 
upon  taking  the  proper  steps,  there  was  no  doubt  a 
sufficient  United  States  force  could  be  thrown  into  East 
St.  Louis  to  take  control  of  the  town.  The  Governor  was 
anxious  before  calling  for  any  further  aid  from  the  United 
States,  to  try  other  measures,  which  he  hoped  would  be 
effectual. 

A  number  of  the  leading  citizens  of  Southern  Illinois 
having  consented  to  act  as  deputy  United  States  Marshals 
for  the  purpose  of  restoring  order  and  protecting  prop- 


3  50  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

erty  along  the  line  of  the  St.  Louis  and  Southeastern 
Railway,  the  following  appointments  were  made  by  tel- 
egraph :  M.  K.  Lawler  and  J.  J.  Cassels  of  Equality, 
and  J.  M.  Crebs  of  Carmi.  Mike  Lawler  is  the  old 
Colonel  of  the  Eighteenth  Illinois,  who  won  his  stars  and 
lost  his  leg  at  the  battle  of  the  Big  Black.  Crebs  is  a 
lawyer  and  a  democratic  politician,  and  Cassels  is  equally 
well  known  as  a  leading  republican  of  that  part  of  the 
State. 

The  representatives  of  all  the  roads  at  East  St.  Lou  is 
asked  the  Governor  to  allow  General  Jeff.  C.  Davis,  U.  S. 
A.,  to  occupy  East  St.  Louis  and  the  Governor  replied  in 
the  affirmative. 

Governor  Shelby  M.  Cullem,  of  Illinois  issued  a  proc- 
lamation on  the  27th,  in  which  he  recited  the  story  told 
by  other  Governors  before,  that  certain  persons,  active  in 
rivlation  of  law  had  assumed  to  interfere  and  prevent  the 
movement  of  railroad  trains  in  that  State,  and  had  sought 
to  intimidate  honest  workingmen  engaged  in  the  avoca- 
tions by  which  they  earned  their  bread,  and  to  compel 
them  to  cease  from  their  labor;  and  that  such  condition 
of  affairs  continued,  and  was  intolerable,  entailing  dis- 
astrous consequences,  the  nature  and  extent  of  which  was 
impossible  to  foresee,  he  therefore  commanded  all  such 
riotous  and  disorderly  persons  to  desist  and  return  to 
their  homes,  and  called  upon  all  Sheriffs,  Mayors  and 
other  officers  charged  with  the  execution  of  the  laws  to 
break  up  all  conspiracies  against  the  rights  of  property 
and  persons,  and  to  that  end  to  employ  every  lawful 
means  in  their  power,  and  to  enjoin  upon  all  citizens  to 
assist  in  bringing  about  restoration  of  order,  resumption 
of  business,  moving  of  trains  and  revival  of  manufactures. 

He  further  gave  notice  that  the  entire  military  force 


ANXIOUS   DAYS    ELSEWHERE    IN    ILLINOIS.  351 

at  his  disposal  as  commander-in  chief  of  military, 
would  be  employed  for  the  support  of  the  civil  authorities 
in  the  endeavor,  and  that  orders  would  be  given  to  troops 
to  use  whatever  amount  of  force  might  be  necessary  to 
compel  obedience  to  law. 

The  most  serious  trouble  which  occurred  in  the  State 
of  Illinois,  outside  of  Chicago,  was  experienced  at 
Braidwood,  a  small  mining  town  in  the  northern  central 
part  of  the  State.  Sometime  before  the  general  labor 
uprising,  the  coal  miners  employed  in  mines  at  that 
place,  had  struck  for  better  wages.  The  company  ope- 
rating the  mines  refused  to  acceed  to  the  demands  of  the 
miners,  and  imported  a  large  number  of  colored  miners, 
to  take  the  places  vacated  by  the  striking  miners.  This 
greatly  exasperated  the  white  miners,  and  the  company 
experienced  no  little  trouble  in  protecting  their  new  em- 
ployes from  the  vengeance  of  the  old  miners.  How- 
ever, they  managed  to  keep  the  colored  men  at  work 
until  the  general  uprising,  when  the  striking  miners  rose 
en-inass  and  expelled  the  colored  miners  from  the  vil- 
lage. Indeed,  they  were  fortunate  to  escape  with  their 
lives.  General  Ducat,  with  a  strong  force  of  State 
troops,  was  sent  to  Braidwood  to  restore  order.  For  a 
time  it  appeared  that  very  serious  trouble  would  follow 
the  advent  of  the  militia.  The  striking  miners  were 
bold,  defiant,  and  reckless  in  bearing.  On  several  occa- 
sions collisions  seemed  inevitable.  But  by  careful  man- 
agement on  the  part  of  General  Ducat,  bloodshed  was 
avoided.  The  colored  miners  returned  on  the  29th,  and 
quietly  resumed  work  in  the  pits.  The  state  of  feeling 
entertained  against  them  by  the  strikers,  however,  was 
such  that  it  was  necessary  for  a  guard  to  remain  at 
Braidwood  for  several  days,  in  order  to  protect  them. 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 


Blockade  of  the  Great  Bridge. 


Excitement  in  East  St.  Louis — Scenes  on  "Bloody  Island" — Council  of 
the  Trainmen — A  Night  at  Heim's  Hall — Hite's  Thrilling  Oratorical 
Flight— "Oppressed  Labor" — "  The  Executive  Committee" — Bold 
Jack  Benson — Organized  for  Business — Across  the  Great  Bridge — 
Trains  Stopped  —  Slight  Dissension  Among  the  Strikers — Blue 
Coats  in  the  Early  Morning — General  Jeff.  C.  Davis  Moves  Over — 
Resigning  Potentates — Governor  Cullom — General  Bates — Exem- 
plary Conduct  of  the  Strikers — The  Last  Scene. 


At  East  St.  Louis  the  situation  ou  the  morning  of  the 
22d  of  July,  bid  fair  to  be  one  of  great  moment  to  East 
St.  Louis ;  while  those  who  knew  the  situation  across 
the  river  were  already  beginning  to  appreciate  what  an 
awful  calamity  might  befall  St.  Louis  if  the  railroad 
strikers  should  take  it  into  their  heads  to  play  as  desperate 
a  game  as  was  played  at  Pittsburgh.  East  St.  Louis  is 
situated  on  the  Illinois  bank,  and  as  its  name  implies  is 
East  of  St.  Louis,  being  directly  opposite.  It  was  once 
an  island,  a  wild  tract  of  land,  and  is  famous  in  history 
as  "  Bloody  Island,"  on  account  of  the  many  duels  fought 
on  its  shores,  in  the  early  history  of  St.  Louis,  when 
the  code  was  recognized  among  "  gentlemen  of  honor" 
as  the  only  way  to  settle  disputes  of  a  serious  character, 
and  the  only  proper  way  of  avenging  wounded  honor. 
Since  the  reign  of  railroads  it  has  been  the  converging 
point  of  a  network  of  all  the  railways  approaching  from 
the  East,  and  has  naturally  become  a  populous  and  im- 


w 
O 


X 

6 

5- 

s 


BLOCKADE  OF  THE  GREAT  BRIDGE.         353 

portant  point.  It  will  therefore  at  once  be  seen  that  as 
the  railroads  which  fed  St.  Louis  with  freight  and  pas- 
sengers converged  here,  and  thence  across  the  great 
bridge  and  through  the  tunnel  to  the  Union  Depot,  the 
strikers  would  be  almost  invincible  if  they  could  but 
■once  gain  a  firm  foothold  at  East  St.  Louis.  They  were 
not  slow  in  finding  out,  nor  were  the  railway  companies 
long  in  ascertaining  that  the  enemy  had  met  them,  and 
that  they  were  in  the  hands  of  the  foe. 

At  twelve  o'clock,  on  the  night  of  July  21st,  the 
brakemen,  firemen,  and  some  switchmen,  employed  on 
the  numerous  lines  of  railroads  centering  at  East  St. 
Louis,  had  struck  for  the  same  pay  as  had  been  received 
before  the  January  reduction.  Reports  had  come  in 
•over  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  road,  that  "  the  boys  at 
Seymour,  Indiana,  had  set  the  ball  to  rolling  the  night 
previous."  The  news  spread  from  mouth  to  mouth. 
The  Toledo,  Wabash  and  Western  employes  were  re- 
ceiving the  same  pay  as  had  been  previously  given  before 
the  general  reduction  on  the  other  roads,  but  the 
•employes  on  this  line,  ceased  work  in  order  to  assist 
their  fellow  workers,  on  the  other  roads. 

Meetings  had  been  appointed  for  Saturday  night,  at 
eight  o'clock,  p.  m.,  and  by  that  hour  East  St.  Louis  pre- 
sented a  livlier  scene  than  it  had  ever  presented  before. 
At  the  time  appointed  every  one,  from  humble  section 
hands  to  the  skilled  engineers,  were  alive  to  the  import- 
ance of  the  event.  The  meeting  was  appointed  for 
Heim's  Hall,  a  spacious  place,  but  its  dimensions  were 
siot  sufficient  to  contain  the  crowd,  and  other  meetings 
were  held  in  the  open  air,   addressed  by  speakers  who 

23 


354  THE    GREAT    STRIKE?. 

were   fired   with    enthusiasm  in  behalf  of  the    laboring- 
men. 

There  was  nothing  to  do  on  the  tracks,  because  the  Gen- 
eral Freight  Agents  had  telegraphed  from  St.  Louis  to 
Sub-agents  at  East  St.  Louis  not  to  let  any  freight  go  until 
further  orders.  Thus,  for  the  first  time,  people  began  to 
see  that  the  pulsation  in  the  great  rail  artery,  which  cros- 
sed the  bridge,  had  stopped,  and  for  the  first,  time  they 
realized  the  condition  this  predicament  had  placed  on  the 
commerce  of  the  largest  city  west  of  the  Mississippi,  and. 
hundreds  flocked  over  from  St.  Louis  to  the  Eastern 
suburb,  to  read  the  men  who  had  dared  to  place  the 
embargo  upon  traffic,  and  to  listen  to  the  stories  of 
their  wrongs  as  portrayed  by  their  leaders. 

The  meeting  at  Heim's  Hall  was  presided  over  by  a 
man  by  the  name  of  George  Kessenger,  brakeman  on 
the  Wabash  Line.  A  damper  was  cast  over  the  meeting 
by  a  call  from  a  few  lookers-on  present,  for  a  speech 
from  Hon.  Luke  H.  Hite,  ex-member  of  the  Illinois 
Legislature,  a  lawyer,  and  of  some  prominence  in  the 
city,  but  hardly  to  be  called  a  workingman  in  the  sense 
the  strikers  viewed  the  matter.  Mr.  Hite  is  a  leading 
politician  of  St.  Clair  County,  in  which  East  St.  Louis  is 
located,  and  did  not  wait  for  a  second  asking  to  mount 
the  platform,  where  he  dwelt  upon  the  relation  of  capi- 
tal to  labor.  He  said  that  the  war  just  inaugurated  was 
a  war  of  the  laboring  men  to  gain  what  was  their  own. 
He  severely  denounced  the  system  of  paying  high  salaries 
to  railroad  officers,  and  "  sapping,"  as  he  said,  "  the  very 
vitals  of  the  laboring  men  to  suport  the  luxuries  of  the 
officers."  Mr.  Hite's  speech  was  of  such  tone  and 
character  as  caused  it  to  be  received  with  great  applause,, 


BLOCKADE   OF    THE    GREAT   BRIDGE.  355 

and  in  some  instances,  violent  vociferation.  After  por- 
traying the  wrongs  of  the  strikers  in  their  most  ex- 
aggerated colorings,  lie  told  them  that  they  held  the  key, 
and  they  could  lock  or  unlock  the  commerce  of  a  great  city, 
even  shut  it  out  from  the  world.  Great  excitement  here 
prevailed.  Voices  of  "  we  will  hold  it ! "  All  h — 1 
can't  stop  us  !  "  were  heard  from  various  parts  of  the 
crowd.  Perhaps  no  speech  could  have  added  more  fuel 
to  the  flame  than  Mr.  Hite's.  A  thrilling  orator; 
possessed  of  no  mean  intellectual  capacity ;  he  fired 
minds  that  might  have  otherwise  thought  differently  of 
the  movement  with  the  morrow's  dawn.  Other 
speeches  followed  until  midnight  found  the  strikers  at 
fever  heat,  inspired  by  the  spirit  of  leaders,  some  of 
whom  were  demagogues,  but  others,  as  thoroughly  in 
earnest  as  Patrick  Henry  or  Oliver  Cromwell  in  their  re- 
spective revolutionary  times.  Cheer  after  cheer  was  given 
by  the  rank  and  file  for  the  men  who  had  espoused  their 
cause,  and  the  few  merchants  and  citizens  who  had  come 
across  the  river  from  St.  Louis,  to  see  what  they  sup- 
posed were  a  handful  of  ragged  men,  went  back  to 
the  city  shaking  their  heads  ominously.  To  add  to  the 
fears  of  the  law-abiding,  all  sorts  of  rumors  flew  through 
the  air.  It  was  whispered  that  there  was  a  car-load  of 
gunpowder  on  the  track,  and  that  it  was  to  be  used  in 
blowing  down  the  sides  of  the  tunnel.  Another  was 
that  there  were  several  car  loads  of  coal  oil  at  the  freight 
depots,  which  the  strikers  could  at  once  run  on  to  the 
bridge,  and  in  a  few  moments  destroy  the  Eastern  ap- 
proach, which  is  composed  of  wood-work.  Other  wild 
flights  of  imagination  were  indulged  in,  and  there  was 
no  wonder  that   the  visitors  from  the  Western  end  of 


356  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

the  bridge  were  frightened  at  its  prospect,  or  that  the 
humble  burgers  of  East  .St.  Louis,  passed  a  restless 
night. 

•  Before  the  close  of  the  Saturday  night  meetings,  a 
fair  organization  was  furnished  for  carrying  out  a  pro- 
gramme of  operations.  Committees  were  appointed,  as 
general  conference  bodies,  to  act  together  in  electing  an 
Executive  Committee,  which  was  to  be  considered  the 
liead  of  authority  by  all  the  strikers,  and  their  orders 
were  to  be  obeyed  strictly.  The  following  were  the 
■committee  appointed. 

Ohio  and  Mississippi— P.  Eodgers,  J.  Lynch  and  Dan 
Burke. 

Vandalia— J.  McCarthy,  Chas.  Hunt  and  Win.  Wal- 
pole. 

Indianapolis  and  St.  Louis— Wm.  Blanchard,  Con. 
Connors  and  John  Rouch. 

Union  Railway  and  Transit  Company — Jack  McCabe, 
Joe  James  and  Wm.  Shea. 

Foreman  Switchmen — Jas.  Lynch,  Tim  Sullivan  and 
Dennis  Rush. 

These  Committees,  met  in  secret  session  the  next  day 
and  elected  an  Executive  Committee,  but  the  names  of 
the  members,  were  not  publicly  announced. 

Monday,  the  23rd,  opened  on  a  strange  scene  at  East 
St.  Louis.  The  Executive  Committee  at  once  determined 
not  to  stop  passenger  trains,  but  to  stop  all  freight  trains. 
'There  were  at  least  five  hundred  strikers  at  East  St. 
Louis.  They  took  possession  of  the  Relay  Depot,  where 
all  passenger  trains  meet,  captured  the  telegraph  wires 
leading  to  the  Union  Depot,  and  in  the  early  part  of  the 
morning  kept  up  a  constant  clicking  with  their  co-work- 


BLOCKADE  OF  THE  GREAT  BRIDGE.         357 

ers  at  the  Union  Depot,  each  party  keeping  the  other 
posted  in  relation  to  the  operations  in  progress.  The 
Executive  Committee  in  East  St.  Louis  kept  constantly 
closeted  in  a  small  shed,  in  which  the  East  St.  Louis  end 
of  the  telegraph  terminated,  and  from  a  small  window 
issued  their  orders,  which  were  carried  out  by  subalterns. 
One  of  the  first  orders  issued  that  showed  a  spirit  of 
determination  was  to  order  the  cattle  yards,  large  en- 
closures, about  two  miles  east  of  the  bridge,  to  close,  and 
allow  no  stock  to  leave  the  yards  or  to  enter  them.  Feed, 
however,  was  allowed  to  be  tranf erred  to  the  stock,  and 
the  strikers  at  East  St.  Louis  avowed  their  intention  of 
carrying  on  the  war  on  humanitarian  principles.  Mayor 
Bowman,  who  was  powerless  in  the  bauds  of  so  large  a 
force  as  was  marshalled  at  the  Relay  Depot,  could  do 
nothing  with  his  dozen  policemen,  and  the  Sheriff  of  the 
county,  after  having  viewed  the  crowd,  concluded  they 
were  too  many  for  him,  and  returned  to  Belleville,  the 
county-seat  of  St.  Clair  county,  some  fourteen  miles 
distant,  where  a  company  of  militia,  under  Captain  An- 
del,  had  been  duly  sworn  into  service  on  the  4th  day  of 
July.  The  militia  were  not  ordered  out  at  that  time  by 
Governor  Cullom,  of  Illinois,  as  he  did  not  wish  to  pre- 
cipitate a  repetition  of  the  Pittsburgh  troubles.  $Io 
sooner  had  the  strikers  found  out  their  strength  in  East 
St.  Louis  than  various  orders  were  given  by  the  com- 
mittee to  request  laborers  at  the  different  car  shops  to 
desist  from  work.  In  every  case  the  laborers  threw 
aside  their  aprons  and  their  tools,  and  swelled  the  num- 
ber of  strikers  who  stood  around  the  Relay  Depot,  but 
were  not  put  on  duty  as  railroad  guards.  The  first  day 
closed  in  East  St.  Louis  with  the  strikers  triumphant  and 


358  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

greatly  encouraged.     The  campaign  had  been   carefully 
and  cooly  conducted. 

Mayor  Bowman  had  been  requested  by  the  East  St. 
Louis  Executive  Committee,  to  go  across  to  St.  Louis  and 
ascertain  what  the  railroad  companies  would  agree  to 
do.  That  evening,  Monday  the  23rd,  he  made  a  speech 
to  the  strikers,  giving  the  result  of  his  trip  across  the 
river. 

Mr.  Bowman's  speech  met  with  applause  in  spots 
where  the  companies  were  favorable  to  a  compromise, 
and  at  the  conclusion,  the  crowd  dispersed,  somewhat  con- 
ciliated, and  more  than  ever  determined  to  win  in  the 
strike. 

Thus  far  no  passenger  trains  had  been  stopped.  One 
freight  train  had  attempted  to  go^out  on  the  Chicago  and 
Alton  road,  but  it  was  quickly  mounted,  the  engineer 
pulled  from  his  place,  and  the  fire  in  the  engine  furnace, 
extinguished. 

Tuesday  morning  "  opened  dark  o'er  head,"  but  the 
ardor  of  the  strikers  had  not  cooled,  but  on  the  contrary 
increased  in  intensity.  Strikers  in  large  numbers  had 
passed  the  night  as  they  did  every  night  while  they  held 
the  situation,  in  guarding  railroad  property,  twenty  mil- 
lion dollars  worth  of  property  was  thus  placed  in  the  hands 
of  these  men  to  guard  against  tramps,  and  the  ever  present 
mob  which  associate  themselves  with  a  movement  of 
this  kind,  for  the  purpose  of  plunder.  To  the  honor  of 
the  strikers,  be  it  said,  that  though  the  strike  lasted  ten 
days,  not  a  pound  of  freight  was  stolen,  nor  a  dollar's 
worth  of  property  destroyed. 

Early  on  Tuesday,  the  25th,  two  of  the  members  of 
the  Executive  Committee  committed  the  first  blunder, 


BLOCKADE    OF    THE    GKEAT    BKIDGE.  359 

the  occasion  of  a  small  dissension  in  their  ranks.  Without 
having  a  conference  with  the  other  members  of  the 
committee,  thej  decided  to  stop  passenger  trains.  The 
other  three  members  of  the  committee  were  in  St. 
Louis,  and  had  been  there  all  night  for  the  purpose  of 
further  planning  the  campaign.  The  first  train  stopped 
was  the  Vandalia  mail  and  express.  As  all  trains  have  to 
stop  at  the  Relay  Depot  in  East  St.  Louis  before  switching 
on  to  their  respective  roads,  there  was  no  chance  for 
trains  to  run  the  blockade,  even  though  no  obstructions 
had  been  placed  on  the  tracks.  No  sooner  had  the  Yan- 
dalia  train,  arrived  at  the  Relay  Depot,  at  9:30  in 
the  morning,  than  Jack  Benson,  the  boldest  of  all  the 
strikers,  stepped  between  the  mail  coach  and  the  next 
passenger  coach  and  told  the  conductor  to  go  on  as  they 
did  not  wish  to  obstruct  the  mails.  Immediately  at 
least  five  hundred  strikers,  together  with  two  or  three 
hundred  miners  who  had  joined  in  the  movement,  sur- 
rounded the  train,  and  with  their  whooping  and  cheer- 
ing succeded  in  frightening  the  conductor,  as  well  as  a 
number  of  ladies  on  the  train,  whose  minds  were  fresh 
from  reading  the  terrible  record  of  the  Pittsburgh  riots, 
and  who  feared  a  mob  would  ensue.  Benson  was  backed 
by  another  member  of  the  committee,  and  conductor 
Mac  Mahon  surrendered  the  situation.  At  this  time, 
another  member  of  the  committee  arrived  on  the  spot, 
and  denounced  the  movement  as  premature,  and  that 
the  two  strikers  had  acted  without  authority.  He  said 
that  if  trains  were  to  be  stoppad,  they  should  be  stopped 
■■Hi  the  Union  Depot,  and  not  subject  the  passengers  to  be 
dumped  out  that  far  away  from  home.  After  a  half 
four's  delay,  the  whole  train  was  allowed  to  proceed. 


360  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

This  little  break  was  the  first  made  in  the  strike,  and?. 
resulted  in  a  telegram  from  the  East  St.  Louis  Execu- 
tive  Committee,  asking  the  latter  to  stop  all  passenger 
trains  from   going  out   at  Union   Depot.     But   the   St. 
Louis  committee  were  not  to  be  governed  by  this  ordeiy 
and  were  discreet  enough  to  pay  no  attention  to  it,  and 
all  trains  desiring  to  depart  were  allowed  to  do  so.  The 
managers  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi,  and  the  St.  Louis 
and  Southeastern — both  being  in   the  hands  of  receiv- 
ers by  the  decree  of  the  United  States  Court,  determin- 
ed only  to  send  mail  cars,  without  passenger  coaches. 

In  the  afternoon  of  Tuesday,  a  large  delegation  seized 
three  coal  flats  and  an  engine,  and  in  command  of  the 
Executive  Committee,  went  across  the  bridge  and  form 
ing  in  line  at  the  Union  Depot,  marched  to  the  Missouri 
Pacific  Car  Works,  and  stopped  the  men  at  that  estab- 
lishment. 

That  night  the  East  Louis  strikers  seized  several  coal 
flats  and  went  across  to  St.  Louis,  where  they  joined  in 
the  procession  which  marched  through  that  city. 

During  these  two  eventful  days,  the  miners  of   St.. 
Clair  county  had  been  holding  meetings  at  Belleville, 
at  which  some  loud  talk  and  braggadocio  had  been  in- 
dulged in  by  fiery  leaders.     Resolutions  were  adopted, 
by  the  miners,  setting  forth    their  sympathies  in    the 
work  the  railroad  employes  were  engaged  in,  and  assur- 
ing them  that  one  thousand  men  were  at  their  command 
at  any  time,  should  they  be  needed.     As  before  stated,  a 
large  number  of  miners  from  the  coal  regions  in  the 
vicinity  of  Belleville  repaired  to  East  St.  Louis  as  spec- 
tators, but  subsequently,  as  will  be  seen,  left  the  field  as 
as  soon  as  danger  approached. 


BLOCKADE  OF  THE  GREAT  BRIDGE.         361 

Wednesday  and  Thursday  were  uneventful  days  in 
that  week  of  the  strike  at  East  St.  Louis,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  total  stoppage  of  all  trains  on  Thursday,  by 
the  railway  companies  themselves.  At  the  meeting  of 
the  East  St.  Louis  Strikers  Executive  Committee  on  Fri- 
day morning,  four  of  the  five  resigned,  and  their  places 
were  filled.  Jack  Benson  alone  remained  firm.  The 
cause  of  the  resignation  was  probably  the  fear  of  Govern- 
or Cullom's  appearance  on  the  field,  and  the  results  which 
might  follow  his  order  for  all  the  militia  of  Central  and 
Southern  Illinois  to  repair  at  once  to  East  St.  Louis 
Four  other  bold  strikers  were  at  once  put  in  the  place  of 
men  who  resigned,  and  the  new  committee  at  once 
resolved  that,  as  one  of  them  expressed  it,  they  would. 
"  hold  the  strike,  even  against  the  legions  of  hell." 

Saturday  morning  opened  bright  and  lovely,  and 
while  the  rays  of  the  sun  as  it  rose,  reddened  the  win- 
dows of  the  tall  houses,  lining  the  levee  in  St.  Louis,, 
General  Jefferson  C.  Davis,  with  four  hundred  and  some 
odd  men  of  the  United  States  army,  eight  companies 
in  all,  were  taken  on  board  the  St.  Louis  Ltarbor  Boat 
(Elun  G.  Smith)  about  3  :30  a.  m.,  at  the  arsenal,  whence 
they  proceeded  to  the  bridge,  landing  about  a  quarter  of 
a  mile  south  of  the  structure.  They  passed  up  to  the 
roundhouse,  but  found  no  one  there;  they  went  to  the- 
Belay  Depot  where  was  found  a  large  body  of  "  strikers." 
They  were  ordered  to  disperse,  which  request  they 
complied  with. 

Company  E  made  three  arrests ;  no  one  hurt ;  not  a, 
single  shot  was  fired.  One  of  the  members  of  Company 
D  captured  a  musket.  Three  freight  trains  have  had 
their  engine.s  fired,  and  were  sent  over.     The  members 


302 


THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 


of  the  crew  of  the  Elon  G.  Smith  congratulated  Captain 
J.  F.  Morehead  for  the  manner  in  which  the  short  cam- 
paign was  conducted. 

The  eight  companies  of  General  Davis'  regulars  were 
stationed  all  along  the  lines  of  the  different  railroads, 
with  the  exception  of  one  company,  to  guard  the  Belay 
Depot.  All  the  passenger  trains  leaving  the  Union 
Depot  were  allowed  to  proceed  on  their  way  without 
obstruction  from  the  strikers. 

By  Sunday  morning,  ten  companies  of  militia  from  the 
interior  of  the  State  had  arrived  in  East  St.  Louis.    Over 
these  General  Bates  was  placed,  as  commanding  officer. 
The  militia  were  distributed  at  different  points,  and  had 
little   to    do    except   to  guard   railroad   property.     The 
Sabbath  passed  off  quietly,  and  the  backbone  of  the  strike 
at  that  point  was  broken.     There  was  a  quieter  appear- 
ance on  Monday  morning,  July  30th,  than   at  any  time 
during  the  strike.     What  had  become  of  the  strikers? 
was  a  conundrum  not  easy  to  be  answered.     Where,  for 
a  week,  the  strikers  had  held  high  carnival,  soldiers  of 
the  United  States  and  militia  men  were  seen  in  military 
squads,  some  in  guard  of  the  Belay  Depot,  some  guard- 
ing property,  and  others  camped  about  in  the  vicinity 
with  their  stacked  arms  close  at  hand.     There   was   a 
military  aspect  in  the  view  which  carried  the   spectator 
back  to  the  days  of  the  Confederate  war.     Colonel  James 
Boe,  United  States  Marshal  for  the  Southern  District  of 
Illinois,  had  quietly  arrived  on  Saturday  night,  and  was 
left  in  charge  by  Governor  Cullom,  of  all  the  militia, 
and  requested  by  the  Governor  to  decide  all  matters  of 
dispute,  and,  in  fact,  direct  the  campaign.     Colonel  Boe, 
while  an  aged   man   in    appearance,  was  ypung  in  in- 


BLOCKADE  OF  THE  GREAT  BRIDGE.         363 

tellect,  and  to  him  much  of  the  credit  of  an  early  termi- 
nation of  the  strike  in  East  St.  Louis  is  due.  He  had 
hardljr  arrived  on  the  ground  when  he  put  detectives, 
which  he  had  brought  with  him  from  Springfield  and 
Chicago,  on  the  track  of  the  leaders  conducting  the 
strikes.  The  detectives  were  not  long  in  ascertaining 
the  prime  movers,  and  as  fast  as  they  were  discovered, 
warrants  were  sworn  out  against  them.  These  warrants 
embraced  in  their  comprehensiveness  all  the  members 
of  the  original  Executive  Committee,  together  with  the 
added  members  of  the  new,  nine  in  all.  These  warrants 
were  not  served  immediately  after  being  sworn  out 
except  in  two  cases.  These  two  were  served  on  two  of 
the  existing  committee,  Benson  and  Gainey,  who  were 
immediately  arrested  by  the  militia,  and  placed  in  the 
guard-houhe,  which  consisted  of  an  empty  freight  car, 
and  were  taken  that  night  to  Springfield,  where  they 
were  subsequently  tried,  found  guilty  of  contempt  of 
court  in  disobeying  the  decree  of  the  court  in  interfer- 
ing with  trains  on  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi,  and  St. 
Louis  and  Southeastern  Railroads. 

By  Tuesday,  the  historic  "  Bloody  Island "  of  East 
St.  Louis,  presented  pretty  much  the  same  appearance 
as  it  did  before  the  strike,  the  cheerful  whistle  of  the 
engine  was  heard  on  all  the  tracks,  and  the  busy  bustle 
in  making  up  freight  trains,  was  noticed  on  every  hand. 
Passenger  trains  were  leaving  on  time,  without  the  least 
molestation,  either  at  East  St.  Louis  or  any  other  points 
on  the  different  roads.  Occasionally  a  lone  striker  could 
be  seen  pensively  contemplating  the  scenes  of  which  he 
and  his  companions  were  but  yesterday  masters,  but 
most  of  the  strikers  were  scattered  to  the  winds.     Their 


36-i  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

leaders  had  been  captured  or  bad  deserted,  there  was 
nothing  to  keep  the  organization  together,  and  it  dis- 
banded. The  number  of  arrests  made  in  East  St.  Louis 
during  the  strike,  were  but  twenty-seven,  most  of  whom 
were  "  taken  in  "  as  suspicious  characters.  All  but  the 
two  taken  to  Springfield,  were  released  on  Tuesday.  By 
Thursday  of  the  second  week  of  the  strike,  the  militia- 
men had  left  for  their  homes,  and  the  United  States 
troops  alone  remained,  under  charge  of  Colonel  Smith, 
to  guard  Government  property.  These  troops  remained 
at  East  St.  Louis  for  two  weeks,  when,  it  having  been 
ascertained  that  the  strikers  had  all  gone  to  work,  and 
were  showing  no  hostilities,  the  troops  were  ordered  to 
the  arsenal,  in  St.  Louis.  In  the  conclusion  of  this  chap- 
ter, it  must  be  admitted,  and  cheerfully  acknowledged, 
that  the  conduct  of  the  strikers  was  most  exemplary.  Led 
on  by  hot-headed  politicians,  in  the  out-start,  their  leaders 
as  well  as  the  rank  and  file  remained  cool  and  deter- 
mined till  over-powered  by  the  soldiery,  and  throughout 
the  strike,  not  only  did  no  destruction  to  life  or  property, 
but  even  took  upon  themselves  the  duty  of  conserving 
the  peace,  and  guarding  the  property  which  they  had 
assumed  temporary  charge  of.  One  touch  of  the  fire 
brand  in  certain  localities,  where  miles  and  miles  of  cars 
stood,  piled  as  it  were  together,  and  there  would  have 
been  a  conflagration,  such  as  would  have  made  the 
horrors  of  Pittsburgh  pale  into  insignificance.  As  it 
was,  there  was  not  a  drop  of  blood  shed,  nor  a  particle 
of  property  injured,  and  when  they  saw  that  capital  as 
it  always  has,  had  crushed  them,  and  scattered  their 
hosts,  they  went  back  to  their  labors,  determined  to  ac- 
cept the  situation. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 


Demonstrations  in  St.  Louis. 


The  Strike  in  the  West — East  St.  Louis  sends  Emissaries  Across  the 
Great  Bridge — The  Workingmen  Aroused — The  Valley  Metropolis 
Shaken  by  a  Mighty  Wave  of  Excitement — Marching  Mobs — The 
Internationalists — Vox  et  Prasterea  Nihil — Black  Bummers — Dis- 
graceful Scenes — The  Mob — Demand  of  the  Pacific  Railroad  Em- 
ployes— Oliver  Garrison,  General  Manager — How  he  Broke  the 
Back -bone  of  the  Strike — Measures  for  Protection. 


The  strikes  at  Martinsburg  and  Cumberland,  furnished 
some  interesting  news  to  the  daily  papers,  which  was  read 
without  exciting  any  particular  public  interest  in  West- 
ern cities.  But  the  startling  character  of  the  events, 
which  quickly  succeeded  the  Martinsburg  strikes,  in . 
Baltimore,  created  a  profound  sensation  in  the  city  of 
St.  Louis.  The  strike,  it  was  seen,  had  already  become 
formidable.  The  boldness  which  characterized  the  move- 
ments of  the  strikers  along  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad ;  the  persistence  and  dangerous  disposition  of 
the  mob  in  the  streets  of  Baltimore,  which,  regardless  of 
consecpuences,  attacked  armed  regiments  of  men,  were 
sufficient  to  not  only  enlist  the  attention,  but  to  impress 
upon  the  people  of  St.  Louis,  a  sense  of  insecurity  and 
unrest.  The  public  mind  was  not  at  rest,  on  Saturday 
evening,  August  21st,  St.  Louis  was  already  affected. 
But  if  the  incidents  in  Martinsburg  and  Baltimore  were 
startling  in  sensational  interest,  what  must  have  been  the 
feelings  with    which  the  people  received  intelligence  of 


366  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

the  appalling  catastrophy  at  Pittsburgh.  The  news 
created  not  only  a  sensation,  but  a  profound  feeling  of 
alarm.  It  was  evident  now  that  it  was  not  alone  the 
railroadmen  who  were  engaged  in  the  movement,  it 
was  equally  apparent  that  the  trouble  was  not  confined 
to  a  few  localities  in  the  East,  but  that  it  was  no  longer 
a  probability  that  it  would  move  West,  perhaps  involve 
every  section  of  the  country,  and  assume  proportions 
threatening  to  the  existence  of  the  Government  itself. 

It  would  not  be  an  easy  task  to  describe  the  intensity 
of  the  excitement  which  pervaded  all  classes  of  the  citi- 
zens of  St.  Louis,  on  Sunday,  July  22d.  In  that  city, 
the  only  organized  militia  force  was  a  company  of 
colored  men.  Two  companies  of  volunteer  militia  had 
disbanded  only  a  short  time  before.  The  police  force  of 
the  city,  so  far  as  numbers  go,  was  always  weak  to 
maintain  order  in  so  large  a  city.  In  the  whole  State  of 
Missouri,  there  were  not  so  many  as  three  hundred  men 
in  military  organizations.  A  city  with  almost  half  a 
million  of  inhabitants  was  dependent  on  a  well  organ- 
ized and  efficient,  but  numerically  weak  body  of  police  of 
less  than  five  hundred  men.  In  a  population  so  large,  it 
was  but  reasonable  to  suppose  that  there  were  a  large 
mass  of  persons  unemployed,  poor,  disspirited,  hopeless 
ready  to  sieze  upon  any  occasion  to  improve  their  really 
deplorable  condition.  Then  there  were  the  Pariahs,  the 
men  who  never  perform  useful  labor,  and  never  intend  to? 
the  idle,  vicious,  thieves  and  tramps,  present  in  all  large 
populations,  and  whose  existence  could  not  be  ignored  in 
a  time  of  trouble.  Perhaps  there  were  not  less  than 
fifteen  thousand  men  idle,  not  because  of  an  indisposi- 
tion to  labor,  but  because  they  could  not  procure  it ;  then 


DEMONSTRATIONS    IN    ST.  LOUIS.  367 

there  were  "the  always 'idle,"  who  perhaps  number  in 
St.   Louis  not  less  than  three   thousand ;  then  the  first 
note  of  coming  trouble  brought  to  the  city   a  vast  horde 
of  peripatetic  vagrants,  who  had  been  operating  in  the 
country.    Such  were  the  social  elements  to  be  considered 
in  the  event  of  trouble  in  the  city.     Here  then  were, 
perhaps  twenty  to  twenty-five  thousand  people,  who  had 
no  individual   interest  in    the  maintenance   of   law  and 
order.     But  these  were  not  all  the  elements.     There  was 
another  class  of  persons,  perhaps  as  numerous  as  any 
other  class  of  St.  Louis,  who  were  removed  from  imme- 
diate want,  tradesmen   and  'artisans,  with  here  and  there 
a  man  of  thought  and  culture,   who  believed  that  back 
of  the  movement  there  was  a  justifying  cause  ;  men  who 
believed,  with  the  earnestness  of  martyr-confessors,  that 
labor  under  existing  conditions  did  not  receive  its  due 
reward,  but  who,  nevertheless,  were  upholders  of  law  and 
friends  of  order,  yet  who  were  not  inclined  to  be  precip- 
itate in  assisting  to  crush    workingmen,  when  they  be- 
lieved in  the  depths  of  their  hearts  that  the  laborers  were 
contending  for  that   which  was  their  due.      Until   mobs 
sought  to  apply  the  torch  and  wield  the  bloody  knife,  no 
help  could  be  expected  from   them.      Then    came   the 
capitalists,  and  their  retainers.     These  beheld  the  west- 
ward course  of  the  mighty  wave  of  popular  passion  with 
consternation  and  profound  dread.    But,  be  it  said,  that 
tiere  were  among  the  men  who  control  large  capital  and 
employ  many  men,  some  who  could  realize  the  situation, 
and  offer  a  genuine  sympathy,  and  were  prepared  to 
extend  a  helping  hand  to  those  who  toiled  for  them.    To 
these  men  St.  Louis  owes  a  debt  of  gratitude,  for  to  them 
is  due,  in  a  large  measure,the  peaceable  solution  of  the  diffi- 


368  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

culty  between  labor  and  capital  in  St.  Louis.  Neither  the 
police  force  nor  the  citizen-soldiery,  so  quickly  organized, 
separate  nor  combined  would  have  been  able,  with  great 
loss  of  life,  and  perhaps  immense  destruction  of  property, 
to  have  suppressed  disorders,  had  there  been  a  general 
and  determined  strike  amoug  the  workingmen  of  St. 
Louis.  But  there  was  no  such  thing  as  a  united  and 
enthusiastic   labor    strike   in  the   city. 

In  East  St.  Louis  there  was  a  large  force  of  striking 
railroad  employes,  and  their  propinquity  to  St.  Louis, 
■exercised  some  influence  on  a  certain  class  of  working- 
men.  There  were  discontented  laborers  in  various  em- 
ployments, but  the  mass  of  the  workingmen  of  St. 
Louis  were  not  enthusiastic  strikers.  And  the  fact,  that 
there  were  some  persons  in  the  city,  who  employed 
large  numbers  of  -men,  who  possessed  a  clear  judgment 
as  to  the  nature  of  the  trouble,  and  humane  feelings  as 
regards  the  persons  who  labored,  in  part  explains  the 
freedom  from  actual  collisions  which  St.  Louis  enjoyed. 
No  life  was  lost.  If  Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott  had  been 
guided  by  the  reason,  and  actuated  by  the  humanity 
which  marked  the  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Oliver  Gar- 
rison, manager  of  the  Missouri  Pacific  Railroad,  there  is 
room  to  believe  that  the  loss  of  life  and  destruction  of 
property  which  attended  the  strikws  there,  would  not 
have  occurred.  Indeed,  the  conduct  of  all  the  railway 
managers  of  lines  running  west  from  St.  Louis,  during 
those  days  of  doubts  and  fears,  was  commendable.  Ron. 
Thomas  Allen,  President  of  the  St.  Louis  Iron  Moun- 
tain and  Southern  Railroad,  had  not  reduced  the  wages 
of  his  employes,  and  on  that  account  the  men  had  no 
ground  for  complaint.     Mr.  Allen  on  account  of  litiga- 


DEMONSTRATIONS    IN    ST.  LOUIS.  360 

tion,  had  been  unable  to  meet  promptly  the  payment  of 
wages  due  his  men,  and  as  a  consequence,  that  Company 
was  behind  with  their  wages  account.  This  was  the 
only  cause  for  apprehension  of  a  strike  among  the  em- 
ployes. And  the  reasons  for  the  delay  in  payment  was 
generally  understood,  and  the  President  and  his  officers 
had  in  no  small  measure  the  sympathy  of  every  employee 
on  the  road. 

On  the  St.  Louis,  Kansas  City  and  Northern  Railway, 
there  was  no  pretence  of  a  general  strike.  On  the  Missouri 
Pacific  Railroad  there  was  dissatisfaction.  The  wa^es  had 
been  reduced  to  a  figure  that  the  men  declared  insufficient 
for  the  support  of  themselves  and  families.  When,  there- 
fore, the  tide  had  reached  St.  Louis,  and  the  whole  com- 
munity was  filled  with  apprehension,  the  employes  of 
the  Pacific  Railway  held  a  meeting,  and  appointed  a 
committee  to  wait  upon  Mr.  Talmage,  and  demand  a 
restoration  of  the  wages  paid  before  the  January  reduc- 
tion. A  meeting  of  the  local  directors  was  called,  the 
President  of  the  road,  Commodore  C.  K.  Garrison,  not 
being  in  the  city  to  consider  the  demand,  Mr.  Oliver 
Garrison,  the  Vice  President  and  General  Manager  of 
the  Company,  considering  the  situation  of  the  city,  and 
the  safety  of  millions  of  dollars  worth  of  property  of 
more  importance  than  to  play  the  dictator  and  tyrant, 
readily  assented  to  the  restoration  of  wages  paid  em- 
ployes to  a  sum  satisfactory  to  them.  This  action  of  Mr. 
Garrison,  who  was  in  a  position  to  dictate  the  policy  of 
the  Company,  was  of  the  very  highest  moment  to  the 
whole  people  of  St.  Louis.  He  might  have  refused  ;  the 
men  might  have  gone  on  a  strike,  to  the  number  of  a 
thousand   or  so;   they   might  have  become  exasperated 

24 


370  THE    GREAT   STRIKES. 

during  a  period  of  unwonted  excitement ;  they  might 
have  enlisted  thousands  of  their  friends ;  they  might 
have  given  at  any  rate  a  moral  support  to  the  lawless 
elements,  and  remained  at  least  passive  while  the  torch 
was  lighted  to  spread  wide  around  the  fires  of  ruin — all 
these  things  might  have  occurred,  had  Oliver  Garrison 
proved  as  false  in  judgment,  and  as  soulless  in  disposition 
as  some  other  railroad  managers  proved  themselves  to  be 
during  those  days  of  alarm.  Mr.  Garrison's  judgment  dic- 
tated the  policy  of  concession,  and  his  impulses  sanctioned 
not  only  the  expediency,  but  the  justness  of  the  conclusion, 
and  as  for  the  employes  of  the  road,  he  manages,  when 
the  general  turmoil  was  so  great  as  to  force  them  to  quit, 
they  became  the  guardians  of  the  property  of  the  Com- 
pany in  whose  service  they  were  engaged.  And  the 
concession  made  to  the  employes  of  the  Pacific  Railway 
was  of  incalculable  value  to  St.  Louis. 

By  the  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Garrison,  some  six  or 
eight  hundred  men — honest,  hard-working  persons,  hav- 
ing a  status  and  influence  with  people  of  their  own  class, 
were  withdrawn  from  active  participation  in  the  move- 
ment, and  became  at  once  the  upholders  of  law  and 
friends  of  order.  In  truth,  there  were  no  strikes  among 
the  railroadmen  west  of  the  river  in  the  vicinity  of  St. 
Louis.  Nor  were  there  strikes  among  the  operatives  in 
a  large  number  of  the  largest  manufacturing  establish- 
ments in  the  city.  It  is  true,  indeed,  that  business  was 
suspended,  that  at  one  time  nearly  all  the  shops,  mills, 
and  factories  in  the  city  were  closed.  But  this  was  not 
because  of  dissatisfaction  among  the  employes.  There 
was,  indeed,  a  strike  among  the  longshoremen  and  roust- 
abouts, but  that  only  continued  a  few  hours,  for  as  soon 


DEMONSTRATIONS    IN    ST.  LOUIS.  371 

as  the  packet  companies  and  levee  contractors  had  ac- 
ceded to  their  demands,  they  resumed  work,  and  there 
was  no  more  trouble  on  their  account.     The  employes  of 
a  few  founderies  and  shops  also  struck,  but  these  of  them- 
selves -were  unimportant,  and  only  derived  importance 
from  the  general    situation    of  the  country.     In   most 
instances,  shops,  factories,    mills,    and   founderies  were 
closed  by  a  disreputable  rabble,  in  the  ranks  of  which 
very  few  members  of  the  operative  and  industrial  classes 
were  to  be   found — a   rabble   composed  principally   of 
chronic  idlers  and  vicious  characters,  that  ought  to  have 
been  suppressed  on  their  first  appearance  on  the  streets. 
Had  not  the  situation  of  the  country  been  just  such  as  it 
was,  doubtless  the  idle  mob  would  have  been   speedily 
dispersed  by  the  police. 

Such  was  the  situation  of  affairs  in  St.  Louis  during, 
the  first  few  days  of  the  so-called  reign  of  the  strikers. 
It  would  be  difficult  to  find  a  sufficient  reason  for  the 
unaccountable  panic,  we  might  almost  say  paralysis  of 
public  opinion,  which  supervened  on  the  first  appearance 
of  a  formidable  strike  among  the  railroad  employes  at 
East  St.  Louis,  on  any  other  ground  than  the  contagioa 
of  smypathy,  and  the  fear  of  a  repitition  of  the  scenes 
at  Pittsburgh.  If  the  difference  in  the  social,  industrial, 
and  moral  characteristics  of  the  people  of  St.  Louis  and 
Pittsburgh  had  been  considered,  there  need  not  have 
been  any  fear  of  a  re-enactment  of  similar  scenes  in  St. 
Louis,  even  with  precisely  the  same  provocations  to  law- 
lessness. 

But  fortunately  no  such  provocation  existed.  In  most 
cases  the  working  people  of  St.  Louis,  though  none  of 
them    were   overpaid,  were   contented  'with  the  wages 


372  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

they  received,  and  in  other  cases  employers,  actuated  by 
correct  reason,  and  humane  impulses,  acceded  to  the  de- 
mands  of    their   employes   on  their  first  presentation. 
There  was  left,  then,  no  class  in  so  bad  a  condition  as  to 
evoke  the  sympathy  of  every  humane  person.     In  this 
respect  the  social  conditions  at  St.  Louis  were  very  un- 
like those  which  obtained  at  Pittsburgh.     There  a  mul- 
titude   of    hard    working   men     had   had   their   wa^es 
repeatedly  reduced,  and  in  addition  to  the  low  pay,  were 
compelled    to    perform    services    double    the    amount 
formerly  required  to  be  rendered,  thus  being  oppressed 
in  a  degree  that  extorted  the  universal  sympathy  of  the 
whole  population  in  their  behalf.     It  was  difficult  for 
men  actuated  by  the  ordinary  impulses  of  humanity  to 
assist  in  crushing  men  so  deeply  wronged.     And  they 
would  not  do  it.     The  result  was  the  rabble  of  Pitts- 
burgh taking  advantage  of  the  known  sympathy  of  the 
people  for  the  railroadmen  in  their  contest,  proceeded  step 
by  step  in  lawlessness,  growing  hour  by  hour  in  numbers, 
became  in  no  very    long  time  a  mighty  force,  wholly 
uncontrolled  by  the  popular  sentiment  or  civil  forces  of 
society.     But  in  St.  Louis  the  case  was  different.     There 
was  at  no  time  danger  of  such  a  catastrophe  as  befell 
Pittsburgh,  being  repeated  in  St.  Louis,  because  in  St. 
Louis  were  only  the  ordinary  "  swell  mobs  "  in  lawless 
rebellion,    while    in    Pittsburgh    the    majority    of    the 
people,  until  after  the  revelations  made  by  the  tremen- 
dous disasters,  which  blighted   that  city,  were  unques- 
tionably in  earnest  sympathy  with  the  strikers,  among 
whom  all  the  rioters  were  first  classed.     When  the  dis- 
covery was  made  that  the  sympathy  of  the  people  had 
been  wasted  on  the  rabble,  and  that  the  strikers  were 


DEMONSTRATIONS    IN    ST.  LOLTS.  373 

not  benefitted,  there  was  a  revulsion,   and  the  people 
rose,  and  the  mob  was  speedily  suppressed.    What  Pearson 
and  Brinton,  and  Hartranft  and  Hancock  could  not  do 
by  the  use  of  all  the  paraphernalia  of  war-like  demon- 
strations, and  aroused  public  sentiment  speedily  accom- 
plished.    That  public  sentiment  did  not  need  an  awaken- 
ing in  St.  Louis.     It  was  law-abiding  all  the  while,  and 
none  were  more  staunch  in  their  devotion   to  law  and 
order  than  the  mass  of  the  workingmen.     If  there  had 
been  a  general   strike  of  laborers,  and  they  had  been 
actuated  by  the  lawless  spirit  imputed  to  them  by  some 
journals,  they  might  easily  have  taken  possession  of  St. 
Louis,  and  sacked  it  at  their  leisure.     But  it  is  a  false- 
hood, it  matters  not  who  gives  it  utterance,  to  say  that 
the  workingmen  of  St.  Louis,  as  a  class,  are  more  law- 
less   than    the    merchants    or   the   manufacturers,    the 
brokers  and  bankers  as  classes  in  society.     But  hunger 
teaches   many    things,*  and    the  toiler  may  learn    the 
ways  of  dishonesty  under  the  guidance  of  such  a  teacher, 
the  Credit  Mobilier  class  of  gentluien,  the  corruption- 
ists  in  official  position,  the  men  who  appoint  other  men 
to  official  stations  with  fat  salaries  annexed,  whose  chief 
recommendation  is  their  having  handled   the  funds  of 
corrupters  of  legislation,  needs  no  such  instructor  in  the 
ways  of  the  dishonest  and  the  shameless.      They  have 
the  innate  disposition  ;  with  such,  dishonesty  is  intuitive. 
But  in  this  age,  there  is  a  materialism  in  politics,  based 
on  a  social  organization,  wholly  selfish  in  the  formula1: 
of    which    we   find    as   one     of   the    propositions    that 
"Money  makes  the  man  complete.      God   makes,   and 


* Multa  docet  fames.     Tacitus    uses    this  proverb  in  describing  the  mode  of  life 
practised  by  the  Britons. 


374  THE    UKEAT    STRIKES. 

apparel  shapes,  but  money  makes  the  man/'f  Hence; 
the  chief  object  must  be  the  acquisition  of  money ;  it 
makes  no  difference  how,  only  if  the  law  be  not  so 
flagrantly  violated  as  to  call  for  an  infiction  of  its  penal- 
ties.   Moral  obligations  must  be  disregarded.    But  when 

CD  O 

this  is  accomplished,  what  then  ?  Some  will  have,  and 
some  will  have  not,  and  then  will  come  a  time  when 
famishing  cannot,  and  will  not  listen  to  reason.§  Then 
will  come  the  day  of  retribution.  And  the  men  whose 
hands  have  been  defiled  by  the  goodly  Babylonish  gar- 
ments, and  the  golden  wedges  of  the  corrupters  will  cry 
unto  the  mountains  to  fall  upon  them,  and  the  rocks  to 
hide  them.  Some  one  is  wronged  when  the  idle  reap 
the  fruits  of  toil  without  returning  any  equivalent. 
Dishonest  men  will  then  not  be  furnished  with  the  best 
offices,  as  has  been  done  in  the  National  and  in  the  State 
government,  not  in  the  long  ago,  but  in  the  recent  past. 
Such  were  some  of  the  minor  facts  which  had  a  direct 
bearing  on  the  situation  at  St.  Louis.  Men  who,  though 
not  perhaps  to  be  classed  among  the  workingmen,  were 
yet  so  deeply  imbued  with  principles  of  honor,  and  a 
sense  of  justice,  that  they  could  not  refuse  to  consider 
the  demands  of  honest  labor  for  a  just  compensation. 
But  these  men  were  neither  Communists,  nor  incen- 
diaries, and  any  assertion  that  such  men  were  enemies  to 
the  individual  rights  of  property,  can  emanate  only 
from  the  brain  of  a  knave  or  a  fool.  There  is,  there 
can  be  no  conflict  between  labor  and   capital ;  there  is; 

■\El  dinero  haze  al  kombre  entero.  GarcilisO  de  Vega,  employs  the  exrressionin 
desci  ibing  the  effects  of  the  sudden  influx  of  gold  and  silver  on  the  conquest  of  Mexico 
and  Peru,  when  returning  Peasant  Conquistadors  were  hailed  as  persons  of  superior 
.quality.     It  was  the  prelude  to  the  decay  of  Spain. 

§El  vientre  ayuno  no  oye  a  ninguno.  "  The  empty  belly  hears  no  one,"  said  by 
Contreras,  of  the  famishing  and  mutinous  garrison  of  Pampeluna,,  ■  .  . 


DEMOKSTEATIONS    IK    ST.  LOUIS.  375 

and  must  ever  be  a  conflict  between  honesty  and    dis- 
honesty.    It  is  an  irrepressible  conflict. 

Little  knots  of  men  gathered  on  sidewalks,  on  Sun- 
day, and  disscussed  the  situation.  There  was  everywhere 
manifested  a  sentiment  hostile  to  lawless  out-breaks, 
such  as  had  characterized  the  mob  at  Pittsburgh,  but 
the  weight  of  public  sympathy,  was  with  the  strikers, 
so  far  as  their  alleged  grievances  were  concerned.  On 
Sunday  night,  an  immense  mass  meeting  of  railroad 
men,  and  their  sympathizers,  was  held  in  East  St.  Louis. 
In  that  meeting  were  a  large  delegation  from  "The 
Workingmens  Party  of  the  United  States,"  in  other 
words,  of  the  St.  Louis  Communists,  who  went  over  to 
-strengthen  the  courage  of  the  railroadmen.  The  strike, 
as  we  have  already  related,  was  inaugurated  in  East  St. 
Louis,  on  Sunday  evening.  In  St.  Louis,  there  was  a 
certain  fear,  and  looking  for  the  wrath  to  come,  but 
Sunday  and  Monday  came,  and  passed  away  without 
any  startling  incidents.  Business  was  dull,  on  account 
of  the  interruption  of  trains,  en-route  East,  there  was 
considerable  excited  discussion  on  street  corners,  but 
otherwise,  until  in  the  evening  of  Monday,  there  was  no 
demonstrations  of  sufficient  magnitude,  as  to  attract 
public  attention.  The  Sunday  meeting  of  "  The  Work- 
ingmens Party,"  at  Turner  Hall,  was  a  regular  weekly 
meeting,  and  excited  no  considerable  amount  of  interest. 
Their  march  through  the  streets  to  East  St.  Louis,  in  the 
evening,  possessed  more  significance.  The  number  of 
men  in  the  procession,  was  a  surprise.     That  was  all. 

At  Carondelet,  the  seat  of  immense  blast  furnaces 
:and  rolling  mills,  employing  large  numbers  of  men,  the 
excitement  was  very  great,  although,  no  act  of  violence, 


376  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

Dor  even  a  strike  had  as  yet  been  inaugurated.     There- 
was  considerable  discussion  in   relation   to  the  general 
disturbance  in  the  country,  there  was  none  of  the  in- 
cendiary   talk   which     characterized    the  rabble   in    all- 
cities. 

On  the  23rd  of  July,  a  committee,  which  had  been 
appointed  by  a  meeting  of  employes  of  the  Missouri 
Pacific  Railroad,  waited  upon  the  officers  of  that  road, 
and  demanded  the  restoration  of  wages,  to  the  amount 
received  prior  to  the  reduction  of  January  1st,  1877. 
The  Company  proposed  to  return  to  the  wages  paid 
prior  to  May  15th  of  the  present  year.  This  was- 
declined  by  the  men,  and  after  further  conference,  the 
Company  agreed  to  the  terms  demanded  by  the  employes 
and  peace  was  assured  between  the  officials,  and  the 
men  they  employed,  and  St.  Louis,  was  saved  from  the 
annoyance  and  possible  danger  which  the  presence  of 
many    hundred  exasperated    men    might    have  caused. 

The  employes  of  the  St.  Louis,  Kansas  City  and 
Northern  Railroad,  were  generally  indisposed  to  take 
any  part  in  the  strike.  They  were  paid  better  wages, 
than  the  employes  of  most  of  the  roads  running  out  of 
St.  Louis,  and  did  not  care  to  jeopardise  their  position 
by  inconsiderate  haste  in  action.  ■; 

The  Iron  Mountain  Railroad  employes  were  not 
disposed  to  complain  at  the  wages  received.  The  only 
ground  of  complaint  was  the  delay  experienced  in  get- 
ting their  wages  after  having  earned  them.  Between 
the  officers  and  the  men,  relations  were  pleasant.  Past 
misfortunes  and  recent  litigation  were  assigned  as  the 
cause  for  the  delay  in  payment  of  the  wages  of  employes^ 
The  employes  of  that  road  demanded,  that  the  Company; 


DEMONSTRATIONS    IN    ST.  LOUIS.  37T 

should  establish  and  observe  a  regular  pay  day  between 
the  first  and  fifteenth  days  of  each  month.  The  com- 
mittee appointed  by  employes  of  that  road  had  a  pleasant 
conference  with  Col.  "W.  R.  Arthur,  Superintendent  of 
the  ioad,  and  an  amicable  understanding  was  arrived  at. 
The  men  returned  to  their  work,  and  but  for  the  inter- 
ruption caused  by  outside  interference,  trains  would  have 
run  regularly  on  that  road  during  the  whole  time  while 
the  strike  continued. 

It  was  a  noticeable  fact  that  the  strikers  remained  re- 
markably sober  throughout  the  troubles.  There  was  no> 
indulgence  in  debaucheries,  and  drunkenness  among  the 
railroad  strikers  was  almost  unknown. 

On  Monday  evening,  July  23rd,  was  held  the  first  of 
a  series  of  open  air  meetings,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
"  Workingmen's  Party,1'  otherwise  known  as  the  Inter- 
nationalists, or  Communists,  which  were  remarkable  on 
many  accounts.  No  such  demonstrations  had  ever  before 
taken  place  in  the  city.  The  appearance  of  new  organ- 
izers, and  hitherto  unheard  orators,  as  leaders  of  the 
masses,  created  no  little  sensation  among  all  classes.  It 
may  be  too,  that  the  vastness  of  the  audience  which 
greeted  these  preachers  of  a  new  political  gospel,  had 
anything  but  a  soothing  effect  on  the  timid  minds  of 
some  of  the  wealthiest,  and  therefore  regarded  as  leading 
citizans  of  St.  Louis.  The  radicalism  of  the  doctrines 
enunciated,  the  boldness  which  characterized  the  leadersv 
the  number  of  people  who  went  to  hear  them,  were  all 
circumstances  that  conspired  to  create  a  general  feeling 
of  uneasiness  among  the  "propertied  classes,"  as  the  anti- 
Communists  were  termed  by  the  orators  of  the  Working- 
men's  Party.     It  was  a  new  revelation  to  some,  that  in 


378  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

the  midst  of  St.  Louis,  communism  had  not  only  found 
a  congenial  element,  but  had  grown  really  strong,  while 
people  quietly  allowed  events  to  take  their  course. 

The  Lucas  Market  meeting  of  Monday  night  was  pre- 
liminary to  others  which  were  to  follow.  But  it  gave 
the  public  some  idea  of  the  grounds  of  complaint  upon 
which  the  workingmen  stood  and  contended,  and  it  re- 
vealed the  existence  in  the  community  of  a  body  of  men 
who  held  the  most  radical  principles  of  communism,  and 
holding  such  opinions,  were  nevertheless  able  to  command 
the  presence  of  immense  audiences  of  the  sturdy  work- 
ingmen of  the  city  to  listen  to  the  rabid  radicalism 
taught  by  their  orators.  But  the  leaders  of  the  Commune 
in  St.  Louis  made  a  mistake  when  they  supposed  that 
they  had  engaged  all  the  thousands  who  attended  their 
open  air  meetings  as  converts  to  their  doctrines,  or  ad- 
herents of  their  cause.  It  was  probably  this  mistake 
which  caused  that  undeniably  remarkable,  and  somewhat 
mysterious  body,  celebrated  in  the  history  of  the  strikes 
in  every  city  as  "  The  Executive  Committee,"  to  ful- 
minate those  wonderful  proclamations,  which,  in  the  light 
of  subsequent  events,  appear  so  much  like  grim  humor, 
uttered  at  the  expense  of  a  panic  stricken  population. 
The  same  sort  of  mistake  was  made  by  the  citizens  and 
the  municipal  authorities,  and  fear  fell  upon  the  people 
and  upon  their  rulers.  The  speeches  of  Lof green,  Mc-- 
Carty,  Goodhue,  and  Currlin,  were  listened  to  because 
men  felt  they  had  a  right  to  hear  what  was  said,  and  intel- 
ligence enough  to  believe  so  much  as  it  might  please  them 
to  accept  as  correct.  But  the  daily  and  nightly  meetings,' 
the  processions  and  speeches,  and  above  all,  the  unpar- 
alleled boldness  and  audacity  of  tone  displayed  in  those 


DEMONSTRATIONS    IN    ST.  LOUIS.  379 

unique  productions,  the  orders,  diplomatic  correspon- 
dence, and  ultimatums  of  "  Tiie  Executive  Committee," 
unquestionably  had  no  small  influence  in  creating  a  feel- 
ing of  dread  in  the  public  mind,  and  enforcing  a  belief  on 
the  part  of  the  municipal  authorities  that  they  were  help- 
less, with  the  means  at  command  to  suppress  the  disorders. 
Tuesday,  July  24th,  showed  a  marked  increase  in  the 
number  of  the  crowds  gathered  on  the  streets,  and  also 
manifestations  of  turbulence,  which  were  unpleasant  to 
•contemplate.  The  most  important  incident  of  the  day 
in  connection  with  the  movements  of  the  strikers,  was 
the  visit  made  by  a  large  delegation  of  the  East  St. 
Louis  strikers  to  the  city.  They  went  to  the  car  shops 
of  the  Missouri  Pacific  Railway,  and  had  a  conference 
with  the  men  employed  there.  The  leader  of  the  strik- 
ers, Mr.  Easton,  made  a  speech,  in  which  he  repelled  the! 
charge  that  he  and  his  fellows  were  thieves,  tramps  or 
lawless  marauders,  but  declared  that  they  were  honest 
men  who  were  seeking  a  means  by  which  their  honest 
labor  could  be  made  to  yield  them  a  reasonable  amount 
of  food  to  sustain  themselves  and  families.  Although 
the  Pacific  Railroad  Company  had  acceded  to  the  de- 
mands of  its  employes,  and  they  therefore  had  no  further 
cause  for  complaint,  nevertheless,  in  deference  to  the 
wishes  of  the  East  St.  Louis  strikers,  they  concluded  to 
quit  work  during  the  existence  of  the  strike,  and  so  the 
shops  were  closed.  On  the  same  day,  the  same  company 
of  strikers  visited  the  Harrison  Wire  Works,  where  a 
large  number  of  men  were  employed,  and  advised  the 
men  to  quit,  with  which  advice  the  employes  in  that 
establishment  readily  complied.  About  eleven  o'clock  the 
same  morn ing,twenty-five  railroad  men  from  East  St.  Louis 


880  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

marched  to  the  Union  Depot,  and  took  possession  of  an 
engine  and  freight  train  belonging  to  the  Missouri  Pa 
cific  Railroad,  ordering  the  trainmen  to  stop  work, 
"Why  should  we  do  that,  inquired  the  men,  the  Company, 
has  given  us  our  price,  and  we  are  perfectly  satisfied." 
The  men  replied  that  "that  made  no  difference,  as  the 
boys  over  here  must  help  their  brethren  elsewhere.  'r 
They  then  forced  the  men  to  stop  work  and  side-tracked 
the  train.  - 

The  officers  of  the  St.  Louis,  Kansas  City  and  North- 
ern Railway  Company  did  not  even  wait  for  their  train- 
men to  petition  them  for  an  increase  of  wages.  No  pe- 
tition was  ever  presented.  But  when  the  managers 
learned  that  the  Missouri  Pacific  Railway  Company  had 
agreed  to  an  increase  of  present  wages,  they  also  re- 
scinded the  reduction  of  July  1,  and  restored  to  each 
man  the  pay  he  had  received  prior  to  that  date.  This 
very  handsome  action  on  the  part  of  the  road  manage- 
ment undoubtedly  had  its  effect  upon  Kansas  City  and 
Northern  Railway  employes.  Late  in  the  afternoon  the 
same  delegation  of  strikers  that  visited  the  Missouri 
Pacific  yards,  called  at  the  Kansas  City  and  Northern 
depots  on  Biddle  street,  and  with  about  a  similar  result. 
It  is  believed  that  brakemen  and  firemen  of  the  road  did 
not  participate  in  the  strike,  and  only  quit  work  because 
compelled  to  do  so  by  superior  numbers.  There  were 
only  two  days  in  which  the  road  had  any  trouble  in 
running  freight  trains. 

A  strike  among  the  coal  haulers  and  pilers,  at  the  St. 
Louis  Gas-works,  was  inaugurated  on  Tuesday.  There 
were  about  sixty-five  men  engaged  in  the  movement. 
Their   wages   had    been  reduced   from    one   dollar   and 


DEMONSTRATIONS    IN    ST.  LOUIS.  381 

seventy-five  cents  to  one  dollar  and  fifty  cents  per  day 
by  the  Receiver,  Socrates  Newman.  The  men  demanded 
a  return  to  the  old  standard  of  $1.75  per  day,  which 
demand  was  acceded  to  and  the  men  resumed  work. 
The  pilers,  who  had  never  been  paid  more  than  $1.50, 
also  demanded  $1.75  per  day.  But  the  demand  was 
refused,  and  they  quit  work.  There  was  no  strike  at 
the  water- works. 

The  Coopers  Union  struck  for  higher  wages  on  Tues- 
day, and  marched  through  the  streets. 

During  the  day  a  committee  appointed  by  the  Lucas 
Market  meeting  of  Internationals,  called  at  the  City 
Hall  to  present  their  wishes  to  Mayor  Overstolz.  That 
functionary  delivered  a  brief  address,  stating  that  he  fully 
sympathized  with  the  workingmen  in  the  conditions 
which  led  them  to  the  uprising,  and  that  he  would  do  all 
in  his  power  to  afford  employment  to  all  laboring  men 
who  might  call  at  the  City  Hall  and  ask  for  it.  He  could 
not,  however,  in  his  official  capacity,  send  such  a  message 
when  he  had  no  means  of  knowing  what  the  result  might 
be.  As  to  the  United  States  troops,  he  had  ordered  none 
here,  and  it  was  probable  that,  should  any  be  sent,  they 
would  only  be  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  Government 
property.  The  President  would  use  his  own  discretion 
in  determining  whether  or  not  to  send  troops  for  that 
purpose,  and  a  message  of  the  kind  proposed  would  be 
of  no  effect.  His  honor,  however,  went  on  to  say  that 
if  the  petitioners  desired,  he  would,  as  a  private  citizen, 
furnish  them  the  necessaries  for  mailing  the  resolutions 
and  request,  but  could  not  in  his  official  capacity  do  any- 
thing in  that  direction. 

The  committee,  consisting  of  four  white  men  and  one 
colored  man,  went  away  apparently  satisfied. 


382  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

At  night,  on  the  24th,  the  Internationals  again  held  a 
meeting  at  Lucas  Market,  attended  by  perhaps  eight  or 
ten  thousand  persons.  A  procession  moved  through  the 
streets,  which  numbered  from  fifteen  hundred  to  two 
thousand  men.  It  was  headed  by  a  fife  and  drum,  and 
a  single  torch.  The  men  who  marched  in  the  procession 
were  moulders  and  mechanics.  Some  of  the  men  carried 
laths  or  clubs  on  their  shoulders,  but  no  flag  or  banner 
was  visible.  As  the  single  torch,  with  its  fifteen  grim  hun- 
dred followers,  came  down  street,  it  presented  an  awfully 
suggestive  spectacle,  the  suggestiveness  being  occasion- 
ally strengthened  by  a  tremendous  yell,  which  began  at 
the  head,  and  gained  volume  as  it  rolled  back  to  the  rear 
of  the  line. 

The  day  closed  without  any  startling  incident.  But 
preparations  had  been  made  for  a  grander  display  of  the 
power  of  the  proletariat  the  next  day. 

Wednesday,  July  25th,  1877,  will  forever  be  memora- 
ale  in  the  annals  of  St.  Louis,  as  a  day  of  excitement 
and  alarm  only  paralleled  by  those  dreadful  days  of 
April,  1861,  when  Camp  Jackson  was  taken,  and  St. 
Louis  saw  her  citizens  shot  down  in  the  streets  by  the 
volunteer  soldiers.  It  was  a  day  of  intense  excitement. 
The  condition  of  the  public  mind  cannot  be  easily  des- 
cribed. In  the  early  morning,  knots  of  strikers  and. 
crowds  of  the  rabble  began  to  collect  at  various  points, 
and  declared  their  purpose  to  go  on  a  mission  to  close 
up  all  manufacturing  business  in  the  city. 

Early  in  the  day  the  strikers  from  the  various  zine 
furnaces,  and  from  the  Vulcan  Iron  Works  in  Caronde- 
let,  formed  in  column,  and  headed  by  a  fife  and  drum 
started   on  a  march  to  every  manufacturing  establish- 


DEMONSTRATIONS    EST    ST.  LOUIS.  383 

ment  in  Carondelet,  which  was  still  in  operation.  This 
company  was  very  boisterous  on  the  march,  and  the  peo- 
ple were  in  actual  dread  for  their  personal  safety.  But 
the}7  marched  on,  with  a  firm  determination  to  execute 
their  purpose,  and  when  they  had  completed  their  round 
there  was  not  a  single  manufactory  in  operation,  nor  a- 
single  workingman  pursuing  his  ordinary  avocation  in 
Carondelet.     Beyond  this  no  violence  was  committed. 

In  the  city,  bands  of  men,  many  of  whom  were  not 
unfamiliar  with  the  geological  instruction  imparted  at 
the  city-work- house,  and  not  wholly  unacquainted  with 
the  interior  of  the  jails  of  the  city,  were  early  moving- 
around  visiting  shops,  factories  and  mills,  and  compel- 
ling the  laborers  employed  in  these  places  to  quit  work. 
In  nearly  all  instances  the  demand  was  complied  with. 
A  mob  largely  composed  of  negroes,  marched  through 
the  central  part  of  the  city,  and  created  no  little  alarm 
by  the  boisterous  conduct  in  which  its  members  in- 
dulged. One  of  the  singular  freaks  of  this  unsavory 
company  was  the  fancy  they  took  to  close  up  bakeries. 
Accordingly  a  most  unpromising  crowd  of  tramps  and 
hard-cases  generally,  visited  an  extensive  bakery  located 
on  the  corner  of  Sixth  and  Pine  streets,  forced  open  the 
doors,  gave  their  orders  to  the  proprietors,  and  being 
hungry  proceeded  to  help  themselves  to  pies  and  cakes. 

The  leaders  appeared  ashamed  of  the  conduct  of  their 
followers,  and  when  the  proprietors  of  the  bakery  asked 
permission  te  bake  up  the  dough  already  kneaded,  the 
request  was  granted  without  hesitation.  This  mob 
ought  to  have  been  promptly  dispersed  by  the  police 
authorities.  There  are  those  who  believe,  and  will  con- 
tinue  to   believe,  that   there  was  a  superabundance   of 


384:  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

caution  displayed  on  the  part  of  the  police  authorities, 
in  their  dealings  with  such  mobs  as  that  which  operated 
through  the  central  part  of  the  city  Wednesday  after- 
noon. 

At  sundown,  Wednesday  evening,  nearly  all  the 
manufacturing  establishments  in  the  city  had  been 
closed,  in  many  instances,  at  the  request  of  a  committee 
of  the  Internationalists — closed  without  protest  or  resist- 
ance. There  seemed  to  be  a  wonderful  want  of  nerve 
and  determination  among  the  people,  and  it  will  not  be 
denied,  that  the  municipal  police  authorities  were  evi- 
dently unduly  impressed  that  the  combinations  against 
lawful  authority  were  exceedingly  powerful  and  danger- 
ous. 

The  operations  of  the  committees  of  the  Internation- 
al, and  the  irresponsible  mob  of  roughs  who  seem  to 
have  started  out  on  their  own  account,  and  roamed  at 
will,  without  the  least  interference,  aroused  the  people 
to  a  sense  of  the  situation  of  the  city,  and  the  danger 
that  threatened  it  on  account  of  the  untrammelled 
action  of  the  mob.  Grown  bold  by  indulgence,  there 
was  no  telling  what  might  not  be  undertaken  by  the 
roughs. 

These  movements,  therefore,  served  to  quicken  the 
energies,  and  inspire  the  courage  of  the  friends  of  law 
and  order. 

General  A.  J.  Smith,  whose  military  achievements 
during  the  War  between  the  sections  were  highly  honor- 
able to  his  reputation,  and  to  the  cause  he  served,  offered 
his  services  to  the  Mayor,  and  at  once  took  up  his  quar- 
ters in  the  Four  Courts  building.  General  John  S. 
Marmaduke,   a  gallant   and   able    commander   on     the 


DEMONSTRATIONS    IN    ST.  LOUIS.  385 

'Confederate  side,  during  the  war,  also  tendered  his 
-services,  and  remained  at  the  Four  Courts,  during  the 
day,  assisting  in  organizing  the  companies  that  had 
voluntered  their  services,  to  protect  the  city  from  the 
lawlessness  of  the  irresponsible  mob  of  roughs,  who  had 
shown  their  capacity  for  destructiveness  in  other  cities. 

There  was  but  one  organized  company  of  militia  in  the 
city,  and  that  was  a  colored  company.  The  officers  of 
that  company  early  offered  the  services  of  themselves  and 
comrades   to  the  city  authorities. 

In  the  evening,  Mayor  Overstolz  issued  a  call  upon 
merchants  and  business  men  to  close  temporarily,  in  order 
that  their  employes  might  have  an  opportunity  to  enroll 
for  the  protection  of  the  property  of  the  city. 

The  Board  of  Police  Commissioners,  now  fully  aroused, 
but  still  doubtful  of  their  ability  to  arrest  the  progress  of 
the  rioters — although  they  had  not  ventured  upon  an 
attempt — issued  an  order  to  Sheriff  John  Finn,  com- 
manding him  to  "  prepare  to  summon  the  posse  comi- 
tatus  to  the  number  of  five  thousand  men."  In  obedi- 
ance  to  this  mandate  Sheriff  Finn  issued  a  proclamation, 
in  which  he  declared  his  sympathies  with  the  working- 
men,  and  expressed  his  convictions  that  the  incendiary 
deeds  which  had  been  committed  in  other  cities,  had 
been  done  by  vagrants  and  tramps.  Nevertheless  he 
-.called  upon  them  to  rise  in  their  honesty  and  integrity 
to  put  down  lawlessness. 

The  city  authorities,  and  "ruling  citizens"  now 
thought  it  necessary  to  raise  fifteen  thousand  armed  men 
— to  put  down  that  terrible  "  Executive  Committee  " 
and  its  adherents !  All  over  the  city  were  recruiting 
stations,  and  men  were  hastening  to  enroll  in  the  great 

25 


386  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

army  of  protection.  The  city  was  in  an  uproar.  Com- 
pany A  National  Guards,  Captain  Pearce  in  command, 
had  reorganized  and  were  on  duty  in  the  city.  Other 
companies  had  been  organized,  and  before  ten  o'clockr 
General  A.  J.  Smith  was  in  command  of  the  nuclei  of 
three  or  four  regiments  and  battalions.  True,  they  were 
not  such  soldiers  as  could  endure  a  well  sustained  attack 
of  regulars,  but  then  they  were  able  to  assail  the  terrible 
armies  of  "  The  Executive  Committe,"  with  a  reasonable 
prospect  of  success.  Mayor  Overstalz  had  established 
his  headquarters  in  the  Four  Courts  building,  in  order, 
it  was  said,  to  be  in  close  communication  with  the 
Military  Commanders.  Governor  Phelps  had  been  ad- 
vised of  the  precarious  condition  of  affairs,  and  was  an- 
nounced as  on  the  way  from  Jefferson  City  to  St.  Louis, 
to  take  personal  supervision  of  movements.  The  Mayor 
and  the  United  States  officials  in  the  city,  had  announced 
to  President  Hayes  that  the  situation  in  St.  Louis  was 
critical,  and  General  John  Pope  had  sent  General  Jeff. 
C.  Davis  from  Leavenworth,  and  that  officer  was  eii-route 
with  six  companies  of  Regulars. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 


The  Storming  of  Schuler's  Hall. 


To  Arms!" — Down  with  Lawlessness — The  Giant  of  Communism 
rather  Ghostly — Governor  Phelps — Mayor  Overstolz  —General  A. 
J.  Smith — The  Mighty  Executive  Committee — More  Phantom  than 
Fact — An  Important  Undertaking— Seven  Hundred  Armed  Men 
— They  March  to  Storm  the  Hall  of  "  The  Workingmen's  Party  of 
the  United  States" — Schuler's  Hall  Captured — The  Vanquished 
Commune — A  Grand  Parade — Prevention  Better  than  Cure. 


The  conduct  of  the  riotous  mobs,  which  had  excited 
the  citizens  so  greatly  on  Wednesday,  and  caused  the 
active  military  preparations  spoken  of  in  a  former 
chapter,  was  resumed  again  on  the  succeeding  morning. 
The  condition  of  affairs  at  this  time  in  St.  Louis  appears 
to  have  been  about  this  :  All  the  shops  and  manufactories 
in  the  city  had  been  closed  at  the  command  of  commit- 
tees sent  out  by  "  The  Executive  Committee,"  in  some 
instances  backed  by  a  howling  rabble  of  vicious  idlers ; 
the  whole  industrial  population  of  the  city  was  idle ;  the 
people  were  in  a  statejof  constant  dread  of  impending 
disaster  ;  capitalists  naturally  felt,  since  they  were  special 
objects  of  hatred,  that  a  dreadful  sword,  such  as  tormented 
Damocles,  was  suspended  above  their  heads  ;  the  munici- 
pal authorities  were  endeavoring  to  strengthen  their 
position  ;  General  Smith,  surrounded  by  a  multitudinous 
staff  of  Colonels,  was  busy  at  the  Four  Courts  organiz- 
ing the  citizen  soldiery.  The  Police  Commissioners 
were  at  military  headquarters,  issuing  their  instructions 


388 


THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 


to  the  regular  police  force.  Sheriff  Finn  had  a  small 
army  of  deputies,  summoning  citizens  to  serve  as  a  posse 
comitatus  ;  General  Jeff.  C.  Davis,  of  the  United  States 
Army,  was  en-route  on  a  Pacific  Railway  train,  with  a 
body  of  regular  troops,  while  his  Excellency  John  S. 
Phelps,  Governor  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  having  or- 
dered the  shipment  of  a  large  number  of  muskets  and.  a 
quantity  of  ammunition,  together  with  two  pieces  of  artil- 
lery from  the  State  Arsenal,  was  in  person  approaching 
the  mob-disturbed  metropolis  of  the  State. 

On  the  other  side,  that  formidable  "Executive  Com- 
mittee "  had  grown  in  boldness,  and  now  even  ventured 
to  make  demands  of  the  Governor  and  the  Mayor,  in  a 
tone  that  betokened  their  conviction  that  they  were  "  men 
having  authority."  The  street  urchins,  too,  amid  the 
tremendous  events  of  the  times,  paraded  the  streets  with 
a  newspaper  attached  to  a  wand,  on  which  was  the  terri- 
ble legend,  "  We  don't  wrant  bread,  we  want  cake  and  pie, 
or  blood,"  thus  swelling  the  tumult  in  this  agitated  city. 

Thursday,  July  2Sth,  dawned  upon  a  city,  not  free, 
indeed,  from  "  wars  wild  alarms,"  but  there  was  a 
noticeable  lull  in  the  movements  of  the  rioters.  This 
fact  was  noted  at  the  time,  and  caused  no  little  specula- 
tion as  to  the  cause.  No  very  large  or  threatening 
demonstration  of  the  strikers,  or  the  rabble,  took  place. 
But  there  was  an  apparaition  of  darkness,  which  ap- 
peared to  all  the  people.  It  was  not  exactly  "  Death  on 
the  Pale  Horse,"  but  it  was  a  gigantic  colored  man, 
mounted  on  a  yellow  horse,  who  lead  a  mob,  composed 
largely  of  negroes,  toward  the  northern  part  of  the 
city,  for  the  purpose  of  visiting  and  closing  the  shops, 
mills,  and  other  manufacturing  establishments,  in  that 


THE    STORMING    OF    SCHULER's    HALL.  389 

section  of  the  city.  This  mob  was  disposed  to  indulge 
in  frequent  "  ugly  yells,"  which  was  well  calculated  to 
strike  terror  into  timid  souls.  The  chief  purpose  of  the 
Ethiopian  on  the  yellow  horse,  was,  apparently,  the 
general  enforcement  of  a  holiday  for  all  laborers, 
whether  they  desired  it  or  not.  In  this  mission  he  and 
his  followers  were  eminently  successful,  meeting  with 
no  opposition  from  the  laborers  themselves,  the  police  or 
the  military. 

One  of  the  mobs,  which  was  headed  by  two  sorry 
specimens  of  the  Caucasian  race,  visited  the  various 
carriage  shops  on  St.  Charles  street,  and  requested  the 
workmen  to  quit.  At  an  agricultural  implement  shop 
and  warehouse,  the  proprietor  declined  to  accede  to  the 
demand  of  the  mob,  and  with  a  loaded  revolver  kept 
them  back.  They  finally  went  away.  Such  were  the 
character  of  the  men  who  composed  this  terrible  mob, 
that  required  the  services  of  an  army  to  crush. 

Meanwhile  "The  Executive  Committee"  were  busy 
writing  proclamations  and  diplomatic  correspondence 
with  Mayor  Overstolz  and  Governor  Phelps.  One  of 
the  communications  addressed  to  the  Governor,  is  unex- 
ampled for  pretension  and  cool  impertinence.  This 
mighty  "  Executive  Committee  "  of  "  The  Workingmen's 
Party  of  the  United  States,"  otherwise  known  as  the 
''Internationalists,"  employes  the  following  language  in 
addressing  the  Governor : 

"  We  request  your  speedy  co-operation  in  convening 
the  legislature,  and  calling  for  the  immediate  passage  of 
the  eight-hour  law,  its  stringent  enforcement  and 
penalty  for  all  violations  of  same. 

"  The  non-employment  of  all  children  under  fourteen 


390  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

years  of  age  in  factories,  shops  or  other  uses  calculated  to 
injure  them. 

"  Your  attention  is  respectfully  called  to  the  fact  that  a 
prompt  compliance  with  this,  our  reasonable  demand,  and 
living-wages  be  paid  to  the  railroadmen,  will  at  once, 
bring  peace  and  prosperity  such  as  we  have  not  seen  for 
the  last  fifteen  years.  Nothing  short  of  a  compliance  to 
the  above  just  demand,  made  purely  in  the  interest  of 
our  national  welfare,  will  arrest  this  tidal  wave  of  revolu- 
tion. Threats  or  organized  armies  will  not  turn  the 
toilers  of  this  nation  from  their  earnest  purpose,  but 
rather  serve  to  inflame  the  passions  of  the  multitude,  and 
tend  to  acts  of  vandalism." 

The  same  committee  addressed  a  communication  ta 
Mayor  Overstolz,  in  which  they  say : 

"  "We,  the  authorized  representatives  of  the  industrial 
population  of  St.  Louis,  have  called  upon  you  to  request 
your  co-operation  in  devising  means  to  procure  food  for 
those  actually  in  a  destitute  condition. 

"  In  order  to  save  a  useless  waste  of  your  time,  it  is 
necessary  that  we  at  once  say,  that  all  offers  of  work  dur- 
ing this  national  strike  cannot  be  considered  by  us  as  a 
remedy  under  the  present  circumstances,  for  we  are  fully 
determined  to  hold  out  until  the  principles  we  are  con- 
tending for  are  carried. 

"It  is  the  earnest  desire  of  every  honest  toiler  in  St. 
Louis  to  accomplish  their  purpose  in  as  orderly  a  way  as 
this  dire  contingency  will  allow. 

"  The  contingency  of  food  is  already  being  felt — there- 
fore, to  avoid  plunder,  arson,  of  violence  by  persons  made 
desperate  by  destitution,  we  are  ready  to  concur  with 
your  honor  in  taking  timely  measures  to  supply  the  im 


THE    STORMING    OF    SCHULEr's    HALL.  391 

mediate  wants  of  the  foodless,  and  respectfully  offer  the 
following  suggestions,  namely,  if  it  is  not  in  your  power 
to  relieve  this  distress,  we  request  that  a  convention  of 
the  merchants  be  called  bv  you,  to  meet  and  confer  with 
us  as  to  the  best  way  to  procure  food  to  our  distressed 
brothers  and  their  families. 

"  Each  member  of  all  labor  organizations  will  hold 
themselves  individually  and  collectively  responsible  to 
pay  for  all  food  procured  by  their  order. 

"  That  we,  the  unfortunates,  toiling  citizens,  desire  to 
faithfully  maintain  the  majesty  of  the  law,  whilst  we 
are  contending  for  our  inalienable  rights. 

"  Therefore,  we  in  good  faith  give  you  our  earnest  assur- 
ance to  assist  you  in  maintaining  order  and  protecting 
property.  Further,  in  order  to  avoid  riot,  we  have  de- 
termined to  have  no  large  processions  until  our  organ- 
ization is  so  complete  as  to  positively  assure  the  citizens  of 
;St.  Louis  of  a  perfect  maintenance  of  order,  and  full 
protection  to  life  and  property." 

This  is  certainly  unexampled  frankness,  so  open,  in- 
deed, as  to  have  the  appearance  of  a  grim  joke,  which 
the  Executive  Committee  was  perpetrating  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  chief  magistrates  of  the  city  of  St.  Louis, 
and  the  State  of  Missouri.  It  reminds  one  of  the  letter 
addressed  by  the  Congress  of  the  Internationals  at  Brus- 
sels, to  the  "League  of  Peace  and  Liberty,"  in  session 
at  Berne.  "  There  is  no  longer  a  reason  for  the  con- 
tinned  existence  of  your  body  in  the  world.  Therefore, 
we  desire  that  you  dissolve,  and  resolve  yourselves  into 
■a  section  of  the  International."  So  wrote  the  Congress 
<4)f  Brussels  to  another  society  of  iinpracticables. 

To   make   it   appear   that   the   Workingmen's  Party 


302  THE    GEEAT   STRIKES. 

meant  serious  business,  this  celebrated  committee,  on 
the  25th  of  July,  published  a  notice  to  the  effect  that,.. 
"  Physicians  and  Surgeons  would  be  recognized  during: 
the  strike  by  a  white  badge  four  inches  wide  encircling 
the  left  upper  aim,  bearing  a  red  cross,  the  bars  of  which 
should  be  one  inch  wide,  and  three  inches  long." 

"The  Executive  Committee,"  having  by  its  proclama- 
tions and  diplomatic  correspondence,  secured  a  wide 
spread  notoriety,  at  this  time  announced  that  the  time 
for  talking  had  passed,  that  the  time  for  action  had  ar- 
rived, and  that  in  order  to  be  in  complete  readiness  for 
any  emergency,  and  to  do  which  required  the  sort  of 
vigilance  which  is  the  price  of  liberty,  it  was  announced 
that  the  "Executive  Committee"  would  remain  in  ses- 
sion all  night  at  Schuler's  Hall.  In  accordance  with  this 
announcement.  Schuler's  Hall  presented  a  strange  scene 
that  night.  Grim  men,  sun-browned  and  tawny,  acted  as 
sentinels.  There  was  none  of  the  tinsel — "  the  pomp  and 
circumstances  of  glorious  war,"  to  inspire  them.  Inside 
the  hall  "  The  Executive  Committee  "  held  their  con- 
clave. They  too,  were  a  body  of  sinewy  men,  toil  worn 
and  grim,  clad  in  the  rough  garments  such  as  laborers 
are  accustomed  to  wear.  Notwithstanding  the  high 
sounding  proclamations  and  loud  declarations  of  hostile 
intentions,  the  truth  is,  that  as  late  as  Thursday  night 
they  had  adopted  no  plan  of  action,  had  collected  no 
arms,  had  no  military  organization,  and  were  perfectly 
incapable  of  offering  resistance,  even  to  a  squad  of 
police.  Their  whole  clamor,  as  was  made  apparent,  was 
a  voice,  and  nothing  more. 

But  they  must  have  found  much  quiet  enjoyment  over 
the  furor    which   their   pronunciamentos   had    created^. 


THE    STORMING    OF    SCIUJLER's    HALL.  393 

For  a  time,  at  least,  they  must  have  felt  their  importance 
in  the  city — for  a  time,  indeed,  "  The  Executive  Com- 
mittee," perhaps  with  less  than  a  thousand  really  earnest 
yet  wholly  unorganized  and  unarmed  adherents,  were 
little  less  than  a  council  of  kings,  who  issued  orders  and 
they  were  obeyed,  who  commanded,  and  saw  their  com- 
mands executed  ;  this  wonderful  "  Executive  Committee," 
composed  as  it  was  of  men  who  had  hitherto  been  buried 
in  the  depths  of  obscurity,  possessing  neither  social,,, 
financial,  or  political  importance  in  the  community,  sud- 
denly rose  to  the  surface,  and  reigned  as  princes  in  St. 
Louis.  To  their  demands  the  richest  yielded,  at  their 
request  even  proprietors  of  extensive  manufactories 
closed  their  establishments,  and  the  municipal  authority 
of  the  city  was  paralyzed  in  their  presence.  It  was  a 
strange  event  in  the  history  of  the  city,  it  was  an  incident  in 
the  development  of  social  life,  which  is  worthy  of  the  most 
careful  investigation  from  the  students  of  social  science. 
New  men  arise  in  revolutions  whether  of  a  social,  com- 
mercial, or  political  character.  Grant  grew  great  as  he 
was  wafted  on  the  billows  of  a  terrible  internecine  strug- 
gle. Politicians  and  casuists  can  never  be  revolutionists. 
They  belong  to  the  established  order  of  things — they 
bow  only  at  the  shrine  of  expediency,  even  though  that 
involves  a  surrender  of  honesty.  Lawyers  are  conserva- 
tives by  force  of  education  and  habits  of  thought ;  doctors- 
are  not  in  the  line  of  social  and  political  intrigue ;  and 
priests  and  preachers  dwell  altogether,  or,  at  least,  are 
supposed  to  dwell  in  thought  altogether  in  the  shadowy 
realm  beyond  the  tide  of  time.  These  cannot  be  revolu- 
tionists. Roussel  was  out  of  place  in  the  Commune  of 
1871.     That  was  a  place  only  for  such  men  af  Raoul  Ri- 


394  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

gault,  Ferre,  Garreau,  Fouet,  and  their  kind.  Roussel  was 
a  scholar,  a  gentleman,  a  genius,  the  others  fit  for  such 
work  as  they  performed,  and  such  retribution  as  over- 
took them.  Well  known  men  never  remain  long  at  the 
head  of  affairs  in  times  of  great  popular  disturbances, 
because  men  who  have  already  rendered  themselves  con- 
spicuous, are  restrained  by  the  fear  of  committing  a 
blunder,  and  if  not  by  that,  then  they  are  kept  within  a 
certain  definable  position  by  certain  precedents  and  ex- 
periences, which  wholly  unfits  them  for  the  position  of 
directors  in  events  which  have  no  precedents.  So  when 
the  strikes  created  an  uproar  all  over  the  land,  new  men 
came  to  the  surface,  men  before  unknown.  Men  like 
Justus  Schwab,  and  Conroy,  and  Winter,  in  New  York, 
and  Donahue,  at  Hornellsville,  and  Zepp,  at  Martinsburg, 
and  Robert  Amnion,  at  Pittsburgh,  and  Clynch,  Yan' 
Patten  and  Schilling,  at  Chicago,  and'  Curtis,  Lofgreiy 
Cad  ell,  and  Allen,  in  St.  Louis,  and  Easton  and  Benton, 
in  East  St.  Louis,  all  of  whom  were  unknown  to  the 
general  public  until  their  "names  became  familiar  as 
household  words  during  the  reign  of  the  strikes: 
Hochefort,  the  best  known,  appears  not  to  have  been  a- 
leader  of  the  Commune.  So  in  New  York,  Swinton, 
the  cultivated  journalist,  and  intellectually  the  ablest 
man  among  the  Internationalists,  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  so  much  of  a  leader  as  Conroy  or  Justus  Schwab. 

But  to  return  to  the  narrative  of  events  in  St.  Louis. 
The  operation  of  the  mob  on  Thursday  consisted  in 
marching  about  in  small  bodies,  from  mill  to  mill,  from 
•one  factory,  foundry,  or  shop,  to  the  next  in  their  way, 
and  issuing  orders,  or  presenting  requests  to  the  pro- 
prietors to  close  up  their  business  places.     By  Thursday 


THE   8T0RMING    OF    SCHULER*8   HALL.  395 

night,  from  Bissell's  Point  to  the  River  des  Peres,, 
from  Wharf  to  Chettinham,  there  was  not  a  single 
manufacturing  establisment,  of  any  importance,  that 
had  not  been  closed. 

Meanwhile,  Governor  John  S.  Phelps,  accompanied 
by  his  private  secretary,  had  arrived  from  Jefferson 
City,  and  proposed  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army 
of  the  State,  consisting  at  that  time  of  some  two 
thousand  men,  hastily  recruited  from  among  the  citizens 
of  St.  Louis,  to  take  general  command  over  the  move- 
ments of  the  forces.  The  Governor,  in  order  to  strike 
terror  into  the  souls  of  the  rioters,  proceeded  to  issue  a 
proclamation,  couched  in  such  terms,  as  in  the  mind  of 
his  excellency,  appeared  best  calculated  to  impress  the 
■disorderly  elements  with  the  firmness  of  his  purpose 
and  the  solemnity  of  his  resolution,  to  overcome  their 
unlawful  combination. 

In  that  proclamation,  his  Excellency  proceeded  to 
enumerate  the  evil  results  accomplished  by  the  rioters, 
among  which  were  these :  They  had  unlawfully  and 
riotously  assembled  in  the  city  of  St.  Louis ;  they  had 
unlawfully  compelled  other  men  to  quit  and  abandon 
the  pursuits  by  which  they  supported  themselves  and 
families ;  worse  than  all  else,  they  had  impeded  the 
prosecution  of  the  internal  commerce  of  the  country  by 
assembling  in  force,  thereby  preventing  the  transpor- 
tation of  the  products  of  the  country,  which  had  a  bad 
effect,  inasmuch  as  it  enhanced  the  cost  of  support  fo 
all  persons  in  a  time  of  financial  distress.  Further,  his 
Excellency  declared  that  other  disturbances  and  disorders 
were  threatened  in  St.  Louis,  and  elsewhere  in  the  State. 
Wherefore  he,  the  Governor  of  the  State,  required  the 


396  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

i 

aforesaid  bands  of  men,  unlawfully  assembled,  to  dis- 
band and  return  to  their  usual  pursuits  and  avocations, 
By  way  of  parenthesis,  it  may  not  be  inappropriate  to 
remark  just  here,  that  perhaps  his  Excellency  was  not 
aware  of  the  fact  that  some,  at  least,  of  the  bands  un- 
lawfully assembled,  were  composed  largely  of  men  whose 
"  usual  pursuits  and  avocations "  were  sneak-thieving. 
It  is  not  to  be  presumed  that  the  Governor  understood 
this  fact.  But  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  Missouri 
went  further,  he  required  that  they  should  not  further 
molest  the  good  citizens  of  the  State.  And  he  earnestly 
assured  the  people  of  Missouri,  and  especially  of  St. 
Louis,  that  he  was  in  that  city  for  the  purpose  of  seeing 
that  the  laws  were  faithfully  executed  and  enforced,  and 
that  the  rights  of  all  should  be  respected ;  that  order 
should  be  maintained  ;  that  all  assemblages  of  evil  men 
should  be  dispersed,  and  that  quiet  and  tranquility  in 
future  should  be  preserved,  and  with  the  aid  of  the 
good  people  of  the  State,  he  solemnly  declared  these 
pledges  should  be  redeemed  so  far  as  in  his  power  as 
their  chief  executive,  not  only  for  the  peace  and  wel- 
fare of  the  city,  but  for  every  part  of  the  common- 
wealth. 

Having  accomplished  this  important  work,  his  Excel- 
lency rested  from  his  labors,  and  awaited  the  ripening  of 
the  harvest  of  his  sowing.  It  was  a  brilliant  assem- 
blage of  notables  at  the  Four  Courts  that  evening. 

Mayor  Overstolz,  on  the  same  day,  issued  a  proc- 
lamation couched  in  reasonable  terms,  and  concillia- 
tory  language,  requesting  a  resumption  of  business,  and 
desiring  all  laboring  men,  and  all  others  to  abstain,  as 
much   as   possible,    from    congregating  on   the  streets. 


THE    STORMING    OF    SCHULEb's    HALL.  397 

He  prohibited  any  interference  by  intimidation  or  other- 
wise with  the  employes  or  employers  of  any  mill,  factory, 
business,  or  other  establisment.  He  asserted  the  right  of 
labor  to  quit  their  employment  if  dissatisfied.  He  de- 
clared that  the  responsibilty  for  collisions  would  rest  with 
those  who  persisently  violated  the  law. 

At  the  Four  Courts  all  was  bustle  and  hurry. 
'General  A.  J.  Smith,  with  his  numerous  staff  of  Colonels, 
were  all  kept  busy.  It  was  astonishing  how  much  had 
been  accomplished.  Order  had  been  brought  out  of 
chaos.  The  recruits  had  been  drilled  and  disciplined, 
the  veterans  had  resumed  the  war- like  habit,  and  were 
■"  fighting  their  battles  o'er  again."  Guards  slowly 
paced  to  and  fro  before  the  stately  building.  That 
vicinity,  at  least,  wore  the  aspect  of"  grim-visaged  war." 
The  veterans  who  had  "  dared  death  in  the  deadly 
breach,"  and  met  the  leaden  storm  on  a  hundred  battle- 
fields, had  forgotten  their  ancient  proficiency,  and  had 
fallen,  in  knowledge  of  tactics  and  skill  as  warriors,  far 
below  the  intellectual  knights  who  had  rushed  to  the 
front  to  meet  the  terrible  soldiers  of  "  The  Executive 
Commitee"  whoever  and  whatever  they  might  be,  only 
&  day  before. 

Friday,  July  27th,  1877,  dawned  much  like  other  days. 
There  were  some  clouds,  and  some  indication  that  a 
summer  shower  might  fall  almost  any  hour.  The 
weather  was  hot  and  murky.  The  streets  were  com- 
paratively quiet.  There  was  no  such  crowds  as  were 
visible  on  the  preceding  Wednesday.  Indeed,  the  city 
was  unusually  free  from  tumult  and  noises.  It  seemed 
.as  if  a  sort  of  Sabbath  spirit  hovered  over  the  place. 
Mayor  Overstolz  had  declared  that  no  more  public  meet- 


398  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

ings  should  be  held,  the  Governor  had.  proclaimed  his- 
purpose  to  compel  men  to  return  to  "their  pursuits  and 
avocations,"  and  "The  Executive  Committee  "  was  meet- 
ing at  Schuler's  Hall.  General  Smith  and  his  staff  were 
at  the  Four  Courts  in  readiness  to  meet  any  emergency 
with  the  forces  at  his  command.  His  Excellency,  Gov- 
ernor John  S.  Phelps,  had  supplied  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion, and  St.  Louis  had  contributed  the  men  and  the 
military  genius  to  create  an  army.  The  authorities 
now  felt  strong,  more  especially  since  it  was  evident  that 
the  followers  of  "The  Executive  Committee"  were 
growing  fewer  in  numbers.  There  was  a  lull  on  Thurs- 
day, and  on  Friday  morning  it  was  apparent  that  the 
rioters  were  still  less  boisterous.  But  St.  Louis  had  been 
shaken  by  a  mighty  wind,  "created  by  a  disturbance  of 
the  electrical  equilibrium  in  consequence  of  the  develop- 
ment of  the  gaseous  body"  known  as  The  Executive 
Committee,  and  the  ponderous  men  who  decide  all  im- 
portant matters  in  St.  Louis,  had  not  recovered  from  the 
trepidation  endured  when  the  storm  was  at  its  height. 
For  these  and  sundry  other  reasons,  the  minds  of  the 
numerous  Pillycamps  of  which  St.  Louis  can  boast,  were 
not  easy.  Th«.t  dreadful  Executive  Committee  was  still 
in  existence,  and  in  session  at  Schuler's  Hall,  surrounded 
by  they  knew  not  how  great  an  army,  supplied  with  they 
knew  not  what  terrible  implements  of  war.  such  as  mitrail- 
leuses, Gatling  guns,  Columbiads,  torpedoes,  Greek  fire, 
shells,  and  what  else  they  could  not  form  the  least  concep- 
tion, but  something  dreadful  they  shrewdly  suspected  it 
must  be. 

It  was  Friday  morning  when   the    Board  of   Police 
Commissioners,  headed  by  the  Vice-President,  Colonel 


THE    STORMING    OF    SCHULEr's    HALL.  39^ 

David  H.  Armstrong,  concluded  that  the  police  author- 
ities had  waited  full  long  to  undertake  to  maintain  good 
order  in  the  streets.  There  had  been  meetings  appoint- 
ed by  the  "  Executive  Committee"  at  Carondelet  avenue 
and  Barton  street,  Hyde  Park,  and  at  Lucas  Market.  At 
Hyde  Park,  a  company  gathered,  numbering  perhaps 
three  hundred  or  four  hundred  persons.  To  this  meet- 
ing, Captain  Burgess,  of  the  Police,  was  ordered  to  ac- 
cept an  invitation.  Leaving  his  squad  of  officers  out  of 
sigla,  the  Captain  went  alone  into  the  meeting,  and  told 
them  that  they  could  not  hold  a  meeting,  and  that  he 
had  a  sufficient  force  at  hand  to  compel  obedience.  The 
crowd  1  hereupon  stood  not  upon  the  order  of  their  going, 
but  went  at  once.  At  Barton  street,  no  collection  of 
the  people  could  be  found.  At  Lucas  Market  a  few 
people,  looking  way-worn  and  wearied,  presented  them- 
selves, but  Sergeant  Daly  with  a  small  squad  of  police 
officers  went  and  dispersed  them. 

The  Committee  of  Safety  determined  to  attack  Schu- 
ler's  Hall.  Generals  Smith  and  Marmaduke  protested 
against  such  an  enterprise.  General  Marmaduke  was 
very  positive  in  his  opposition  to  the  movement. 

The  result  of  the  conference  was  a  determination  to 
attack.  The  command  of  the  expeditionary  forces  was- 
entrusted  to  General  John  D.  Stevenson,  the  friend  of 
Mayor  Overstolz.  As  to' the  forces  necessary  to  accom- 
plish the  undertaking,  there  was  some  diversity  of  opin- 
ion, but  finally  it  was  concluded  that  the  police  officers, 
who  were  to  lead  the  attack,  should  be  supported  by  an 
infantry  and  cavalry  force  of  about  six  hundred  men, 
with  two  pieces  of  artillery. 

The   command  of  the  police  batallion,  by  a   special 


400  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

order  of  Chief  McDonough,  was  conferred  on  Captain 
"William  Lee.  The  capture  of  "the  violators  of  law"  at 
Schuler's  Hall,  was  mentioned  as  a  particular  service, 
the  battalion  under  command  of  Captain  Lee  was  ex- 
pected to  perform.  If  they  encountered  any  resistance 
in  effecting  the  arrest  of  the  Schuller's  Hall  meeting  the 
police  were  commanded  to  open  fire  on  the  people. 
The  soldiers  were  there,  it  appears,  to  assist  in  marshal- 
ing the  prisoners  and  escorting  them  to  the  Four  Courts. 

Schuler's  Hall,  the  scene  of  the  most  important  mili- 
tary achievement  of  the  combined  forces  of  the  citizen- 
soldiery  and  police,  is  a  dingy  structure,  situated  at  the 
intersection  of  Fifth  and  Biddle  streets,  and  extending 
from  Fifth  street  to  Broadway,  it  being  near  the  junc- 
tion of  these  two  thoroughfares.  It  is  a  small  hall,  and 
has  been  frequently  used  as  a  meeting  place  for  political 
clubs  of  the  old  tenth  ward,  now  the  fourth. 

During  the  forenoon  of  that  eventful  day,  "  The  Exec- 
utive Committee"  were  in  session,  what  they  were 
doing,  what  plans  they  were  concocting,  has  not  as  yet 
been  revealed.  A  crowd,  not  very  demonstrative, 
composed  largely  of  employes  of  neighboring  manufac- 
tories which  had  been  closed  in  consequence  of  the 
strikers,  lounged  about  the  street  corners,  and  on  the 
door  steps  in  the  vicinity.  These  people  seemed  to  be 
in  total  ignorance  of  the  aims  and  purposes  of  "  The 
Executive  Committee."  In  the  hall,  there  were  not 
more  than  a  hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred  persons 
at  one  time  during  the  day,  and  these  seemed  to  be  little 
better  informed  in  regard  to  what  was  being  developed 
in  the  room  occcupied  by  the  Executive  Committee, 
than  the  crowd  which  loitered  on  the  outside.     They  all 


THE   STORMING    OF    SCHUXEr's    HALL.  401 

-appeared  to  be  workingmen,  and  did  not  appear  very 
war-like.  They  had  no  arms,  and  "  The  Executive  Com- 
mittee" was  provokingly  slow  in  furnishing  them  with 
death  dealing  instruments. 

Meanwhile,  all  was  in  commotion  at  the  Four  Courts. 
The  notes  of  busy  preparation  plainly  heard.  There 
was  hurry,  bustle  and  buzzing,  such  as  might  be  ex- 
pected from  a  gallant  army  setting  forth  on  a  perilous 
expedition,  with  thoughts  only  of  victory  to  animate 
them  to  the  performance  of  heroic  deeds.  The  com- 
panies were  marshaled,  the  officers  were  at  their  respec- 
tive posts ;  the  artilery  was  hauled  out,  the  police  bat- 
talion was  mustered;  General  John  D.  Stevenson 
mounted  his  war-steed,  Mayor  Overstolz,  Colonel  Arm- 
strong, and  Chief  of  Police  McDonough,  assumed  their 
appropriate  places,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  Friday,  July 
27th,  1877,  the  combined  forces  of  the  police  and 
citizens,  soldiery,  marched  out  from  the  Four  Courts 
to  storm  and  capture  the  headquarters  of  "  The  Execu- 
tive Committee,"  a  mile  away,  at  Fifth  and  Biddle 
streets.  The  combined  forces  numbered  about  seven 
hundred  men  of  all  arms.  A  little  before  three  o'clock 
the  head  of  the  column  marched  up  Fifth  street  to 
the  vicinity  of  Schiller's  Hall. 

How  the  attack  was  made,  we  shall  proceed  to  relate. 
The  scene  presented  at  this  time,  was  a  striking  and  a 
novel  one.  About  Wash  street,  two  blocks  below  the 
hall,  the  police  cavalry,  led  by  Captain  Fox  and  Sergeant 
Floreich,  came  northward  at  a  moderate  gait,  occupying 
nearly  the  full  width  of  the  street.  Just  behind  them 
the  two  files  of  foot  police,  led  by  Captain  Lee,  mounted, 
.and  by  Captain  Huebler  and   Sergeants  Boyd  and  Pow- 

26 


402  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

ell,  afoot,  occupied  the  middle  of  the  street,  moving 
with  quick  step,  their  bayoneted  muskets  at  a  "  carry 
arms."  The  cannon  showed  grimly  near  the  middle  of 
the  force.  The  rear  of  this  company  was  brought  up 
by  Mayor  Overstolz  and  three  citizens,  who  marched 
well,  regardless  of  mud. 

A  half  block  behind  these,  the  soldiery,  with  their 
forest  of  bayonets,  advanced  with  regular,  measured 
tread,  presenting  a  very  pretty  column. 

The  formidable  procession  was  flanked  on  either  side 
by  an  immense  crowd  of  citizens,  who  overflowed  the 
sidewalks,  and  pushed  and  jostled  in  most  tumultuous 
fashion  in  their  eagerness  to  get  forward  and  witness 
the  trouble  which  they  thought  was  about  to  occur. 

In  front  of  the  building  was  a  small  crowd,  but  a  little 
to  the  north,  occupying  Biddle  street,  and  well  up  along 
the  market-house  on  Fifth  street  an  awe-struck  multi- 
tude stood  gazing  southward.  It  was  composed  largely' 
of  the  lower  classes,  but  there  were  also  many  Broadway 
and  Fifth  street  merchants  in  it.  The  crowd  was  won- 
derfully still,  evidently  expecting  that  some  terrible 
event  was  about  to  happen. 

The  troops  marched  with  little  noise,  and  there  was 
in  fact,  nothing  to  indicate  to  the  people  on  the  third 
floor  that  anything  was  about  to  happen. 

When  within  about  fifty  yards  of  the  hall,  the  cavalry- 
men put  spurs* to' their  horses  and  moved  forward  at  a 
brisk  trot,  charging  directly  for  the  crowd  which  block- 
ed the  street.  They  did  not  stop  at  the  hall,  but  the 
crowd  opened  and. retreated  before  them,  and  they  kept 
on  their  course  till  they  passed  the  north  line  of  Biddle 
street,  when  they  stopped.    They  were  cheered  by  some,. 


THE    STORMING    OF    SCHULEr's    HALL.  40& 

and  cursed  and  mocked  by  others,  but  paid  no  attention 
to  it.  Presently  the  crowd  began  to  show  an  unruly 
spirit,  and  to  press  forward  beyond  the  limits.  Then 
the  cavalry  made  things  lively  beyond  description. 
They  dashed  hither  and  thither  regardless  of  sidewalks 
and  gutters,  and  drove  the  crowd  before  them  without 
distinction. 

Every  charge  occasioned  a  loud  yell,  and  a  collision 
sometimes  seemed  imminent.  This  sudden  uproar,  after 
such  a  remarkable  quiet,  carried  consternation  to  those 
who  remained  on  the  upper  floors  in  fancied  security, 
and  there  was  a  panic  which  words  cannot  picture. 
Some  jumped  from  the  third-story  porch  on  the  south 
side  of  the  building  upon  the  roof  of  the  adjoining 
building,  and  running  over  a  couple  of  roofs,  made  a 
descent.  Many  shinned  down  the  pillars  of  the  porches. 
A  score  of  others  got  upon  the  second  floor  balcony  at 
the  east  side  of  the  building,  and  letting  themselves 
down  their  full  length,  dropped  upon  the  sidewalk,  all 
in  a  heap.  Several  of  these  jumpers  suffered  serious 
sprains.  A  numbers  of  others,  afraid  to  drop  or  jump, 
stood  trembling  on  the  balcony  until  the  cavalry  charg- 
ed around  on  that  side  to  corral  the  building.  The 
officers  pointed  their  revolvers  at  those  who  stood  up 
there,  and  called  on  them  to  surrender  and  come  down,, 
which  they  did,  amid  the  wildest  confusion. 

The  main  part  of  the  work  of  arrest  devolved  upon 
the  police  who  were  afoot.  When  they  reached  the 
entrance  to  the  hall  stairway,  Captain  Lee,  in  a  low  tone, 
ordered  a  halt,  and,  leaping  from  his  horse,  he  drew  his 
sword  and  led  the  way  up  stairs.  Crptain  Huebler  and 
a   number  of  men   took  possession  of  the  second  floor. 


40i  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

and  Captain  Lee  and  Detective  Hugh  O'Neil,  who  was 
rigged  out  as  one  of  the  workingmen,  went  on  up  stairs 
and  did  the  work  in  the  main  hall  without  other  assist- 
ance. 

It  was  an  easily  accomplished  task.  Captain  Lee, 
sword  in  hand,  burst  into  the  room  and  roared  out,  "  Let 
every  man  in  this  room  consider  himself  my  prisoner." 
There  were  a  few  groans,  and  some  appeals  for  leniency, 
as  the  wretches  whose  escape  had  been  cut  off,  heard  this 
order  and  hauled  in  their  heads. 

The  Captain  looked  savage,  and  the  reporter  fell  right 
into  line  at  the  head  of  the  crowd,  not  knowing  but 
what  he,  too,  would  get  a  blistering  slap  with  the 
steel,  or  worse.  In  a  moment,  the  crowd  numbering 
between  twenty  and  thirty,  formed  as  orderly  a  double 
file  as  any  body  could  desire,  and  the  next  moment  came 
the  order,  "  forward,  march." 

Hughey  O'Neil  and  Sargeant  Fox  marshaled  the 
miserable  crew,  and  they  marched  down  stairs  as  though 
going:  down  to  death. 

The  exploit  was  accomplished,  the  headquarters  of 
*'  The  Executive  Committee  "  had  been  invaded — cap- 
tured, without  the  loss  of  a  single  man.  The  forces  of 
the  Communists  were  placed  in  line  as  prisoners,  together 
with  a  number  of  unfortunate  idlers,  who  had  been  cap- 
tured on  the  streets  in  the  neighborhood.  It  was  not  a 
large  force.  Seventy-three  prisoners  in  all.  Marshal- 
ing their  prisoners,  the  seven  hundred  armed  men  who 
liad  marched  up  Fifth  street  to  Schuler's  Hall,  marched 
up  to  Eleventh  street,  then  South  to  the  Four  Courts 
again.  Twenty-four  of  the  seventy-three  prisoners  were 
found  to  be   employes  of  various  manufacturing  estab- 


THE    6T0KMING    OF    SCHULEb's    HALL.  405 

lisliments  in  the  neighborhood,  which  were  temporarily 
closed — men  who  had  not  struck,  and  who  had  taken  no 
part  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Internationalists.  These 
were  released.  There  were  forty-nine  left,  but  it  was 
soon  discovered  that  a  number  of  these  were  mechanics 
and  artisans,  who  were  at  the  hall  to  gratify  their  curi- 
osity, and  these  were  in  no  long  time  released.  In  fact, 
it  soon  became  a  painfully  apparent  fact  that  the  fruits  of 
victory  were  no  better  than  apples  of  Sodom  in  the 
grasp  of  the  victors. 

This  was  the  last  formidable  appearance  of  that  re- 
markable "  Executive  Committee  "  which  had  kept  St. 
Louis  in  a  fever  of  excitement  fur  several  days. 

The  next  day  was  quiet,  the  citizen-soldierly  were  still 
on  duty,  but  there  were  no  foes  to  face.  The  great 
strike  drew  to  a  close.  The  page  of  history  was  made 
up.  The  merchants  brigade,  General  John  B.  Gray's 
command,  the  citizens  forces,  General  Smith  and  his 
6taff  of  Colonels  having  well  performed  their  part,  were 
about  to  lay  aside  the  implements  of  war.  The  streets 
were  quiet.  The  war  had  closed.  Monday  the  long  lines 
of  volunteers  presented  themselves  as  the  defenders  of 
the  city,  received  the  applause  of  fair  women  and  brave 
men — then  all  was  over. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 


Minok  Incidents  of  the  Strikes  in  Missouri. 


Interest  in  the  Strikes — Kansas  City — The  Sedalia  Trainmen — The 
Missouri,  Kansas  and  Texas  Railway — Hannibal  and  St.  Joe — 
"  Strike  Smashers  " — The  General  Tumult — Growing  Quiet — The 
Decline — The  End — Peace. 


Within  the  limits  of  the  great  State  of  Missouri 
there  are  more  than  three  thousand  miles  of  railways. 
The  companies  operating  these  lines  employ  in  the 
aggregate,  more  than  fifteen  thousand  men.  It  was 
scarcely  to  be  expected  that  all  these  would  remain  quiet 
while  the  whole  country  suffered  from  the  throes  of  a 
social  disturbance,  unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  our 
country's  history.  But  there  were  conditions  which  did 
exist  elsewhere,  which  had  no  small  influence  in  deter- 
mining the  position  which  the  railroadmen,  as  well  as 
other  workingmen  in  the  State.  The  companies  operat- 
ing the  Missouri,  Pacific,  St.  Louis,  Kansas  City  and 
Northern,  the  St.  Louis  and  San  Francisco,  and  the  St. 
Louis,  Iron  Mountain  and  Southern  lines,  representing 
together  more  than  two  thousand  miles  of  railway 
lines,  by  a  consummately  wise  policy,  very  effectually 
cured  the  "  striking  disease  "  in  its  incipient  stages. 

In  St.  Louis,  Mayor  Overstolz  was  pursuing  a  con- 
cilliatory  course  with  the  workingmen,  and  evinced  no 
disposition  to  precipitate  a  collision.  There  were  not 
wanting  among  his  advisers,  men  who  were  thirsting  for 


MINOR    INCIDENTS    OF   THE    STRIKES    IN    MISSOURI.      407 

•a  cheap  notoriety,  as  heroes  in  a  conflict,  between  the 
workingmen  and  the  representatives  of  the  constituted 
authorities.  Happily  for  the  city  and  for  the  State, 
the  Mayor  thought  differently,  and  acted  in  a  manner 
calculated  to  save  the  lives  and  protect  the  property  of 
all  classes.  It  must  be  stated,  however,  that  the  Mayor 
was  not  certain  that  he  possessed  the  requisite  force  to 
suppress  disorders,  in  case  even  a  slight  collision  should 
take  place  in  St.  Louis,  hence,  it  was  that  he  actually 
sought  the  aid  of  the  regular  forces  of  the  United  States, 
not  to  suppress,  but  to  prevent  outbreaks.  He  believed 
that  a  strong  force  present  in  the  city  would  prevent  the 
necessity  for  an  exercise  of  its  repressive  power. 

In    many  places  in  the  State,  the  authorities  feared 
•outbreaks.     This  was  particularly  true  of  the  municipal 
officers   of    cities  like  Kansas   City,    Sedalia,    Moberly, 
Hannibal,  and  St.  Joseph.     The  Governor  of  Missouri 
was  peculiarly  devoted  to  precautionary  measures.     The 
Slate  capital,  Jefferson  City,  is  a  small  place,  unimport- 
.ant  as  a  railway  center,  and  inhabited  by  comparatively 
few  persons  who  depend  upon  employment  on  railways 
for  a  livelihood.     Nevertheless,  his  Excellency,  John  S. 
Phelps,  as  early  as  Monday  the  23d  of    July,   directed 
Assistant-General  E.  Y.  Mitchell  to  provide  a  guard  for 
the  State  Armory.     The  purpose  was  to  protect   State 
arms  in   case  the   few  railroads    in   that  place,    or  the 
Labor  Union,  or  any  other  parsons  should  engage  in  a 
riot,  and  endeavor  to  seize  them.     But  the  small  popula- 
tion of  Jefferson  City  did  not  afford  a  sufficient  number 
of  such  evil-minded  persons  to  organize  a  disturbance, 
and  the  Governor  had  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that 
he  had,  at  any  rate,  provided  for  an    emergency  that 


408  THE    GKEAT    STEIKES. 

might  have  arisen,  provided  there  had  been  any  one  dis- 
posed to  engage  in  precipitating  a  collision.  However, 
there  were  no  such  persons  there,  at  least  none  who 
cared  to  let  their  views  be  known;  The  Governor 
rested  in  peace.  The  Penitentiary  guards  received  in- 
structions to  be  on  the  alert,  and  prepared  to  receive  the 
rioters,  should  they  appear.  There  had  been  no  evidence 
of  any  disposition  to  engage  in  strikes,  or  otherwise  dis- 
turb the  social  order  of  the  city,  and  during  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  troubles  in  other  sections  of  the  country, 
Jefferson  City  remained  perfectly  quiet. 

The  workingmen  of  Springfield,  Missouri,  a  city  in 
which  extensive  shops  of  the  St.  Louis  and  San  Francisco 
Railway  are  located,  called  a  meeting  on  the  evening  of 
July  23d,  at  North  Springfield.  The  call  created  no 
little  apprehension  among  the  good  people  of  the  city. 
But  the  meeting  was  held,  a  number  of  speeches  were 
made,  all  couched  in  language  at  once  admonitory  and 
pacific.  No  harm  came  of  it,  and  the  class  of  alarmists, 
and  simpletons  who  showed  their  fears,  felt  heartily 
ashamed  of  their  folly. 

At  St.  Joseph,  a  terminal  point  for  several  lines  of 
railway,  there  were  a  few  days  of  great  uneasiness  among 
the  people  on  account  of  the  strikes  engaged  in  by  the  em- 
ployes of  some  of  the  railroads.  The  employes  of  the 
Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph,  the  Kansas  City,  St.  Joseph 
and  Council  Bluffs,  and  the  Missouri  Valley  Railroads, 
were  on  a  strike.  There  was  a  freight  blockade,  and  even 
passenger  trains  were  detained  on  some  of  the  lines. 
The  strikes  began  on  the  24th,  and  continued  until  the 
30th  of  July,  when  freight  trains  were  moved  as  usual>. 
During  its  continuance  there  were  times  of  no  little  ex- 


MINOR   INCIDENTS    OF   THE    STRIKES    IN    MISSOURI.      409* 

citement,  but  it  is  but  just  to  say,  that  there  was  not  a 
single  act  of  violence  committed  by  the  strikers  while 
railway  business  was  suspended. 

At  Kansas  City,  meetings  of  the  employes  of  various- 
lines  of  railways  having  their  terminus  at  that  city,  were 
held  on  the  24th,  and  at  noon  all  ceased  to  work.  A 
crowd  of  some  three  hundred  strikers  took  possession  of 
the  Union  Depot,  and  held  it.  No  freight  trains  were 
allowed  to  depart.  During  the  afternoon  of  the  same 
day,  a  band  of  some  two  hundred  and  fifty  men  were 
organized,  and  proceeded  to  go  in  procession  !to  all  the 
railroad  shops,  packing  houses,  founderies,  elevators,  and 
other  places  where  large  numbers  of  men  were  employed, 
and  invited  them  to  quit  work  and  join  in  the  general 
strike.  In  nearly  every  instance  their  invitation  was 
accepted,  and  labor  was  generally  discontinued  in  Kansas 
City. 

Meantime  the  excitement  in  the  city  had  become  very 
great.  A  call  was  issued  for  the  assembling  of  a  mass 
meeting  of  citizens  to  take  action  concerning  the  threat- 
ened disturbances.  At  that  meeting  a  Committee  of 
Safety  was  appointed,  and  other  measures  looking  to  the 
preservation  of  the  public  peace  and  the  protection  of 
property.  On  the  same  evening  the  strikers  met  in 
council,  and  resolved  that  no  more  freight  trains  should 
be  moved — at  least  for  the  time  being. 

The  City  Council  met  in  secret  session  and  passed  a 
resolution  providing  for  the  appointment  of  a  large  num- 
ber of  special  policemen,  to  preserve  the  peace  and 
protect  property.  The  next  morning  July  25th,  the 
special  force  was  assigned  to  duty. 

All  freight  trains  on  all  roads  were  stopped  on  the 


410  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

25th.  The  strikers  made  their  headquarters  at  the  Union 
Depot.  During  four  days  the  strikers  held  undisputed 
sway,  and  would  not  permit  the  movement  of  freight. 
On  the  29th  of  July  a  consultation  was  held  between  the 
Executive  Committee  of  the  strikers,  and  an  Arbitration 
Committee  under  the  sanction  of  the  railroad  corpora- 
tions, which  resulted  in  the  satisfactory  adjustment  of 
the  pending  disagreement  between  the  railroad  compan- 
ies and  their  employes.  During  the  afternoon  of  the 
same  day  the  strikers  held  a  mass-meeting,  before  which 
the  members  of  the  Executive  Committee  laid  a  report 
of  the  action  they  had  taken  looking  toward  a  compro- 
mise. The  result  was  the  passage  of  conciliatory  reso- 
lutions declaring  the  desire  of  the  strikers  to  see  business 
resumed  on  all  the  railroads  throughout  the  land,  expres- 
sing confidence  in  the  justice  and  fair  mindedness  of  the 
railroad  managers  of  that  section,  and  appointing  a 
-committee  to  notify  the  Superintendents  of  all  the 
railroad  lines  that  they  were  ready  to  resume  work  the 
next  day.  Thus  the  strike  closed  at  Kansas  City. 
During  those  four  days  there  were  some  exciting  scenes, 
but  not  a  single  act  of  violence  was  committed,  neither 
was  the  public  peace  disturbed,  nor  the  rights  of  property 
invaded. 

At  Hannibal,  the  point  where  the  Hannibal  and  St» 
Joseph  railway  terminates  on  the  western  bank  of  the 
Mississippi,  as  well  as  the  northern  terminus  of  the  Mis- 
souri, Kansas  and  Texas  Railway,  and  other  lines,  much 
apprehension  existed  among  the  people  generally.  There 
were  a  large  number  of  railroad  employes  in  the  city, 
and  several  extensive  manufacturing  establishments, 
particularly  founderies  and  car  shops,  served  to  awaken 


MINOR   INCIDENTS    OF   THE    STRIKES    IN   MISSOURI.       411 

uneasy  feelings  among  all  classes  of  citizens.  The  em- 
ployes of  the  Missouri,  Kansas  and  Texas  Railway  struck 
on  the  24th,  and  all  business  was  suspended  in  the  trans- 
portation of  freight  over  that  road  until  the  29th.  The 
employes  of  the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph  Railway  had 
joined  in  the  strike  as  early  as  the  23rd,  and  the  em- 
ployes of  the  car  shops  were  also  among  the  strikers. 
On  the  25th  the  strikers  required  employes  in  large 
establishments  who  had  not  struck,  to  join  them.  All 
the  large  shops,  founderies,  mills  and  other  manufactu- 
ries  of  Hannibal  were  closed  on  the  25th,  and  the 
business  of  the  city  was  completely  embargoed.  On  the 
29th  most  of  the  railway  employes  who  had  been  en- 
gaged in  the  strike  resumed  their  places,  the  trains  were 
moving  as  usual,  the  shops  had  reopened,  the  mills  were 
at  work,  the  founderies  were  in  full  blast,  and  what  at 
one  time  threatened  a  dangerous  disturbance  of  the  social 
order,  had  passed  without  a  single  act  of  violence.  It  is 
true  that  at  times  there  were  exciting  scenes,  and  timid 
persons  may  have  been  alarmed,  but  there  was  little 
cause  for  it.     Hannibal  had  become  quiet  on  the  30th. 

At  Moberly  there  was  little  trouble  during  the  contin- 
uance. The  wise  policy  adopted  by  the  managers  of  the 
St.  Louis,  Kansas  City  and  Northern  Railway  prevented 
any  strike  at  that  time,  and  the  employes  of  the  Missouri, 
Kansas  and  Texas  road  were  not  numerous  enough  to 
create  a  great  deal  of  trouble.  The  people  were  com- 
pelled to  pass  several  anxious  days,  but  their  fears,  hap- 
pily, were  never  realized. 

Sedalia,  a  city  of  some  ten  thousand  inhabitants,  is 
located  at  the  junction  of  the  Missouri  Pacific  and  Lex- 
ington branch,  and  these  roads  are  here  intersected  by 


412  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

the  Missouri,  Kansas  and  Texas  Railway.  It  is  a  "  rail- 
road town,"  the  population  being  largely  composed  of 
employes  of  the  various  divisions  of  roads  which  have 
headquarters  at  this  place.  No  doubt  the  sympathies  of 
the  people  were  with  the  strikers.  It  was  apprehended 
that  Sedalia  would  become  the  Hornellsville  of  Missouri. 
But  the  railroadmen  of  Sedalia  behaved  admirably. 
Those  on  a  strike  were  not  ruffians,  and  aside  from  caus- 
ing some  days  of  anxiety  to  timid  people,  Sedalia  escaped 
from  any  serious  consequences  on  account  of  the  strikes. 
Not  an  act  of  violence  was  committed.  There  was  no 
trouble  at  Booneville.     So  ended  the  strike  in  Missouri. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 


San  Francisco's  Problem. 


The  Workingmen's  Sympathies  for  Strikers — A  Mass  Meeting — The 
Hoodlums  on  the  Alert — Concocting  Mischief — Race  Riots — Incen- 
diarism— Chinese  Wash  Houses — The  Hoodlum's  Aversion — De- 
structive Conflagrations — A  Vigilance  Committee — Chasing  the 
Roughs — A  Bloody  Scene — The  Aroused  Citizens  Crush  the  Mob 
Spirit — Peace  Restored. 


The  wave  of  unrest  that  had  its  origin  in  the  eastern 
States  swept  westward,  involving  two  third  of  the  great 
cities  and  large  towns  in  its  disastrous  course,  and 
finally  reacheing  the  Pacific  shore,  manifested  itself 
with  terrible  effect  in  the  metropolis  of  California. 
Properly  speaking,  the  difficulty  in  San  Francisco  was 
not  a  strike.  But  the  uprising  among  the  workingmen 
was  made  an  occasion  by  the  roughs,  the  hoodlum'  ele- 
ment in  San  Francisco,  to  vent  their  hatred,  and  indulge 
in  violent  attacks  on  the  Mongolian  residents  of  the 
Pacific  states.  It  was  but  natural  that  the  workingmen 
of  the  Far  West,  advised  as  they  were,  of  the  events 
occuring  in  the  East,  should  entertain  a  profound 
sympathy  for  their  eastern  brethren  on  a  strike  against 
low  wages  ;  it  was  but  reasonable  that  they  should  come 
together  to  give  expression  to  that  sentiment,  and  they 
did  come  together.  Better  perhaps,  that  they  had  not 
done  so,  but  the  errors  of  the  past  are  irrevocable 
Taking  advantage  of  the  somewhat  perturbed  condition 


414  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

of  the  society,  on  account  of  the  exciting  news  from  the 
East,  the  hoodlums  of  San  Francisco,  inaugurated  a 
series  of  outrages  for  which  the  workingmen  were  in  no 
way  responsible. 

During  the  afternoon  of  July  24th,  1877,  hand-bills 
were  industriously  circulated  throughout  San  Francisco, 
setting  forth  that  the  workingmen  and  women  of 
the  city  would  meet  in  mass-meeting  at  half  past  seven 
o'clock,  near  the  new  City  Hall,  to  take  action  in  relation 
to  the  strikes  in  the  east. 

On  account  of  the  excitement  which  had  been  occa- 
sioned by  the  news  from  Pittsburgh,  an  immense  crowd 
was  attracted  to  the  spot.,  a  majority  of  whom  were 
actuated  by  mere  curiosity,  while  the  hoodlum  element 
went  there  for  what  might  turn  up.  By  seven  o'clock. 
Market  street  was  alive  with  men  going  west,  and  half 
an  hour  later  both  sides  of  the  thoroughfare  were  black 
with  people.  The  large,  irregular-shaped  lot  in  front  of 
the  new  City  Hall  was  the  place  chosen  for  the  meet- 
ing, and  at  eight  o'clock  it  was  almost  impossible  to  find 
a  spare  foot  of  ground.  A  platform  had  been  erected  in 
the  center  of  the  lot,  and  a  brass  band  attempted  to 
play  "  The  Star  Spangled  Banner  "  as  an  overture  to  the 
commencement  of  the  meeting. 

A  gasoline  lamp,  such  as  are  used  by  street  corner 
vendors  of  corn  plaster,  and  superior  blacking,  was  lit 
by  a  tall  man  with  a  prominent  nose,  who  afterwards 
called  the  meeting  to  order,  and  nominated  James  F. 
D'Arcy  for  chairman  of  the  meeting.  Mr.  D'Arcy 
threw  a  damper  on  the  meeting  by  stating  that  it  was 
no  anti-Coolie  meeting,  and  that  the}7  were  not  there 
for    the   purpose   of   discussing   the    Chinese  question. 


SAN    FKANCISCO'S    PROBLEM.  415 

He  said  that  they  bad  met  not  for  the  purpose  of  en- 
couraging riot  and  incendiarism,  but  to  give  their 
brother  workmen  in  the  East  their  moral  support.  He 
then  took  up  the  eight-hour  question,  but  did  not  speak 
long,  as  the  crowd  were  impatient  for  novelty,  and  had 
enough  of  eight-hour  oratory. 

"  Talk  about  the  Chinamen  ;  "  "  Give  us  the  Coolie 
business,"  and  other  shouts  from  all  over  the  ground 
put  an  end  to  his  discourse.  The  crowd  was  a  good- 
natured  one,  but  its  component  parts  wanted  fun,  and 
so  another  meeting  was  organized  on  the  eastern  por- 
tion of  the  lot,  and  the  crowd  which  seceded  from  the 
original  meeting,  amused  themselves  by  extinguishing 
the  speakers  whenever  they  attempted  anything  ap- 
proaching spread-eagle  oratory. 

Dr.  Swain  was  introduced  amidst  a  constant  fire  of 
small  talk  from  the  gamins.  He  quoted  from  the  ancient 
Greek,  spouted  phrases  from  Cicero  and  Horace,  and  at- 
tacked the  Federal  Government  for  not  providing  for  an 
army  of  three  millions  of  unemployed  workingmem 
The  crowd  could  not  stand  him  very  long,  and  he  gave 
way. 

A  lady  was  introduced  as  Mrs.  Kendrick.  Mrs.  Ken- 
drick  said  that  if  the  workingmen  had  their  wages  re- 
duced, the  hardships  fell  on  their  wives  and  children  as 
much  as  on  themselves,  and  they  should  not,  therefore,, 
be  selfish  in  their  indignation,  but  divide  a  little  of  it 
with  the  women.  Her  auditors  listened  good  naturedly 
for  fifteen  minutes,  but  as  there  appeared  to  be  no  chance 
for  recess,  she  was  advised  to  "hire  a  hall,"  and  the 
chairman  was  asked  to  "  fire  her  out." 

Hon.  John   Days,  from  Nevada,  was  introduced  as 


416  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

an  "  ex-organizer  of  '  The  "Workinginen's  League.'  "    Mr. 

Days  alluded  briefly  to  the  soulless  corporations,  the  fat 

and    bloated  railroad   magnates,    aud  the  necessity  for 

checking  their  rapacity. 

A  gang  of  some  two  hundred  young  hoodlums,  who 

had  been  collecting  on  the  McAlister  side  of  the  lot,   at 
this  juncture  rushed  pell-mell   up   Leavenworth  street, 

hooting  and  yelling  in  a  fearful  manner.     At  least  eight 

thousand  people  were  present  at  the  meeting,  and  it  was 

an  orderly  one  for  so  large  a  crowd. 

About  eleven  o'clock  in  the  evening  a  fire  broke  out 
at  the  Pacific  Mail  Dock,  San  Francisco,  and  raged  furi- 
ously until  after  midnight,  burning  immense  quantities 
of  lumber,  and  a  great  deal  of  similar  property,  owned 
by  various  parties.  The  fire  was  of  incendiary  origin, 
the  evident  intention  being  to  involve  the  Company's 
property  in  its  spread.  The  citizen  vigilantes  marched 
to  the  scene  of  the  conflagration,  and  closed  all  the  streets 
commanding  the  approaches. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  first  detachment  of  citizens,  a 
crowd  numbering  about  ten  thousand  gathered.  The 
various  lumber  and  coal-yards  in  which  the  fire  was 
raging,  were  surrounded  on  the  land  side  by  a  fence  run- 
ning near  the  bottom  of  a  steep  hill,  leading  up  to  St. 
Mary's  hospital.  On  the  top  of  this  hill  a  crowd  had 
assembled.  While  a  portion  of  them  attempted  to  set 
fire  to  the  fence,  the  police  and  citizens  attempted  to 
drive  them  off,  and  were  met  by  a  shower  of  stones  from 
the  hill.  The  hill  was  then  stormed  in  the  face  of  a  hot 
fusilade  of  stones,  and  the  mob  began  firing  pistols. 
The  force  answered  with  a  volley,  and  getting  to  close 
quarters,  used   their  clubs  with   telling  effect.     In  the 


san  Francisco's  problem.  417 

charge  a  young  man,  the  note  teller  in  the  London  and 
San  Francisco  bank,  fell,  fatally  wounded.  Another  cit- 
izen was  shot  dead,  and  a  great  many  were  wounded 
more  or  less  seriously,  by  stones  and  pistol-shots.  It  was 
impossible  to  ascertain  the  loss  of  the  rioters.  Several 
were  reported  killed  and  wounded,  but  nothing  could  be 
definitely  known.  At  least  one  hundred  shots  were  fired 
into  the  mob.  About  a  dozen  were  found  lying  in  the 
drug  stores  near  the  scene  of  action,  more  or  less  seriously 
injured.  This  charge  broke  the  courage  of  the  mob, 
many  of  whom  were  captured,  and  a  long  chain  being 
stretched  across  the  front  of  the  mail  dock,  they  were 
marched  to  it  for  safe  keeping.  The  mob  at  no  time  ob- 
tained access  to  the  mail  dock,  which  was  closed,  strongly 
guarded,  and  several  cannon  planted,  commanding  the 
entrance.  The  ships  at  the  wharves  were  hurriedly 
towed  to  places  of  safety.  The  firemen,  after  the  first 
outbreak,  were  well  protected,  and  worked  with  but 
slight  hinderance.  The  driver  of  hose  cart  No.  1  was 
shot  dead  by  the  mob,  but  there  were  no  other  casualties 
anion g  the  members  of  the  force. 

The  anti-Coolie  meeting,  which  had  been  called,  met 
early  in  the  evening,  near  Corry  Hill.  Threats  were 
openly  made  to  clean  out  Chinatown,  and  attack  the  res- 
idents and  railroad  authorities,  and  from  what  could  be 
learned,  it  would  appear  that  Friday  night  had  been  fixed 
upon  for  the  demonstration  in  that  direction.  During 
the  evening  the  following  slips,  marked  "  Warning," 
were  distributed  : 

"  PRO  BONO  PUBLICO." 

The  attention  of  the  "  Thousand  and  One  "  will  be 
drawn  to  any  and  all  premises   where  Chinese    are  em- 

27 


418  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

ployed  or  allowed.  Property  owners,  insurance  com- 
panies  and  employers,  make  a  note  of  this  while  there  is* 
time,  and  before  the  avengers  and  oppressed  laborer 
thunder  at  your  doors. 

(Signed)  "  Thousand  and  One." 

Quiet  was  restored  in  the  city  shortly  after  mid-night. 
Four  hundred  stand  of  arms  and  six  thousand  revolvers- 
were  received  from  the  United  States  Arsenal. 

According  to  the  announcements  previously  made,  the 
city  was  treated  to    a  display  of   lawlessness   and  hood- 
lumism  such  as  had  never   before   been   witnessed.     A 
band  of  two  or  three   hundred  young  men,  crazed  with 
excitement   and  liquor,  ruled  that  portion  of  the  city  in 
which  they  paraded,  for  three  hours,  and  it  was  not  until 
the  entire  force  of  regular  and  special  police  and  a  hun- 
dred citizens  sworn  as  officers,   together  with  the  Sheriff 
and  his  Deputies  were   called  upon,  that  the  crowd  was 
broken  and  the  riot  stopped.      The  hoodlum  element,  it 
has  been  claimed,  was   drawn    together  by  the  working- 
men's  mass-meeting,  and  it  was  at  the    new  City  Hall 
where  the  leaders  got   their  followers  together,  and  laid 
their  plans  for  the  criminal  acts  which   were  committed 
by  them  sometime  later. 

On  the  south-west A  corner  of  Leavenworth  and  Geary 
streets,  was  a  two-story  frame  building  with  a  basement. 
The  basement  Avas  occupied  as  a  Chinese  wash-house,  and 
the  upper  part  as  a  fruit  store  and  dwelling.  The  vicious 
gang  rushed  into  the  wash-house,  beat  the  Chinese  in- 
mates who  had  not  effected  a  retreat,  scattered  the  clothing 
upon  the  floor,  smashed  the  windows,  battered  down  the 
doors,  and  broke  the  oil  lamps  against  the  walls.  A  portion 


san  francisco's  problem.  419 

of  the  crowd  made  a  raid  on  the  fruit  stand,  and  threw  the 
contents  into  the  street.  The  burning  oil  set  the  build- 
ing on  fire,  and  in  a  few  minutes  the  house  was  in  a  blaze. 
An  alarm  of  fire  was  turned  on,  and  the  Department 
came  speedily  upon  the  ground.  The  inmates  of  the 
upper  part  of  the  building  were  rescued  with  great  trouble, 
and  it  was  only  by  the  greatest  exertions  that  a  lady  who 
had  retired  for  the  night,  was  saved  from  becoming  a  victim 
to  the  flames.  Another  piece  of  deviltry  practiced,  was  in 
cutting  the  hose  leadino;  from  the  eno-ines.  This  was 
done  in  several  places,  scarcely  one  half  of  the  water,  in 
some  instances  passing  through  the  severed  hose. 

While  the  firemen  were  exerting  themselves  to  subdue 
the  flames,  the  gang  started  down  Geary  street,  frighten- 
ing women  and  children  with  their  wild  cries,  shoving 
men  off  the  sidewalks,  and  indulging  in  the  wildest 
species  of  Indian  yells.  On  the  south  side  of  Geary 
street,  above  Powell,  was  a  Chinese  wash-house,  with 
large  glass  windows  and  doors.     In   five   minutes   after 

these  wretches  rushed  into  the  place  the  establishment 
was  completely  gutted  ;  every  pane  of  glass  was  broken, 

the  doors  wrenched    from   their   hinges ;  the   clothing 

which  had  just    been  washed,  trampled  under  foot,  and 

every  article  of  every  description  broken  to  pieces.     The 

inmates,  apprised  of  their  danger,  '^had  already  fled  and 

thus  saved   themselves.     There   can   be    no   reasonable 

doubt  that  they  would   have   been    murdered  had  they 

remained.      Another   wash-house  on   Post  street,  near 

Taylor,  was  similarly  treated,  and  one  of  the  proprietors 

was  beaten  badly  on  the  street. 

An  attack  was  made  on  Gibson  Chinese  Mission,  916 

Washington   street,    and    stones    were  hurled    at    the 

windows. 


420  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

A  Chinese  wash-house  on  Pacific  street,  near  Mason, 
was  attacked  ;  another  on  Geary  street,  near  Jones ;  and 
numerous  others  in  various  parts  of  the  city  were  com- 
pletely demolished  by  the  mob  of  hoodlums.  The  wash- 
house  at  506  Post  street  was  assailed,  and  the  adjoining 
plumber's  store  at  508,  owned  by  Kearny  Bros.,  was 
broken  into,  the  mob  arming  themselves  with  brass 
implements  in  the  windows  and  on  the  shelves. 

Some  Chinamen,  fleeing  from  an  attack  on  their 
premises,  and  closely  pursued  by  a  mob,  took  refuge  in 
the  grocery  store  at  the  northeast  corner  of  Turk  and 
Leavenworth  streets,  and  the  crowd  following,  took 
possession  of  the  store,  and  turned  their  attention  from 
the  Chinese  to  the  liquors,  and  plundered  the  place 
before  they  left  it.  The  grocery  belonged  to  Mr.  Do- 
lan. 

Local  Officer  Page  had  aTnovel  adventure  on  Mark 
street.  He  arrested  a  turbulent  fellow  in  the  outskirts 
of  the  crowd  at  the  new  City  Hall,  and  started  to  take 
him  in,  when  a  gang  surrounded  him  and  stole  his  pistol 
from  his  overcoat  pocket,  and  forced  his  prisoner  away. 
The  crowd  followed  down  Sixth  street,  and  Page  was 
assisted  out  of  his  scrape  by  the  arrival  of  detectives 
Jones  and  Coffey,  who,  by  a  little  strategy,  got  the 
crowd  off  on  a  wrong  scent  at  Market  and  Eddy  streets. 

It  is  estimated  that  the  damage  to  Chinese  wash- 
houses,  and  other  property,  will  amount  to  twenty 
thousand  dollars. 

A  policeman  was  struck  on  the  head  with  a  stone 
thrown  from  a  crowd  on  Kearny  street. 

The  sidewalk  in  front  of  several  wash-houses  in  the 
North  Beach  district  looked  like  a  bed  of  cobble  stones. 


san  fbancisco's  problem.  421 

In  every  instance  the  police  acted  with  the  utmost 
promptness  and  resolution,  and  were  posted  in  every 
part  of  the  town,  with  a  strong  reserve  at  the  City  Hall,, 
and  their  presence  in  good  force  had  a  wholesome  effect 
in  checking  the  perverse  elements  in  the  crowds.  The 
entire  department  was  on  duty  under  Chief  Ellis, 
assisted  by  Captains  Lee,  Stone,  Short,  Douglass,  Baker, 
and  a  number  of  Sergeants.  It  was  observable  that  the 
hoodlums,  from  fifteen  to  twenty,  were  conspicuous  in 
violent  demonstrations.  About  half-past  eleven  a  pro- 
cession of  about  two  hundred  passed  down  Post  street 
from  Stockton,  and  thence  by  Geary  to  Market,  and 
dispersed  in  the  direction  of  Tar  Flat.  Their  cry  was, 
"  We  aint  no  slaves,  are  we  Bill?" 

No  serious  casualties  to  Chinamen  were  reported. 
They  prudently  kept  out  of  the  way. 

After  the  rioters  had  become  tired  of  gutting  wash- 
houses  they  started  for  Chinatown,  continually  yelling. 
Long  before  the  police  authorities  had  been  notified  of 
what  was  going  on,  and  a  number  of  special  officers 
were  sworn  in  to  assist  the  regulars.  Captains  Douglass 
and  Short,  with  twenty-eight  men,  inarched  to  the 
corner  of  California  and  Dupont  streets,  while  Sergeant 
Harmon,  with  twenty-four  men,  took  post  at  the  corner 
of  California  and  Stockton  streets.  The  rioters,  their 
numbers  now  swelled  into  thousands  by  all  classes  of 
people,  the  majority  of  whom  went  along  with  them 
out  of  mere  curiosity,  entered  Dupont  street  from  Sut- 
ter, and  rushed  along  toward  Chinatown.  A  wash-house 
was  encountered  on  the  east  side  of  the  street,  north  of 
Bush,  and  it  quickly  presented  the  appearance  of  an 
exploded  powder  mill. 


422  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

The  advance,  composed  entirely  of  the  worst  element, 
was  stopped  at  California  street  by  Captain  Douglass 
and  his  posse.  An  order  to  charge  up  the  hill  was  given, 
and  in  a  brief  time  the  police  force  was  among  the 
rioters  making  a  vigorous  application  of  their  clubs. 
The  assault  was  successful,  and  the  hoodlums  fled  in  all 
directions.     The  dispersion  was  complete  for  the  night. 

Quiet  was  restored  on  the  26th,  but  the  situation  was 
threatening.  The  only  man  killed  in  the  riot  of  the 
25th,  was  Herman  Gudewell,  teller  in  the  London  and 
San  Francisco  Bank.  Several  others  were  dangerously 
wounded  on  both  sides. 

During  the  following  day,  there  was  a  stream  of 
citizens  pouring  into  the  rooms  of  the  Committee  of 
Safety,  and  the  available  force  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Committee,  was  doubled  or  tripled. 

An  appeal  was  addressed  by  William  T.  Coleman, 
President  of  the  Committee,  to  the  workingmen,  calling 
upon  them  to  aid  in  the  suppression  of  the  riot.  Invita- 
tions were  distributed  by  the  Committee  among  all 
good  citizens,  inviting  them  to  attend  the  meeting  of 
the  Committee  at  Horticultural  Hall,  in  the  evening  of 
the  26th. 

Resolutions  were  drawn  up  by  the  Committee  of  Ten, 
of  the  People's  Reform  and  Anti-Chinese  Party,  and 
introduced  at  the  convention  which  met  at  Crusader's 
Hall,  repudiating  any  connection  with  the  rioters,  and 
pledging  the  convention  to  assist  the  authorities  in  the 
preservation  of  order. 

The  Committee  of  Safety  and  municipal  authorities, 
conferred  with  Admiral  Murray  on  the  26th,  and  the 
result  was  the  Pensacola  was  anchored  in  the  stream, 


san  francisoo's  problem.  423 

opposite  the  Pacific  Mail  dock,  and  the  Lackawanna 
took  np  a  position  at  the  foot  of  Market  street.  Admiral 
Murray  stated  that  he  was  prepared  to  land  a  force  of 
marines  and  blue  jackets  with  Gatling  guns,  in  case  of  a 
riot.  The  position  of  the  Pensacola  enabled  her  to 
sweep  away  any  mob  which  would  gather  at  the  mail 
-dock. 

Ex-soldiers  of  the  Union  and  Confederate  armies  met 
in  the  afternoon,  in  the  Horticultural  Hall,  to  effect  an 
organization  of  companies  and  regiments,  and  arms  and 
ammunition  were  received. 

Mayor  Bryant,  of  San  Francisco,  issued  a  proclamation 
in  which  he  said  : 

That  lawless  and  atrocious  acts  of  the  vicious  and  crim- 
inal classes  in  the  community  had  been  committed  which 
compelled  him  for  the  last  time,  to  warn  all  good  citizens 
against  appearing  on  the  street  in  large  numbers  or 
groups.  The  object  of  this  caution  was,  that  the  innocent 
might  not  suffer,  and  that  the  street  and  public  places 
might  be  left  free  and  unobstructed  for  the  operations 
•of  the  police,  military,  and  the  Committee  of  Safety,  who, 
he  was  assured,  would  see  that  order  was  maintained  at 
all  hazards. 

No  further  leniency  was  shown  the  mob,  members  of 
•the  Committee  of  Safety  were  provided  with  the  most 
approved  weapons,  and  general  orders  were  given  to 
shoot  down  any  person  caught  in  the  act  of  demolishing 
property,  or  interfering  to  prevent  the  extinguishment 
of  fires.  The  resistance  offered  by  the  hoodlums  the 
preceding  night,  was  the  reason  for  the  adoption  of 
harsher  measures  of  punishment. 

A  special  meeting  of  the  Board  of   Police  Cominis-. 


424  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

sioners  was  held  in  the  afternoon,  at  which  it  was  deter- 
mined to  instruct  members  of  the  police  force  that  it 
was  their  duty  to  shoot  into  any  crowd  which  attacked 
them  with  stones  or  weapons  of  any  kind.  They  were 
instructed  to  take  no  risks  whatever,  but  on  the  first 
attack  upon  them,  they  were  privileged  to  use  their 
pistols.  A  more  careful  estimate  of  the  loss  by  the  fire 
on  the  night  of  the  25th,  showed  losses  amounting  ta 
about  eighty  thousand  dollars. 

The  casualties  by  Wednesday  night's  riot,  were  as 
follows:  Herman  Gudewell,  Assistant  note-teller  of  the 
London  and  San  Francisco  Bank,  shot  wrhile  in  charge 
of  the  vigilants,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  died  soon 
after;  Officers  "Wilson,  Smith  and  Morehouse,  wounded 
by  stones,  not  dangerously ;  Officers  Parsons  and 
Pomroy,  pistol  shots  in  head  and  leg,  respectively,  not 
serious ;  J.  K.  Conolly,  driver  of  No.  J  hose-cart,  shot 
in  the  leg  by  a  rioter;  Samuel  Scronse,  on  a  cart  with 
Conolly,  was  shot  by  the  mob,  fireman  of  No.  3  hose, 
struck  by  a  stone  in  the  face,  and  severly  hurt ;  Joseph 
Wentworth,  fatally  injured  and  leg  broken ;  Henry 
Washer,  killed  by  a  hose-eart  on  Pacific  street,  near 
Stockton :  Thomas  Baxter,  a  boiler  maker,  shot  in 
the  chest,  near  the  mail  dock,  and  subsequently  died  ; 
James  Miller,  shot  in  the  head  while  leading  in  the 
riot;  two  hoodlums,  Bailey  and  Thompson,  shot  on 
Bincon  Hill,  both  of  whom  afterwards  died  ;  a  rioter 
named  Carr,  dangerously  wounded ;  Hayes,  another  of 
the  mob,  shot  in  the  knee.  A  great  number  of  the 
Committee  and  police  were  more  or  less  hurt  by  stones 
thrown,  and  many  of  the  rioters  were  severly  clubbed, 
and  it  is  believed  quite  a  number  wTere  wounded  by 


SAN    FKANCISCO's    PROBLEM.  425 

pistol   shots,  whose  names  and  extent  of  injuries  were 
not  ascertained. 

The  complete  preparations  made  by  the  authorities  had 
a  very  wholesome  effect  on  the  hoodlum  element. 

It  had  been  anticipated  that  some  disturbance  might, 
arise  previous  to  the  sailing  of  the  steamer  Belgic,  for 
Hong  Kong,  on  the  27th  of  July.  But  this  was  averted, 
for  while  the  Chinese  passengers  were  collecting  at  the 
Mail  Dock,  a  heavy  guard  was  in  attendance  at  the  dock, 
and  heavy  squads  patroled  streets  leading  to  the  locality 
as  far  as  Market  street.  No  demonstration  was  made. 
About  sixty  thousand  dollars  were  subscribed  to  the  fund 
of  the  Committee  of  Safety.  Enlistments  were  continued 
for  some  days.  The  Committee  was  thoroughly  organ- 
ized, and  each  ward  was  guarded  by  its  own  detachment, 
while  a  force  was  held  in  reserve  at  the  headquarters, 
and  all  members  could  be  assembled  at  the  tap  of  the 
bell,  in  case  of  necessity.  A  number  of  rioters  were 
convicted  at  the  Police  Court,  and  sentenced  to  the  full 
extent  of  the  law.  Notices  were  posted  all  over  the 
town,  offering  a  reward  of  one  thousand  dollars  for  the 
arrest  and  conviction  of  any  person  setting  fire  to  prop- 
erty, and  two  hundred  dollars  for  that  of  any  one  cutting 
the  posts  of  the  fire  department.  A  number  of  threat- 
ening notices  were  received  by  manufacturers  in  San 
Francisco  and  in  Oakland  city. 

No  disturbance,  however,  took  place.  The  evident 
determination  of  all  classes  of  the  citizens  of  San  Fran- 
cisco to  put  down  the  vicious  elements,  was  sufficient  to 
deter  even  the  hoodlums  from  commission  of  overt  acts 
against  the  law  and  the  good  order  of  society.  San 
Francisco  was  thus  saved  from  disgrace,  and  loss  of  prop- 


426  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

erty  and  lives.  To  this  fortunate  conclusion,  of  what  at 
one  time  appeared  a  formidable  danger,  was  largely  due 
to  the  fidelity  of  the  masses  of  workingmen.  There  was 
a  very  quiet  season  after  the  energetic  exhibition  of  force 
bv  the  authorities  and  citizens. 

N.  P.  Brock,  who  made  an  incendiary  speech  at  the 
anti  Coolie  meeting  of  Wednesday  evening,  July  25th, 
was  arrested  on  the  evening  of  the  29th. 

The  steamer  City  of  Tokio,  from  Hong  Kong  via 
Yokohama,  with  a  large  Chinese  passenger  list,  arrived 
at  San  Francisco  the  morning  of  the  28th.  The 
landing  took  place  in  the  afternoon.  A  strong  force  of 
police  and  the  Safety  Committee  received  them. 

The  immigrants  were  placed  in  wagons,  and,  escorted 
by  guards,  moved  along  Second,  Montgomery  and  Sacra- 
mento streets  to  the  Chinese  quarter.  There  was  not  the 
slightest  disturbance  at  any  time.  The  crowd  at  Main 
Dock  was  no  larger  than  ordinary,  and  the  hoodlum  ele- 
ment failed  to  announce  its  presence.  Crowds  attracted 
by  curiosity  filled  the  sidewalks  along  the  line  of  march. 

On  the  night  of  the  27th,  a  company  of  Safety-men 
were  fired  on  by  hoodlums,  near  Laurel  Hill  Cemetery. 
The  company  returned  fire,  and  the  assailants  took  to  the 
bush. 

Fire  was  applied  to  a  Chinese  house  at  San  Pablo,  near 
Oakland,  on  the  2Sth,  and  nine  houses  were  destroyed 
before  the  flames  were  subdued.  Prominent  citizens  of 
Oakland  and  the  suburban  towns  were  daily  in  receipt  of 
threatening  letters. 

A  Eureka,  Nevada,  despatch  of  the  2Sth,  announced 
that  a  crowd  assembled  in. the  afternoon,  and  held  an  in- 
dignation   meeting,    expressing    themselves  bitterly  op- 


san  franoisco's  problem.  427 

posed  to  the  Chinese  population,  and  it  was  with  the 
greatest  difficulty  that  the  Deputy  Sheriff  and  several 
special  police  succeeded  in  preventing  the  destruction  of 
the  Chinese  portion  of  the  city  of  Eureka. 


CHAPTEE    XXXI. 


The  South  and  the  Strikes. 


All  Serene  in  Dixie — A  Slight  Ripple  in  Texas — Speedy  Restoration  of 
Peaceful  Relations — "  Old  Virginia  Never  Tires  " — Southern  Men 
Offer  Services  to  Restore  Order  in  Northern  States — The  Era  of 
Sectional  Harmony — Law  and  Order. 


The  South,  during  the  trying  days  of  the  strikes,  must 
have  experienced  peculiar  feelings.  After  having  incur- 
red the  stigma  of  the  champion  rebel  of  American  history, 
after  having  been  watched  and  distrusted  for  years  as  the 
great  seat  of  discontent  in  this  country,  the  unfaithful 
member,  whose  probable  rally  to  "  the  lost  cause  "  was 
sure  to  come  or  to  be  imputed  at  least  once  in  four  years 
— after  having  endured  all  these  things — this  black  sheep 
in  the  flock  must  have  experienced  peculiar  pleasure  in 
seeing  its  federal  garrisons  stripped  to  furnish  troops  to 
take  care  of  the  North,  to  see  the  President  and  his  Cab- 
inet in  daily  session,  receiving  war  bulletines  from  New 
York,  Philadelphia,  Pittsburgh,'Chicago,  and  other  centers 
of  unlimited  loyalty.  If  humor  were  a  southern  quality, 
the  impulse  of  Governor  Wade  Hampton  and  Governor 
Nicholls  to  offer  the  services  of  the  troops  of  South  Car- 
olina and  Louisiana  to  the  President,  to  put  down  these 
incendiary  Pennsylvanians,  would  have  been  irresistible. 
What  a  strange  scene  would  it  have  been  for  Governor 
Hampton  to  have  "  marched  through  Baltimore  "  in  the 
spirit  of  1861  ! 


THE    SOUTH    AND   THE    STRIKES.  429 

This  aspect  of  the  affair  illustrates  how  the  times 
invited  oblivion  of  the  past,  and  hurried  us  on  to  new 
issues — industrial  questions,  the  restoration  of  the  na- 
tional currency  to  its  true  value,  the  expansion  of  our 
foreign  commerce,  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of 
the  working  classes,  and  the  establishment  of  all  the  con- 
ditions of  national  prosperity. 

Touching  this  point  of  the  working  classes,  by  the 
way,  Pennsylvania  has  a  moral  responsibility  resting  on 
her,  no  whit  less  than  her  magnificent  material  resources. 
Now  that  the  Centennial  is  over  and  sufficiently  glorified, 
now  that  the  coal  ring  has  collapsed,  and  the  Mollie 
Maguires  have  been  hanged,  and  Pittsburgh  has  been 
humiliated  in  ashes  and  blood,  it  is  time  to  appeal  to  the 
State  founded  by  William  Penn,  and  ask  if  she  is  not 
following  pretty  close  after  the  almighty  dollar,  and 
sometimes  regarding  too  little  how  common  humanity  is 
getting  along.  Philadelphia,  honored  as  a  city  of  homes, 
may  be  well  enough,  but  how  is  it  with  the  miners,  how 
is  it  with  other  portions  of  the  State  ?  It  is  well  known 
that  the  servile  and  materialistic  spirit  of  the  age  in 
politics,  has  so  far  been  imitated  by  a  selfish  despotism  in 
the  coal  regions,  as  to  have  greatly  debased  the  condition 
of  the  laborer.  There  was  plenty  of  very  orthodox  con- 
servatism in  Pennsylvania,  and  it  fulminated  a  harsh  and 
materialistic  gospel  compared  with  the  sweetness  and 
light  of  Penn's  faith  and  life-long  practice.  Let  liberal 
Pennsylvania,  if  there  be  any  such,  send  out  a  new 
evangel  of  political  and  religous  freedom  and  practical 
Christianity  to  Pennsylvania  in  bonds,  lest  the  Keystone 
State  should  turn  all  to  ignoble  clay  at  the  base,  and  to 
sordid  gold  at  the  top  of  her  social  structure. 


430  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

But  the  South,  at  peace  within  her  borders,  undis- 
turbed by  the  spirit  of  Communism,  or  the  purse-proud 
tyranny  of  millionnaires,  could  afford  to  look  on  in  undis- 
turbed serenity  at  the  scenes  of  strife  and  turmoil  which 
agitated  the  North,  and  furnished  a  spectacle  to  the  world. 
Her  broad  cotton  fields,  and  sugar  and  rice  estates,  were 
not  to  be  affected  by  the  conflict,  and  her  growing  crops 
were  meanwhile  going  on  to  maturity  by  the  certain  un- 
failing laws  of  nature.  But  the  events  in  the  North 
afforded  an  opportunity  to  the  Southern  people  to  de- 
monstrate beyond  all  future  controversy,  that  with  them 
the  past  was  indeed  "  the  eternal  past,"  that  henceforth 
while  our  political  institutions  shall  remain,  her  fortunes 
and  her  fate,  are  inseparably  bound  with  those  of  the  great 
American  sisterhood  of  States. 

This  complete  restoration  of  good  feeling  between  the 
North  and  South,  was  well  illustrated  in  Louisville,. 
Kentucky,  during  the  strikes.  It  was  an  interesting 
fact  attending  the  outbreak  in  Louisville,  which  was  at 
once  followed  by  the  enrollment  of  nearly  one  thousand 
citizens  for  the  protection  of  the  city ;  was  the  service 
side  by  side  of  ex-Federal  and  ex-Confederate  soldiers.  Ex- 
Secretary  Bristow,  for  instance,  Colonel  of  one  of  the 
Federal  regiments  recruited  in  Kentucky,  stood  guard 
with  General  Basil  Duke,  John  Morgan's  most  dashing 
Leiutenant,  and  ex- United  States  Marshal,  Eli  H.  Murray,, 
the  youngest  Brigadier  in  the  Union  Army,  commanded 
one  of  the  hastily  mustind  companies,  while  Major  E. 
A.  Richards,  who  served  under  General  Lee,  was  one  of 
his  fellow  officers.  Hundreds  of  ex-soldiers  of  the  blue 
and  grey  stood  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  the  ranks. 

At  Louisville,  July  23rd,  a  committee  of  the  Louisville 


THE  SOUTH  AND  THE  STRIKES.  431 

and  Cincinnati  Short  Line  Railroadmen,  appointed  a 
committee  on  Sunday,  called  on  Chancellor  Bruce,  while 
in  open  court  this  morning,  and  through  the  attorney  of 
the  road,  according  to  their  instructions,  requested  that 
the  order  for  a  reduction  of  wages,  to  take  effect  from 
the  1st  of  August,  be  rescinded,  Judge  Bruce  immediately 
ordered  that  the  circular  of  Mr.  McLeod,  making  the 
reduction,  be  withdrawn.  The  matter  did  not  come  be- 
fore Receiver  McLeod  for  the  reason  that  he  was  out  of 
the  city,  and  beyond  the  reach  of  the  telegraph.  An 
official  message  was  telegraphed  over  the  wires  of  the 
Louisville,  Cincinnati  and  Lexington  Railroad  during  the 
afternoon  of  the  23rd. 

To  all  agents  and  employes  of  the  Railroad  Company 
announcing  that  in  the  absence  of  Receiver  McLeod, 
who  could  not  be  reached  by  telegraph,  Chancellor 
Bruce  in  open  court,  on  application  of  parties,  had 
issued  an  order  withdrawing  the  circular  that  announced 
a  reduction  in  pay.  This  telegram  was  signed  by  Mr. 
J.  E.  Reeves,  Master  of  Transportation  on  that  road. 

General  satisfaction  was  shown  everywhere  over 
Chancellor  Bruce's,  action  in  rescinding  Receiver  Mc- 
Leod's  reduction  in  the  Louisville,  Cincinnati  and  Lex- 
ington Short  Line,  and  the  announcement  that  the  Louis- 
ville and  Nashville  and  Great  Southern  management 
would  not  cut  down,  met  with  universal  satisfaction. 
Governor  McCreary  had  been  advised  ot  the  feeling 
among  railroadmen,  on  Sunday,  and  after  receiving  and 
considering  information  from  all  quarters  in  the  State 
where  trouble  might  occur,  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
there  would  be  no  strike.  He  had  prepared  the  militia 
of  the  State  in  case  they  were  needed,  but  thought  there 


432  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

would    be  no   trouble.     The   reduction  orders  were  all 
rescinded. 

On  the  24th  of  July,  a  committee  of  workingmen  of 
the  Louisville,  Nashville  and  Great  Southern  Bailroad, 
appointed  to  wait  on  Dr.  D.  C.  Standiford,  President, 
and  demand  the  restoration  of  wages  reduced  on  the 
first  of  the  month,  did  so.  The  result  was  that  the  road 
agreed  to  restore  the  former  wages,  and  the  men  went 
away  apparently  satisfied. 

There  was  no  fear  of  trouble  on  the  Louisville,  Cin- 
cinnati and  Lexington,  as  the  reduction  ordered  had  been 
rescinded.  The  Jeffersonville,  Madison  and  Indianapo- 
lis, and  Ohio  and  Mississippi  lines,  terminating  at  Louis- 
ville, were  refusing  freight  and  passengers. 

In  the  city,  a  gang  of  negro  sewermen  stopped  work, 
and  with  picks,  shovels,  hoes,  etc.,  on  their  shoulders, 
marched  through  the  streets,  stopping  all  other  laborers. 
Before  night  there  were  several  hundreds,  including 
some  whites.  Mayor  Jacob  issued  a  proclamation,  call- 
ing on  them  to  disperse.  All  the  police  were  on  duty, 
doubly  armed,  and  arms  had  been  ordered  from  Frank- 
fort Arsenal.  There  was  a  determined  spirit  manifested 
among  good  citizens  to  quell  the  disorder. 

Seven  hundred  militia,  many  of  them  being  influen- 
tial and  wealthy  citizens,  were  on  duty,  armed  with  guns 
.and  pistols.  The  police  numbered  one  hundred  and 
seventy-five.  Business  houses  were  closed,  and  the  store- 
keepers were  enrolled  in  the  militia.  The  very  worst 
elements  were  mixed  in  with  the  idlers  who  beo-an  the 
troubles.  Mayor  Jacob  had  issued  orders  to  trifle  with 
none  ;  to  use  prompt  and  effective  measures  to  suppress 
the  least  indication  of  violence  or  talk  thereof. 


THE   SOUTH    AND   THE    STRIKES.  433 

The  laboring  men  of  the  Louisville  and  Nashville  Kail- 
road  were  not  included  in  the  number  whose  wages  were 
raised.  They  quit  work,  and  so  did  the  moulders  and 
workmen  generally. 

On  the  27th,  Louisville  r:mained  quiet.  The  citizen- 
militia  were  still  on  active  duty.  Passenger  trains  were 
running  on  schedule  time  on  the  Jeffersonville,  Madison 
and  Indianapolis,  and  Ohio  and  Mississippi  Railroads. 
Amicable  relations  had  been  established  between  the 
President  and  employes  of  the  Louisville  and  Nashville 
Railroad,  where  the  men  had  gone  to  work.  There  had 
been  active  movements  of  the  United  States  infantry. 
Seven  companies  went  to  Indianapolis,  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Morrow ;  five  companies  and  two  bat- 
teries to  Newport,  under  General  Floyd  Jones.  Five 
companies  remained  at  Louisville,  under  General  De 
Trobriand.  General  Ruger,  commanding  the  Depart- 
ment of  the  South,  reached  Louisville  on  the  27th  of 
July. 

Judge  Connelly  F.  Trigg  sent  an  order  to  United 
States  Marshal  Wheat,  at  Nashville  town,  on  the  30th, 
instructing  him  to  summon  ajjosse  from  that  district,  to 
protect  freight  trains  running  on  the  St.  Louis  and  South- 
eastern, on  the  Nashville  division,  upon  which  strikers 
Btill  held  out.  Marshal  Wheat  took  charge  of  the  South- 
eastern shops  that  day,  and  informed  the  strikers  that 
all  who  wanted  to  resume  work  might  report  for  that 
purpose  the  next  morning,  and  others  would  have  to  seek 
employment  elsewhere.  Any  interference  with  trains 
would  subject  them  to  arrest.  A  posse  sufficient  to  pro- 
tect the  running  of  freight  trains,  was  sworn  in,  and  the 
order  of  the  court  was  enforced.     Disaffected  employes 

28 


434:  THE    GREAT   STRIKES. 

held  a  meeting,  and  drafted  a  petition  to  Judge  Trigg, 
setting  forth  their  grievances,  and  asking  a  restoration 
of  their  former  wages.  This  was  forwarded  to  Judge 
Trigg. 

The  employes  of  the  Texas  Central  Railroad,  at  Cor- 
sieana,  struck  at  noon  on  the  27th,  and  no  freight  trains 
were  allowed  to  pass  that  point.  The  strikers  were  or- 
derly, but  determined.  Many  of  them  enrolled  in  the 
special  police  force,  and  expressed  a  determination  to 
protect  life  and  property. 

At  a  conference  of  train  hands  at  Hearn,  on  the  27th, 
an  agreement  was  made  to  prevent  the  passage  of  freight 
trains,  and  that  no  one  should  be  permitted  to  interfere 
with  railroad  property  until  the  strikers  became  satisfied 
that  the  stoppage  of  freight  trains  would  not  bring  the 
Company  to  terms. 

Employes  of  the  Central  road  at  Houston,  held  a 
meeting,  and  a  resolution  was  adopted  instructing  the 
committee  to  demand  the  January  standard  of  wages, 
ten  per  cent,  additional  to  the  rates  they  were  receiving, 
also,  nine  hours'  labor  per  day. 

The  employes  of  the  Texas  Central  road  held  another 
meeting  at  Houston,  the  following  morning,  and  ap- 
pointed a  committee  to  wait  on  the  officers  of  the  road, 
and  lay  before  them  their  grievances.  The  committee 
was  met  by  Vice  President  Jordan,  Superintendent 
Swanson,  and  Secretary  Love.  After  a  lengthy  confer- 
ence, both  sides  made  concessions,  and  it  was  agreed 
that  the  wages  should  be  restored  to  the  April  standard, 
half  the  increase  to  take  effect  August  1,  and  half  Octo- 
ber 1.  The  committee  of  employes  immediately  tele- 
graphed to  all  points  on  the  road   that   a   satisfactory 


THE    SOUTH    AND   THE    STRIKES.  4:35 

adjustment  had  been  arrived  at,  and  work  should  be  re- 
sumed at  once. 

The  railway  troubles  in  Texas  were  then  confined  en- 
tirely to  the  Texas  Pacific  road.  Freight  traffic  on  that 
road  was  suspended,  but  there  was  no  violence.  The 
good  behavior  of  the  men,  and  their  claim  that  they  had 
not  been  paid  their  wages  since  March,  excited  sympathy 
for  them. 

The  negro  'longshoremen  employed  at  Central  Wharf, 
in  Galveston,  who  had  been  working  for  thirty  cents  per 
hour,  struck  for  forty  cents,  the  amount  paid  white  la- 
borers on  other  wharves.  After  some  little  delay  their 
demand  was  good-naturedby  acceded  to,  and  they  re- 
sumed work.  A  detachment  of  police  was  at  the  wharf 
to  suppress  airy  outbreak,  but  their  services  were  not 
required. 

The  strike  on  the  Texas  Pacific  road  came  to  an  end 
the  morning  of  the  30th.  The  Company  agreed  to  pay 
amounts  due  employes  prior  to  June  1,  by  August  25, 
and  amounts  due  prior  to  August  1,  by  October  1,  and 
to  make  wages  uniform  with  other  Texas  roads.  Train- 
men on  the  San  Antonio  road  secured  an  advance  of  ten 
per  cent.,  to  take  effect  August  1.  Shop  hands  on  that 
road  accepted  the  proposition.  The  men  had  not  struck, 
but  would  have  done  so  if  an  advance  had  not  been 
granted.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the  30th,  the  negro 
laborers  employed  in  reconstructing  buildings  destroyed 
"by  the  late  fire  on  Market  street,  organized  a  strike,  and 
marched  to  the  corner  of  Strand  and  Twenty-fourth 
streets,  where  a  block  of  buildings  were  in  course  of 
-erection,  and  induced  laborers  to  quit  work.  From  that 
point  the  strikers  went  to  the  corner  of  avenue   A  and 


436  THE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

Twenty-fourth  street,  and  induced  laborers  working1  upon* 
a  block  nearly  completed,  to  join  them.  They  next  visi- 
ted the  Narrow-gauge  Railroad,  and  gangs  engaged  in 
ballasting  and  track-laying  on  A  and  Bath  avenues- 
joining  the  strikers.  Lomis'  pickery,  Stump's  planing 
mill,  the  San  Antonio  and  Houston  freight  depot,  flour 
mills,  and  other  places  were  visited,  and  in  most 
instances  laborers  quit  work.  The  strike  was  confined 
entirely  to  unskilled  colored  laborers.  White  mechanics 
were  working  as  usual.  The  movement  was  without 
leaders,  or  a  common  purpose,  and  whenever  it  was  met 
with  firmness,  it  accomplished  nothing.  The  negroes  ap- 
peared to  be  unable  to  explain  why  they  struck,  or  what 
they  demanded.  The  movement  was  incited  by  white 
dempgogues.  A  strong  detachment  of  police  were  keep- 
ing the  strikers  constantly  in  view,  and  any  violence  to 
persons  or  property  would  have  been  promptly  sup- 
pressed. 

There  were  no  strikes  in  Virginia.  The  citizens  of 
Richmond  were  justly  moved  by  a  keen  sense  of  the  ad- 
mirable temper  displayed  by  the  railroadmen  there,  and 
the  laboring  classes  generally.  As  General  Wiekham 
said,  the  workingmen  of  that  city  were  the  first  in  the 
country  to  denounce  the  lawlessness  which  reigned  in 
several  sister  cities.  All  honor  to  them.  With  laborers 
the  times  were  hard.  But  while  wages  were  low,  their 
condition  in  that  respect  wouM  compare  favorably  with 
the  financial  status  of  any  city  in  tbe  country,  except, 
perhaps,  seme  municipalities  on  the  "Western  slope. 

Richmond,  compared  to  New  York,  showed  to  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  former,  securities  were  above  par,  busi- 
ne£B  was  increasing  in  volume,  and  at  a  turning  of  the 


THE    SOUTH    AND   THE    STRIKES.  437 

tide  that  promised  to  flood  with  speedy  improvement. 
Richmond  was  bound  to  be  strengthened  by  her  law- 
abiding  and  dignified  attitude  before  the  country. 
While  Northern  communities  were  aflame  with  an  ex- 
citement that  boded  no  permanent  or  transient  good,  the 
Southern  heart  beat  more  normal.  While  in  Northern 
cities  was  beheld  communism  rearing  its  dragon-head, 
the  great  centres  of  the  South  were  "  solid  "  in  their  de- 
votion to  industry,  and  in  their  respect  for  law. 

At  New  Orleans,  July  30th,  a  committee  of  the  Shoe- 
makers' Benevolent  Association  called  upon  the  Acting 
Mayor,  and  stated  that  when  the  association  attempted 
to  hold  a  meeting  they  were  surprised  to  find  in  the  hall 
a  number  of  policemen,  who  requested  the  society  to 
cease  all  deliberations.  The  committee  stated  that  they 
had  called  to  ascertain  the  cause  of  interference  by  the 
police.  Acting  Mayor  Dennis  replied  that  for  several 
days  many  rumors  had  prevailed  of  meetings  of  a  num- 
ber of  societies  on  Sunday,  and  in  addition  he  observed 
that  the  shoemakers  were  to  meet  at  a  building  where 
the  bakers,  by  an  advertisement,  had  requested  five  hun- 
dren  men  to  assemble.  Believing,  in  view  of  what  had 
occurred  North,  that  certain  emissaries  of  the  Commun- 
ists might  be  in  the  city,  and  that  until  the  crisis  had 
passed,  it  were  better  not  to  agitate  the  labor  question, 
he  had  directed  the  Chief  of  Police  to  suppress  all  meet- 
ings, for  the  time  being,  in  the  interests  of  the  whole 
people.  Had  the  shoemakers  notified  him  of  the  pro- 
posed meeting  he  would  have  gladly  furnished  a  suffi- 
cient police  force  to  preserve  order,  and  prevent  any  in- 
terference from  the  ruffianly  element.  If  at  any  future 
.day  they  proposed  to  meet,  and  notified  him  of  time  and 


438  TIIE    GREAT    STRIKES. 

place,  he  would  take  this  precaution.  The  committee 
expressed  itself  satisfied  with  this  arrangement,  and  gave 
assurance  that  the  society  is  on  the  side  of  law,  and  op- 
posed to  any  thing  which  would  disturb  existing  harmo- 
nious relations  between  labor  and  capital. 

It  was  a  Southern  brain  that  dictated,  and  a  Southern 
hand  that  traced  the  sentiments  quoted  below.  "  Call 
you  that  treason  ?  "What  we  need  is,  first,  to  correct 
abuses,  to  remove  the  cause  of  reduced  wages,  and  of 
violence,  to  restore  that  prosperity  which,  with  good 
management,  this  country  ought  always  to  have,  except 
for  the  brief  period  of  occasional  panic  and  depression. 
Then  we  need,  instead  of  meeting  violence  with  vio- 
lence, except  in  emergency,  or  providing  the  imperial 
machinery  for  repressing  disorder,  that  unerring,  in- 
evitable, and  continual  application  of  law  which  begets 
respect  for  law.  There  is  no  fear  of  power  or  respect 
for  force  which  can  ever  compensate  a  country  for  a 
want  of  that  regard  for  the  law  which  is  all  powerful  at 
all  times.  It  is  that  intangible  but  almighty  power 
which  constrains  a  people  with  all  the  bonds  of  use  and 
custom  which  they  live  under,  and  breathe  like  an 
atmosphere.  Men  fear,  and  love,  and  revere  it.  They 
respect  it,  and  never  hate  it  like  they  do  power  and  the 
military  force — the  machinery  of  despotism.  They 
would  as  soon  violate  the  natural  law  of  gravitation 
under  which  they  live,  as  to  violate  it.  It  is  that  we 
need,  not  power.  It  is  slow  of  growth,  but  it  may  ba 
grown  by  public  opinion,  constraining  the  courts  and 
juries,  for  it  is  not  courts  or  laws,  but  the  people  are  re- 
sponsible. Then  they  demand  'that  punishment  shalL 
follow  violation  of  law,  as  surely  as  sunrise  follows  suit- 


THE    SOUTH    AND   THE    STRIKES.  *439 

get,  as  surely  as  death  follows  the  violation  of  the 
natural  law  of  gravitation  ;  then  we  will  need  no  strong 
arm  and  have  no  violence.  These  are  remedies  strength- 
ening the  blind,  savage  arm  of  government,  which  is 
only  to  be  used  in  a  great  emergency,  and  regularly 
relied  on,  is  no  remedy." 


♦Twenty 'Six  pages  are  here  added  to  correct  the  omission  in  paging  the  illustrating. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 


"Minor  Developments  of  the  Strikes." 


How  a  Strike  was  Averted  on  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad — Conces- 
sions to  the  Men — A  Settlement  at  Memphis — Declaration  of  the 
Supreme  Council  of  the  Labor  Union,  Order  of  Melakhto — Rights 
and  Privileges — Sympathizers  with  the  Strikers — The  Engineers 
Brotherhood  at  Pittsburgh — Views  and  Opinions. 


Some  of  the  minor  incidents  of  the  Great  Strike 
about  this  time,  excited  an  important  influence  on  the 
general  course  of  events.  The  concessions  made  by 
railroad  companies  and  other  employers,  had  a  salutory 
effect  by  withdrawing  from  active  interest  in  the  move- 
ment, many  thousands  of  men.  In  all  cases  where  the 
demands  of  the  men  were  promptly  acceded  to,  all  en- 
thusiasm in  behalf  of  the  cause  of  the  strikers  at  once 
ceased.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  to  what  extent  the 
spirit  of  lawlessness  might  have  gone,  had  the  vast  num- 
ber of  men  who  made  demands,  been  repelled,  as  were 
the  employes  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio,  and  Pennsyl- 
vania Railroads.  The  course  pursued  by  those  manager* 
of  railroads  who  made  concession,  justly  entitles  them  to 
the  lasting  gratitude  of  the  people  of  the  entire  country. 
It  was  this  action  of  theirs  which  withdrew  a  mighty 
force  from  the  cause  of  the  strikers,  and  perhaps  even 
saved  the  country  from  a  revolution,  at  least  a  protracted 
period  of  mob-rule,  anarchy,  and  bloodshed.  They 
strained  a  point  to  do  what  they  did,  and  are  entitled  to 
the  honor  which  is  cheerfully  accorded  them. 


SUNOE   DEVELOPMENTS    OF   THE    STRIKES.  467 

The  situation  on  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  from 
Omaha  to  Ogden,  was  becoming  every  day  more  threat- 
ening. The  evening  of  the  19th,  about  three  hundred 
employes  of  that  road,  held  a  meeting  for  the  purpose  of 
-discussing  the  reduction  from  five  to  ten  per  cent,  in 
their  wages.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  confer 
with  Superintendent  Clark,  and  the  meeting  adjourned 
to  Monday  night.  The  night  for  the  meeting  arrived. 
By  this  time,  about  seven  hundred  employes  of  the 
road  had  come  to  Omaha,  and  were  present  to  receive 
the  report  of  the  committee.  The  chairman  of  the  com- 
mittee then  rose  and  stated  that  they  had  discharged  the 
duty  assigned  them.  They  had  met  Superintendent 
Clark,  who  had  received  them  in  a  cordial  manner,  and 
informed  them  that  the  Company  had  determined  to 
rescind  the  order  reducing  the  wages.  The  report  was 
received  with  immense  satisfaction.  Thus  was  averted 
a  strike  on  the  great  trans-continental  highway,  and  no 
further  trouble  was  experienced  on  that  road  during  the 
existence  of  the  strike. 

The  Central  Council  of  the  Labor  League  of  the 
United  States,  at  a  meeting  held  at  Washington  the 
afternoon  of  the  19th,  passed  a  series  of  resolutions  on 
the  depressed  state  of  labor  throughout  the  country,  and 
the  anticipated  results  to  flow  therefrom,  enjoining  cool- 
ness and  moderation  upon  the  members  of  the  order, 
and  especially  warning  them,  as  well  as  workingmen  in 
general,  to  beware  of  emissaries,  some  of  whom  had  en- 
deavored to  operate  at  Washington,  by  inciting  to 
strikes  and  violence,  measures  which  injure  labor  in 
general,  disturb  order,  and  end  in  the  conviction  and 
punishment  of    the  participants  therein.     The  council 


468  THE   GREAT    STRIKES. 

further  resolved  that  moral  agitation  is  the  strength  and 
power  by  which  labor  can  acquire  tangible  reformation,, 
and  that  mob  violence  and  riot  lead  only  to  anarchy  and 
the  final  destruction  of  human  liberty,  and  it  was  better 
to  submit  to  any  sort  of  despotism  for  the  time  being,  than 
to  have  no  government  at  all. 

A  strike  on  the  Memphis  and  Charleston  Kail  road 
was  averted  by  the  action  of  the  Kailroad  Company. 
Dissatisfaction  with  the  wages  received  had  been  mani- 
fested for  some  days.  The  evening  of  the  19th  was 
selected  as  a  suitable  time  to  hold  a  meeting  of  employes, 
to  give  expression  to  their  views  and  wishes.  Accord- 
ingly, the  machinists  and  carpenters  of  the  road  met 
quietly  and  discussed  the  present  condition.  The  result 
was  the  drawing  up  of  resolutions,  which  were  placed  in 
the  hands  of  a  committee,  who  waited  on  the  master 
mechanic,  II.  N.  Bufor'd,  who  referred  them  to  Colonel 
C.  M.  McGhee,  manager  of  the  road,  upon  whom  they 
called,  at  the  Peabody  Hotel,  late  in  the  evening.  The 
resolutions  were  respectfully  couched.  The  machinists 
and  carpenters  requested  that  their  wages  be  made  the 
same  as  those  paid  for  the  same  work  by  the  Mississippi 
and  Tennessee,  and  the  Memphis  and  Louisville  roads. 
The  cost  of  living  was  enumerated,  and  the  careful  con- 
sideration of  their  petition  requested.  The  increase 
asked  was  in  some  cases  ten  cents,  in  some  fifteen  cents, 
and  others  twenty-five  cents  per  diem.  This  road  was 
not  making  expenses,  and  the  employes  appreciated  the 
difficulties  under  which  the  management  labored.  The 
plan  had  been  to  keep  up  the  regular  force  on  trains,  and 
to  reduce  fares,  so  as  to  throw  none  out  of  employment. 

The  trainmen  presented  their  needs   to  Colonel  Mc- 


MINOR    DEVELOPMENTS    OF    THE   STRIKES.  460 

Ghee,  who  agreed  to  meet  his  petitioners  in  conference  at 
eleven  o'clock  the  following  day.  The  matter  was  amic- 
ably adjusted.  At  noon  Colonel  McGhee  met  the  com- 
mittee appointed  by  the  employes,  and  after  a  free  dis- 
cussion and  consultation  as  to  the  causes  of  the  strike, 
an  arrangement  was  agreed  upon  as  to  rates  of  wages,, 
which  was  alike  satisfactory  to  the  Railroad  Company  and 
the  employes.  There  was  no  further  trouble  on  the 
Charleston  road,  and  every  thing  moved  along  as  before 
the  appearance  of  the  unpleasantness. 

A  convocation  of  the  Supreme  Council  of  the  Labor 
Union  of  the  order  of  Melakhto,  for  the  State  of  Mis- 
souri was  called  at  St.  Louis.  This  organization  is  said 
tb  number  more  than  two  hundred  thousand  in  the 
United  States.  It  is  a  secret  society,  and  has  for  its 
object  the  educational,  social,  and  physical  well  being  of 
the  working  people.  The  situation  of  the  country  was 
discussed,  and  the  following  declaration  of  rights  and 
privileges  was  issued  to  the  members  of  the  order. 

Every  man  has  a  right  to  determine  for  himself,, 
whether  he  will'  or  will  not,  work  for  any  wages  that 
may  be  offered  him.  No  man  has  a  right  to  determine 
for  another  man,  whether  that  other  man  shall,  or  shall 
riot,  work  for  any  wages  that  may  be  offered. 

No  man  has  a  right  to  prevent  another  man  from 
doing  any  work,  not  noxious  to  society,  and  not  danger- 
ous to  other  individuals,  which  he  may  think  best  to  do. 

Every  man  has  a  right  to  his  own  freedom. 
•'  Every  man  has  a  right  to  act,  or  not  to  act,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  dictates  of  his  own  judgment,  and  his  own 
conscience. 

No  man  has  a  right  to  interfere  with  the  freedom  of 


470  THE    GREAT   STRIKES. 

another,  by  dictating  either  how  he  shall  feel,  what  ho 
shall  think  and  say,  or  what  he  shall  do. 

The  foundation  of  society  in  this  country  is  freedom, 
and  anything  except  the  laws  of  God,  or  the  laws  of  the 
land,  which  interfere  with  freedom  must  be  suppressed 
and  removed. 

The  Supreme  Council  of  the  Labor  Union,  O.  M.,  of 
Missouri,  solemnly  affirms  that  it  is  the  privilege  of  all 
men — 

To  refrain  from  labor  at  any  time,  even  though  that 
should  result  in  a  complete  stagnation  in  all  business. 

That  since  employers  exercise  the  privilege  of  closing 
their  manufactories,  thereby  depriving  their  employes 
of  the  means  of  labor,  the  employes  are  entitled  to  the 
privilege  of  depriving  employers  of  their  services  at 
any  time. 

That  it  is  the  privilege  of  all  men  to  give  full  expres- 
sion to  whatever  views  they  may  entertain,  and  that  any 
interference  therewith  is  gross  tyranny  and  should  be 
resisted. 

That  it  is  an  unquestioned  privilege,  appertaining  to 
manhood,  of  laboring  men  in  all  departments  of  human 
industry,  to  combine  together  in  associations  to  promote 
the  general  welfare  of  their  class,  as  much  as  it  is  the 
privilege  of  capitalists  to  combine  in  corporations. 

That  statutes  formed  by  several  State  Legislatures 
and  known  as  conspiracy  laws,  encroach  upon  the  priv- 
ileges of  the  people  to  organize  and  combine  forces. 

That  it  is  the  privilege  of  capital  to  combine,  and  no 
less  the  privilege  of  labor  to  combine  to  resist  the  power 
of  combined  capital,  by  ail  legitimate  means. 

That  it  is  the  privilege  of  the  people  to  assemble,  and 


MINOR    DEVELOPMENTS    OF    THE    STRIKES.  471 

diBCiiss  any  subject  in  their  own  way,  and  all  municipal 
regulations  which  trench  upon  this  privilege,  should  be 
set  aside  as  unconstitutional,  and  subversive  of  popular 
liberty. 

That  it  is  the  privilege  of  this  Supreme  Counsel  of 
the  Labor  Union,  Order  Melakiito,  to  express  sympathy 
with  the  railroad  and  all  other  laborers  now  on  strike, 
and.  to  lend  aid  and  comfort  to  them  so  long  as  they  re- 
frain from  acts  of  violence. 

The  discussion  of  the  question  of  cause  was  taken  up 
by  all  the  leading  journals  of  the  country.  Every  one 
had  a  particular  theory,  and  nearly  every  one  had  a 
ready  patent  remedy  for  the  occurrence  of  such  strikes. 
The  following  is  one  of  the  remedies  suggested  by  one 
of  the  leading  men  in  the  nation,  and  published  at  the 
time.  Secretary  Evarts  said  but  a  few  days  ago,  that  "  if 
we  want  to  sell,  we  must  buy."  The  laws  and  treaties 
affecting  foreign  commerce  be  changed  so  as  to  allow  us 
to  exchange  our  products  for  others.  In  this,  the  rail- 
road companies  and  their  people  have  a  common  inter- 
est ;  and  the  managers  of  these  companies  are  to  blame 
that  they  have  not  forseen  trouble  and  arrested  it  by 
showing  their  workmen  where  lies  the  true  remedy  for 
the  general  depression,  and  leading  them  to  demand 
needed  changes.  The  country  is  not  really  poor ;  it  is 
suffering  because  it  has  too  great  abundance.  One  of 
the  communistic  speakers  said,  that  the  great  increase 
of  labor-saving  machinery  had  not  improved,  as  it  ought, 
the  condition  of  the  workmen.  He  was  perfectly  right ; 
but  the  workmen  themselves  are  largely  to  blame  for 
this  ;  they  have  tolerated  a  total  neglect  of  foreign  com- 
merce, and  in  the  course  of  time  the  country  has  come 


472  THE    GKEAT    STRIKES. 

to  a  point  where  it  can  manufacture  more — not  much 
more,  but  yet  more  than  it  can  consume.  The  surplus 
■weighs  like  lead  on  every  branch  of  industry  ;  it  depres- 
ses prices  and  disables  manufacturers,  who  find  the  home 
market  overstocked  by  nine  months  work  in  the  year, 
and  are  prevented  by-plundering  laws  from  selling  the 
surplus  abroad.  Suppose  our  wheat  farmers  could  not 
sell  their  surplus  in  Europe.  They  would  be  utterly 
ruined,  no  matter  how  great  their  crops  were.  But 
that  is  precisely  the  condition  of  our  manufacturers,  and 
all  interests  suffer  with  them — the  railroads  of  course 
chief  of  all.  The  workingmen  can  easily  and  quickly 
change  all  that,  but  not  by  striking.  Let  them  demand 
that  Congress  shall  free  foreign  trade  from  some  of  the 
shackles,  and  they  will  see  a  new  prosperity  rapidly 
springing  up,  and  labor  in  demand  everywhere,  we  must 
sell  our  surplus. 

There  was  one  feature  that  cropped  out  in  the  wide- 
spread riots,  that  was  full  of  meaning,  and  that  was  the 
great  body  of  suffering  men  opposed  to  any  infraction  of 
the  law.  Hungry  and  naked  as  they  were,  they  placed 
their  brawny  bodies  between  the  vicious  rabble  and  those 
who  were  injuring  them.  This  changed  it  from  the  form 
of  a  strike  for  wages,  to  an  earnest  protest  against  a  cruel 
and  wicked  national  policy,  and  it  was  a  protest  that 
must  be  heeded. 

The  workingmen  were  only  resisting  a  strike  inaugu- 
rated by  the  officers  of  the  railroads.  These  had  com- 
bined to  cut  down  wages,  and  the  men  said,  "  we  will 
not  stand  the  reduction."  An  idle,  vicious  rabble  took 
advantage  of  the  disorder  to  steal,  burn  and  rob.  The 
injured  men  interposed  and  said  to  the  mob,  you  shall 


MINOR   DEVELOPMENTS    OF    THE    STRIKES.  473 

not  destroy  the  property  of  our  employers,  however 
much  they  have  wronged  us!  Their  protest  was  honor- 
able, calm,  magnanimous !  In  the  meantime,  tramps 
were  multiplying;  the  hungry,  the  starving,  the  naked, 
were  daily  increasing.  This  condition  of  things  could 
not  be  trifled  with.  It  ought  to  be  considered  and 
remedied.  Men  cannot,  and  will  not  "  grind  at  the  mill 
forever."  Even  in  America,  the  proletariat  is  becom- 
ing great  in  numbers,  and  dangerous  in  disposition.  A 
policy  that  increases  the  number  of  poor,  that  depresses 
the  condition  of  the  working  people  is  unwise,  and  must 
inevitably  end  in  the  destruction  of  social  order  and  the 
ruin  of  the  country. 

A  largely  attended  meeting  of  the  merchants  of 
Evansville,  Indiana,  met  at  the  Court  House  in  that  city, 
on  the  evening  of  the  22nd  of  July,  to  discuss  the  situ- 
ation of  the  country.     Mr.  Peter  Semonin  presided. 

Mr.  Read  explained  that  in  view  of  the  troubles  by 
which  the  country  had  been  invaded,  it  had  been  deemed 
expedient  to  call  the  business  men  of  the  city  together. 
He  thought  the  President  ought  to  be  petitioned  to  con- 
vene Congress  immediately,  to  repeal  the  resumption  act. 
The  strike  was  not  an  excuse,  there  was  wide-spread  dis- 
satisfaction. It  was  growing  worse  every  day,  but  they 
had  hope  of  settling  the  difficulty  without  bloodshed. 
Men  must  not  die  from  starvation.  They  would  not  sub- 
mit to  that.  He  was  opposed  to  the  resumption  act 
heart  and  soul.  All  the  people  were  in  the  same  boat. 
As  merchants  he  declared  they  would  not  turn  back 
against  the  working  classes  for  John  Sherman.  The 
sooner  the  bondholders  were  made  acquainted  with  that 
fact  the  better  for  the  country. 


474  THE    GREAT   STRIKES. 

Mr.  "Williamson  moved  the  appointment  of  a  commit- 
tee of  five,  to  draw  up  resolutions  expre?sive  of  the 
6ense  of  the  meeting.  The  committee  having  performed 
the  services  assigned  them,  returned  with  the  following 
declaration  and  resolutions,  which  were  adopted  : 

In  view  of  the  disorders  existing  throughout  the  coun- 
try, consequent  upon  the  revolt  of  workingmen  against 
the  reduction  of  wages  below  the  cost  of  comfortable 
living,  and  that  the  people  of  this  city  may  clearly  un- 
derstand the  relations  of  the  business  men  of  Evans- 
ville  towards  their  fellow  citizens,  comprising  what  is 
known  as  "  The  Laboring  Class,"   this  meeting  declares 

1.  That  the  prosperity  of  business  men  being  directly 
dependent  upon  well-paid  labor,  and  the  happiness  and 
prosperity  of  the  masses,  it  is  the  interest  as  it  is  the 
duty  of  business  men  to  demand  the  removal  of  all 
causes  that  compel  employers  to  curtail  expenses  beyond 
a  point  that  makes  economy  an  oppression  too  grevious 
to  be  borne. 

2.  That  business,  despite  the  practice  of  the  greatest 
prudence  on  the  part  of  employers,  has  hardly  been  self- 
sustaining  for  years 'past,  and  believing,  as  we  do,  that 
the  cause  of  this  general  stagnation  in  the  commercial 
and  manufacturing  world,  is  directly  traceable  to  the 
poliy  of  forced  resumption,  to  be  reached  through  the* 
severe  contraction  of  the  currency,  we  respectfully  re- 
quest of  the  administration  the  cessation  of  the  contrac- 
tion polic}*,  and  demand  of  our  Representatives  and  Sen- 
ators in  Congress  the  unconditional  repeal  of  the  resump- 
tion act. 

3.  That  the  bankrupt  law  be  abolished. 

4.  That  we  favor  the  making  of  the  silver  dollar  a 
legal  tender  for  all  debts. 


MKfOE   DEVELOPMENTS    OF   THE   STRIKES.  475 

5.  That  we  have  every  confidence  in  the  good  citizen- 
ship of  the  industrial  classes  of  this  community,  and  we 
pledge  ourselves  to  use  every  influence  at  our  command 
to  secure  relief  from  the  evil  legislation  that  has  resulted 
so  disastrously  to  the  entire  people. 

6.  That  we  cordially  approve  the  action  of  the  work- 
ingmen  in  tendering  their  services  to  the  Mayor  and  city 
authorities  for  the  protection  of  life  and  property,  and 
the  preservation  of  law  and  order,  and  that  the  chairman 
of  this  meeting  be  authorized  to  make  a  similar  tender 
on  behalf  of  the  business  men  of  Evansville. 

At  Cincinnati,  on  Monday  evening,  22nd  of  July, 
shortly  after  the  steamer  W.  P.  Thompson  had  come  in 
and  began  to  unload  her  freight,  a  swarm  of  negro  roughs 
from  the  "  Yellowhammer "  saloon,  "  Pickett's,"  the 
"  Steamboatman's "  saloon,  and  other  extraordinary 
places  along  the  landing,  descended  upon  the  Thomp- 
son's crew  with  drawn  pistols  and  boulders,  and  ordered 
them  to  quit  work,  or  strike  for  higher  wages.  The 
crew,  which  consisted  of  twenty-three  men,  attempted 
to  keep  on  working ;  but  their  boss,  a  hard  working  lit- 
tle roustabout  called  "  Nigger  Jack,"  had  to  quit  in  con- 
sequence of  being  hurt  by  a  boulder,  and  the  mob  com- 
menced throwing  rocks  on  board  the  boat.  There  must 
have  been  at  least  one  hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred 
of  these  fellows,  who  were  not  working  themselves,  and 
wanted,  apparently,  to  keep  others  from  working.  There 
were  no  white  tramps,  it  seems,  in  the  black  flock  ;  and 
the  rumor  that  the  idea  of  the  undertaking  was  organ- 
ized in  the  h  Blazing  Stump  "  does  not  seem  probable. 

The  captain  had  actually  anticipated  the  possibility 
of  a  row  x>f  this  kind,  because  at  Pittsburgh  the  'long- 

28 


476  THE    GREAT    8TKTK.E8. 

shoremen  bad  been  striking  for  thirty  cents  an  hour, 
in  consequence,  he  ordered  the  mate  to  pay  the  crew 
twenty-five  cents  per  hour  for  night  work,  the  old  rate 
being-  twenty  cents.  The  strikers  however,  made  the 
crew  demand  thirty  cents,  and  compelled  them  to  stop 
work.  As  the  W.  P.  Thompson  had  to  leave  at  a  very 
early  hour,  and  would  lose  much  more  by  a  few  hours 
delay  than  would  suffice  to  make  up  the  difference  in 
wages.  The  captain  stepped  on  shore  and  told  the 
strikers  he  was  going  to  pay  thirty  cents  per  hour.  The 
crowd  then  became  quiet  and  the  work  went  on. 

Mr.  H.  C  Lord,  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  experi- 
enced railway  men  in  the  West,  gave  his  views  of  the 
railway  strikes  in  a  very  able  and  interesting  letter  to  the 
Cincinnati  Enquire7\  from  which  we  make  some  extracts. 
They  touch  the  vitals  of  the  whole  difficulty.  It  is  well 
known  that  very  many  of  our  roads  are  in  the  hands  of 
Federal  and  State  courts,  whose  records  show  that  the 
pay-rolls  of  the  employes  are  terribly  in  arrears,  while 
they  should  have  been  promptly  paid,  in  preference  to 
bondholders  or  any  other  class  of  creditors.  So  they 
are  left  to  the  mercy  of  the  small  grocers  and  shop 
keepers,  who  have  furnished  them  food  and  raiment 
upon  their  credit  in  the  corporations,  and  now  the  em- 
ploye is  refused  further  credit,  and  is  at  the  same  time 
called  on  to  pay  up  his  back  dues,  which  he  cannot  do. 
He  is  alarmed  and  desperate,  and  now  a  further  reduc- 
tion in  his" wages  is  threatened.  Mr.  Lord  says,  further, 
"  Itjis  perfectly  well  known,  at  least  to  the  railway  and 
mercantile  communitv,  that  while  there  has  been  no  es- 
sential  falling  off  during  the  past  two  years  in  the  num- 
ber of  passengers  carried  on  our  railroads,  nor  in  the 


MTNOK    DEVELOPMENTS    OF    THE   STRIKES.  477 

amount  of  tonnage  hauled  between  the  seaboard  and  our 
Western  cities,  farms,  and  prairies,  yet  the  business  has 
been  done  at  rates  of  fare  and  freight  earning  no  profit 
to  the  companies,  but,  on  the  contrary,  involving  them  in 
daily  loss.  I  venture  the  assertion  that  if  fair  and  ju- 
dicious rates  of  transportation  had  been  fixed,  and  not 
departed  from,  nearly  every  railroad  in  the  country  would 
to-day  be  in  a  prosperous  condition,  its  men  paid  up  and 
contented,  the  whole  country  more  prosperous,  and  not 
a  road  strike  throughout  the  land. 

"  Now,  who  is  to  blame  for  this  gross  mismanagement  % 
Certainly  not  the  engineers  and  firemen,  nor  the  brake- 
men,  nor  the  mechanics,  nor  the  section  men,  and  yet 
they  are  the  parties  virtually  called  upon  to  make  up  the 
loss.  The  merchants  and  manufacturers  of  the  country 
have  not  enforced  these  ruinous  rates  of  transportation. 
All  they  ever  need  or  ask  for  is  uniform  rates  over  all 
competing  lines  to  common  points ;  and  what  difference 
has  it  made  to  the  western  tanner  whether  his  wheat, 
corn,  and  cattle  paid  twenty  cents  freight  to  New  York 
or  fifty  cents,  so  long  as  the  rates  were  uniform,  and  the 
price  to  the  consumer  was  the  original  cost  of  the  pro- 
duct, with  the  actual  freight  added  ?  No,  the  great 
fault  lies  with  the  railway  managers,  who  have  defied  all 
established  maxims  and  rule  of  correct  business  pro- 
cedure, who  have  quarreled  among  themselves,  and  in- 
augurated a  policy  of  personal,  and  local,  and  corpora- 
tive rivalry  and  competition,  which  has  been  destructive 
of  the  property  they  were  pledged  to  protect,  and  of  all 
confidence  in  railway  securities,  and  they  are  now  striving 
to  stem  the  tide  by  the  practice  of  a  false  economy,  in 
striking  a  blow  at  the  wages  of  over-worked  men.  while 


478  THE   GREAT   STRIKES. 

the  rates  of  transportation  are  not  changed.  They  give 
another  turn  to  the  screw  upon  wages,  but  make  no  ef- 
fort to  reform  themselves.  The  result  is  natural,  inevit- 
able, and  will  continue  to  be  as  it  is  as  long  as  the  world 
shall  stand.  Capital  and  men  in  power  become  timid, 
apprehensive,  and  call  upon  the  State  for  protection,  and 
labor  becomes  first  suspicious,  and  then  mutinous." 

About  this  time  a  Buffalo  railroad  fireman  published 
an  account  of  the  life  and  pay  of  a  fireman  on  the  engine 
of  the  Lake  Shore  road.  An  extract  will  be  found  in- 
teresting as  containing  one  view  of  the  strikers  cause. 
He  wrote,  "  After  the  last  cut  down,  we  firemen  received 
one  dollar  and  forty-six  cents  for  running  one  hundred 
miles,  and  our  division  is  eighty-eight  miles  long.  Now 
supposing  we  start  out  of  here  early  in  the  morning.  "We 
get  our  breakfast  here  which  costs  twenty-five  cents.  At 
Dunkirk  we  dine,  which  costs  twenty-five  ceuts  more, 
and  on  arriving  at  Erie  we  have  supper,  costing  twenty- 
five  cents  more.  Our  lodging  also  costing  twenty-five 
cents,  making  one  dollar  in  all.  So  that  here  alone  we 
have  about  forty-six  cents  left.  Now,  if  we  were  able  to 
run  all  the  time,  and  make  all  the  trips  possible,  we  would 
clear  above  board,  about  twelve  dollars  per  month. 
From  this  comes  washing  and  other  incidentals.  This  is 
only  a  bare  statement,  when  in  reality  there  are  hundreds 
of  cases  where  the  men  fall  below  many  a  month.  A 
month  ago  a  test  was  made  by  an  unmarried  fireman, 
who  was  well  known  for  his  economical  habits.  "Well, 
he  ran  as  often  as  he  could,  and  made  many  extra  trips, 
and  had  an  unusually  good  month.  It  was  found  at  the 
end  of  the  month  that  he  owed  fifty  cents. 

This  man  is  ready  to  take  the  stand   and  swear  to  the 


MINOR   DEVELOPMENTS    OF   THE    STRIKES.  479 

truth  of  this  fact.  Very  bright  prospects  for  the  future, 
was  it  not  ?  The  remainder  of  the  employes  are  as  had 
off  in  regard  to  pay,  and  many  of  them  worse  then  we  are. 
I  suppose  you  think,  like  all  other  people,  that  we  are 
a  fierce  set  of  fellows,  anxious  to  burn  and  smash  things, 
etc.,  a  set  of  lions  going  about  seeing  what  they  can 
devour.  But  all  of  our  men,  excepting  a  few  who  are 
under  the  influence  of  liquor,  have  decided  to  be  quiet, 
and  make  no  violent  demonstrations  whatever.  From 
all  I  can  find  out  none  of  the  acts  done  here  to-day  have 
been  committed  by  the  strikers,  although  there  may  have 
been  one  or  two  of  the  fellows  mixed  up  in  some  way, 
but  as  a  general  rule  they  are  quiet  and  not  a  bit  warlike. 
We  are  confident  of  success,  as  we  believe  we  have  the 
sympathy  of  the  people." 

Such  are  some  of  the  phases  of  the  opinion  which  pre- 
vailed at  the  time  of  the  great  strikes.  They  are  interest- 
ing now,  and  will  prove  more  so  as  the  scenes  and  inci- 
dents of  the  great  strikes  become  a  mere  episode  in  the 
history  of  our  country.  They  prove,  too,  that  the  popular 
sympathies  were  without  doubt  with  the  strikers,  but 
not  with  the  vicious  rabble  that  gathered  in  every  city — 
with  no  other  motive  than  to  pillage  and  burn  down 
houses,  and  committ  other  deeds  of  violence.  But  the 
thieves  were  not  railroad  strikers. 

A  large  amount  of  jewelry  and  silverware  was  found 
in  one  car,  which  was  distributed  with  a  prodigality  that 
would  have  astonished  the  legitimate  owners.  A  few 
very  fine  pictures  were  found  and  carried  off  by  persons 
whose  appearance  indicated  a  woeful  want  of  aesthetic 
culture.  There  was  no  attempt  at  concealment.  Pro- 
perty thus  stolen  was  exhibited  as  freely  as  if  it  had  been 


480  THE   GKEAT   8TKIKE8. 

honestly  acquired.  Men  exchanged  old  boots  for  new 
ones  without  hesitation  or  shame.  One  person  secured 
several  silk  dress  patterns  Sunday  morning  and  sold  them 
for  oue  dollar  and  fifty  cents  each.  It  was  a  harvest  for 
those  who  did  not  know  the  difference  between  meum  et 
tuum.  But  it  is  a  fact  well  attested  that  these  depreda- 
tions were  not  committed  by  railroad,  or  any  other 
laborers  or  artisans  as  a  class,  but  by  the  evil  disposed  of 
-all  classes.  All  railroadmen  are  not  honest  or  perfect 
men,  neither  are  all  capitalists,  bankers,  merchants, 
priests  or  preachers.  Human  nature  is  about  the  same 
in  all  classes,  and  with  all  conditions  of  the  people. 


